IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


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PhotDgraphic 

Sciences 

Corporation 


23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  14580 

(716)  873-4503 


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¥ 


CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHIVI/ICIVIH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  Microreproductions  /  Institut  Canadian  de  microreproductions  historiques 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notes/Notes  techniques  et  bibliographiques 


Thi 
tot 


The  institute  has  attempted  to  obtain  the  best 
original  copy  available  for  filming.  Features  of  this 
copy  which  may  be  bibliographically  unique, 
which  may  alter  any  of  the  images  in  the 
reproduction,  or  which  may  significantly  change 
the  usual  method  of  filming,  are  checked  below. 


□    Coloured  covers/ 
Couverture  de  couleur 


Pyj''  Covers  damaged/ 


D 


D 
D 
D 
D 

n 


Couverture  endommagie 


Covers  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Couverture  restaurie  et/ou  pelliculte 


I      I    Cover  title  missing/ 


Le  titre  de  couverture  manque 


I      I    Coloured  maps/ 


D 


Cartes  g^ographiques  en  couleur 


Coloured  inic  (i.e.  other  than  blue  or  black)/ 
Encre  de  couleur  (i.e.  autre  que  bleue  ou  noire) 


Coloured  plates  and/or  illustrations/ 
Planches  et/ou  illustrations  en  couleur 


Bound  with  other  material/ 
ReliA  avec  d'autres  documents 

Tight  binding  may  cause  shadows  or  distortion 
along  interior  margin/ 

La  re  liure  serr6e  peut  causer  de  I'ombre  ou  de  la 
distortion  le  long  de  la  marge  intirieure 

Blank  leaves  added  during  restoration  may 
appear  within  the  text.  Whenever  possible,  these 
have  been  omitted  from  filming/ 
II  se  peut  que  certaines  pages  blanches  ajouties 
lors  d'une  restauration  apparaissent  dans  le  texte, 
mais,  lorsque  cela  6tait  possible,  ces  pages  n'ont 
pas  6t6  fiimies. 

Additional  comments:/ 
Commentaires  suppiimentaires; 


L'Institut  a  microfilmi  le  meilleur  exemplaire 
qu'il  lui  a  iti  possible  de  se  procurer.  Les  ddtails 
de  cet  exemplaire  qui  sont  peut-Atre  uniques  du 
point  de  vue  bibliographique,  qui  peuvent  modifier 
une  image  reproduite,  ou  qui  peuvent  exiger  une 
modification  dans  la  mithode  normale  de  filmage 
sont  indiquis  ci-dessous. 


I      I   Coloured  pages/ 


Pages  de  couleur 

Pages  damaged/ 
Pages  endommagies 


□    Pages  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Pages  restaur^es  et/ou  peliicuides 

r~*L/Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxed/ 
U^  Pages  dicoiories,  tacheties  ou  piquies 

□    Pages  detached/ 
Pages  ditachdes 

Showthrough/ 
Transparence 

Quality  of  prir 

Qualiti  inigale  de  I'impression 

Included  supplementary  materit 
Comprend  du  matdriei  suppl^mentaire 

Only  edition  available/ 
Seule  Edition  disponible 


The 
pes 
of 
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b«fi 
the 
sior 
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firs 
sior 
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[""V  Showthrough/ 

I      I    Quality  of  print  varies/ 

r~~1    Included  supplementary  material/ 

I     I    Only  edition  available/ 


D 


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bag 
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Pages  wholly  or  partially  obscured  by  errata 
slips,  tissues,  etc..  have  been  refilmed  to 
ensure  the  best  possible  image/ 
Les  pages  totalement  ou  partiellement 
obscurcies  par  un  feuillet  d'errata,  une  pelure, 
etc.,  ont  M  filmdes  i  nouveau  de  faqon  d 
obtenir  la  meilleure  image  possible. 


This  item  is  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 

Ce  document  est  filmA  au  taux  de  reduction  indiquA  ci-dessous. 


10X 

14X 

18X 

22X 

26X 

aox 

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12X 


16X 


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28X 


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Th«  copy  filmad  h«r«  has  b««n  raproducsd  thanks 
to  tha  ganarosity  of: 


L'axamplaira  filmt  fut  raproduit  grica  A  la 
ginArositA  da: 


UniversM  de  Sherbrooka 


UniversM  de  Sherbrooks 


Tha  imagas  appaaring  hara  ara  tha  baat  quality 
possibia  conaidaring  tha  condition  and  lagibility 
of  tha  original  copy  and  in  kaaping  with  tha 
filming  contract  spacificationa. 


Original  copiaa  in  printad  papar  covars  ara  filmad 
baginning  with  tha  front  covar  and  anding  on 
tha  last  paga  with  a  printad  or  illuatratad  impraa- 
sion.  or  tha  back  covar  whan  appropriata.  All 
othar  original  copiaa  ara  filmad  baginning  on  tha 
first  paga  with  a  printad  or  illuatratad  impraa- 
sion,  and  anding  on  tha  laat  paga  with  a  printad 
or  illuatratad  impraaaion. 


Tha  laat  racordad  frama  on  aach  microflcha 
shall  contain  tha  symbol  ^^  (moaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  tha  symbol  ▼  (moaning  "END"), 
whichavar  appliaa. 


Las  imagas  suivantas  ont  St6  raproduitas  avac  la 
plus  grand  soin.  compta  tanu  de  la  condition  at 
da  la  nattatA  da  l'axamplaira  film*,  at  an 
conformity  avac  iaa  conditiona  du  contrat  da 
filmaga. 

Laa  axamplairaa  originaux  dont  la  couvartura  an 
papiar  aat  imprimAa  sont  filmAs  an  commandant 
par  la  pramiar  plat  at  an  tarminant  soit  par  la 
darnlAra  paga  qui  comporta  una  smprainta 
d'imprassion  ou  d'illustration,  soit  par  la  sacond 
plat,  salon  la  cas.  Toua  las  autras  axamplaires 
originaux  sont  filmto  an  commandant  par  la 
pramiAra  paga  qui  comporta  una  amprainta 
d'impraaaion  ou  d'illustration  at  9n  tarminant  par 
la  darnlAra  paga  qui  comporta  una  taila 
amprainta. 

Un  das  symbolaa  suivants  apparaitra  sur  la 
darni^ra  imaga  da  chaqua  microflcha.  salon  la 
cas:  la  symbols  — *>  signifia  "A  SUIVRE".  la 
symbols  y  signifia  "FIN". 


Mapa.  plataa.  charta.  ate.  may  ba  filmad  at 
diffarant  raduction  ratioa.  Thoaa  too  larga  to  ba 
antiraly  includad  in  ona  axpoaura  Bf  filmad 
baginning  in  tha  uppar  laft  hand  cornar.  laft  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  aa  many  framaa  aa 
raquirad.  Tha  following  diagrama  illuatrata  tha 
mathod: 


Laa  cartas,  planchas.  tableaux,  etc..  pauvent  dtre 
filmte  A  des  taux  da  rMuction  diffirants. 
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reproduit  en  un  seul  cliche,  il  est  film*  d  partir 
de  Tangle  supArieur  gauche,  de  gauche  *  droite, 
et  de  haut  en  baa.  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'imagea  niceaaaira.  Las  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrant  la  mAthoda. 


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3  1156  00131   0716 

AN  ACCOUNT 


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^•i' 


DISCOVERIES  IN  THE  WEST  UNTIL  1519, 


▲  RD  or. 


VOYAGE   S 


TO    AND    ALONG    THE 


Section 
UOifOE 


ATLANTIC  COAST  OF  NORTH  AMERICA, 


FROM   1520   T  O  1573. 


r  V 


I 


preparedfor 
"  The  Virginia  Historical  and  Philosophical  Society.' 
BY  CONWAY  ROBINSON, 

Chairman   of    its   Executive   Committee, 

AMD    PUBLISHED   BT   THE    SOCIETV. 


RICHMOND: 

PRINTEn     nr   SHEPHERD    AND    COLIN. 


v^ObiMOn,^  Conway 
D^ooveries 
Voyages  to  and  alou 
Notth  Amerlcaj   "  '^ 
mond,  18' 
Ya.  HfltC  Boo. 


BIBLIOTHEQUE  UNIVERSITE  DE  SHERBROOKE 


!'«'i:akb«,4Mt 


twt,".  J^K-. .','  'i.i''<r''T*»»llip>"WW 


'^;. 


1»*  ■ "'%    \  < 

I  /     • 


,   ■    'W- 


■i   ■■">»!!:. 1 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  on  the  sixteenth  day  of 
August,  in  the  year  eighteen  hundred  and  forty-eight,  by  Williabi 
Maxwell,  Secretary  of  "  The  Virginia  Historical  and  Philosophical 
Society,"  on  behalf  of  the  said  Society,  in  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the 
District  Court  of  the  Eastern  District  of  Virginia. 


•''■  -1 .? 


V-i 


mUgprNatil) 


t^offectfon 
NOUOE 


PREFACE. 


\  / 


,M^^ 


On  the  29th  of  December  1831,  some  of  the  citi- 
zens of  Virginia  formed  themselves  into  a  society  by 
the  name  of  "  The  Virginia  Historical  and  Philoso- 
phical Society."  The  general  assembly  of  the  state, 
by  an  act  of  the  10th  of  March  1834,*  incorporated 
the  society,  and  by  a  resolution  of  the  6th  of  Febru- 
ary 1835,  directed  to  be  presented  to  it,  a  copy  of  the 
large  map  of  Virginia,  and  such  books  and  papers  be- 
longing to  the  library  fund  as  the  joint  committee  on 
the  library  might  designate.! 

A  leading  object  of  the  society  was  to  collect  and 
preserve  books  and  papers,  both  in  print  and  manu- 
script, relating  to  the  history  of  America,  and  espe- 
cially of  Virginia ; — to  make  its  library  a  repository 
of  every  thing  of  the  kind  as  far  as  practicable.  It 
was  also  contemplated  to  publish  from  time  to  time, 
the  most  valuable  of  its  collections,  so  as  to  dissemi- 
nate information  of  the  matter  thus  acquired,  and 

*  Sess.  Acts  1833-4,  p.  253,  ch.  901.       f  Sess.  Acta  1834-5,  p.  354. 


•"«"«u,i«4.ja«*i^'^ 


IV 


PREFACE. 


have  the  security  against  destruction  or  loss  which  a 
multipHcation  of  copies,  by  printing,  would  afford. 
Accordingly,  as  early  as  1 833,  the  society  published, 
in  a  pamphlet  of  86  pages,  some  of  the  manuscripts 
collected  by  it. 

Its  operations  were  suspended  from  the  20th  of 
February  1838  until  the  18th  of  February  1847. 
Then  through  the  efforts  of  a  few  gentlemen,  promi- 
nent among  whom  was  William  Maxwell,  Esquire, 
the  society  was  re-organized.  Its  first  annual  meet- 
ing, under  its  new  organization,  was  held  on  the  16th 
of  January  1848.  On  this  occasion  an  appropriate 
address  was  delivered  by  the  president,  William  C. 
Rives,  Esquire ;  and  a  report  was  made  by  the  exe- 
cutive committee. 


\      K 


A  part  of  "  the  plan  of  the  committee,"  set  forth  in  this 
report,  "is  to  publish  in  chronological  order,  whatever  matter 
relating  to  our  history,  it  may  deem  worthy  of  publication. 
In  preparing  the  matter  for  the  press,"  the  committee  say, 
"  a  careful  examination  will  be  made,  not  only  of  Smith, 
Beverley,  Stith,  Burk,  and  other  books  with  which  a  Vir- 
ginian is  familiar,  but  of  other  works,  hitherto  not  accessi- 
ble in  this  state.  What  is  taken  from  each  will  be  given 
in  the  language  of  the  original  author.  It  will  be  a  lead- 
ing object  to  prepare  the  matter  with  such  fullness,  that  in 
each  volume  published  by  the  society,  may  be  found  all 
that  is  of  value  in  the  period  of  our  history,  embraced  by 
it.     While,  at  the  same  time,  it  will  be  attempted  to  make 


PBEFACE.  V 

the  volumes  less  repulsive  to  the  general  reader,  than  col- 
lections of  historical  societies  usually  are.  The  plan  of 
preparing  the  matter  in  the  order  of  time,  will  conduce  to 
this,  and  entitle  the  volumes  to  the  name  which  will  be 
given  them  of  '  Annals  of  Virginia.'  " 

Before  publishing  those  annals,  it  has  been  thought 
best  that  there  should  be  a  preliminary  volume  giving 
an  account  of  the  discoveries  in  this  western  hemis- 
phere until  the  invasion  of  Mexico  in  1519;  and  of 
the  voyages  to  and  along  the  Atlantic  coast  of  North 
America  down  to  1573.  The  chairman  of  the  exe- 
cutive committee,  from  whom  this  account  was  de- 
sired, had,  otherwise,  ample  occupation  for  all  his  time. 
To  execute  in  a  manner  satisfactory  to  himself,  the 
important  work  entrusted  to  him  and  his  able  coadju- 
tor by  the  general  assembly,  namely,  the  revision  of 
the  general  statutes  of  Virginia,  he  had  found  himself 
under  the  necessity,  during  its  progress,  of  diminish- 
ing considerably  his  professional  business.  For  him, 
at  such  a  time,  to  compile  what  the  committe^^  wish- 
ed, was,  to  say  the  least,  extremely  inconvenient.  He 
saw  no  way  in  which  it  could  be  done,  except  by  his 
taking  for  it,  in  lieu  of  other  relaxation,  a  part  of 
each  night  for  several  months.  In  this  way  he  has 
accomplished  the  volume ;  it  goes  from  him  now  to 
the  members  of  the  society,  prepared  as  well  as  his 
other  engagements  would  permit. 


mmmmm 


t4,^ihiMm.        -ii. 


^*^ 


PBEFACB. 


A  good  deal  of  matter  not  generally  known,  will, 
it  is  thought,  be  found  in  it.  Nearly  all  the  accounts 
which  it  contains,  of  voyages  to  Florida,  and  some  of 
the  other  accounts,  have  been  translated  from  "Voy- 
ages, relations  et  memoires  originaux  pour  servir  a 
I'histoire  de  la  decouverte  de  L'Amerique,  publics 
pour  la  premiere  fois  en  Fran9ais,  par  H.  Ternaux." 
From  1837  to  1841,  twenty  volumes  were  published 
in  Ternaux's  Collection,  all  of  which  have  been  exa- 
mined in  the  preparation  of  this  volume,  so  far  as 
their  connection  with  the  subject  made  it  proper. 

Richmond,  August  1848. 


Ml 

m 


-.^i;^^Jl^i£iA'J^J.-  . 


CONTENTS 


BOOK  I. 


OF  DISCOVERIES  IN  THE  WEST  UNTIL  1519. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Of  the  alleged  discovery  of  America  by  the  Northmen  in  the 
eleventh,  by  the  Welch  in  the  twelfth,  and  by  Nicholas  and  An- 
tonio Zeno  in  the  fourteenth  century. 

CHAPTER  II. 

Of  Christopher  Columbus ;  his  plan  for  reaching  India  by  a  route 
to  the  west ;  the  fate  of  his  applications  to  the  Court  of  Por- 
tugal from  1470  to  1484,  and  afterwards  to  the  Court  of  Spain 
till  1492;  a  squadron  then  fitted  out. 

CHAPTER  III. 

Of  the  first  voyage  of  Columbus  to  the  west ;  his  departure  on 
the  3d  of  August  1492 ;  discovery  of  land  in  the  West  Indias 
on  the  12th  of  October  in  that  year;  and  return  to  Spain  in 
March  1493. 

CHAPTER  IV. 

Of  the  second  voyage  of  Columbus ;  discovery  of  other  isles  in 
1493  and  1494 ;  settlement  at  La  Navidad  destroyed  and  City 
of  Isabella  built. 


*^^^ 


Vlll 


CONTENTS. 


W^ 


CHAPTER  V. 

Of  the  a)>plication  of  Columbus,  through  his  brother  Bartholo- 
mew, to  Henry  the  Seventh  of  England ;  the  arrival  of  fiartho^ 
lomew  at  Hispaniola;  and  the  meeting  there  of  the  two  bro- 
thers in  1494. 

CHAPTER  VI. 

Of  the  departure,  in  the  absence  of  Columbus,  of  some  of  the 
malcontents  for  Spain;  state  of  hostilities;  bold  exploit  of 
Alonzo  de  Ojeda ;  Indian  prisoners  sent  to  Spain  to  be  sold  as 
slaves;  the  interposition  of  Isabella  for  them;  and  the  i^nifer- 
ings  of  the  natives  notwithstanding. 

CHAPTER  VII. 

Of  the  arrival  at  Hispaniola  of  Juan  Aguado  as  commissioner  in 
1495;  the  return  of  Columbus  and  Aguado  to  Spain  in  1496; 
the  favourable  reception  of  Columbus  by  the  sovereigns ;  and 
their  promise  to  him  of  another  armament. 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

Of  the  discovery  of  North  America  by  Sebastian  Cabot.  Expla- 
nation of  the  difference  between  the  legal  year  as  used  in  Eng- 
land before  1753,  and  the  year  as  generally  used  in  historical 
chronology.  Under  a  license  which  issued  in  February  of  the 
legal  year  1497,  Cabot  having  discovered  North  America  in 
June  following,  that  June  shewn  to  be  in  1498,  and  the  disco- 
very therefore  not  in  1497  but  in  1498. 

-  CHAPTER  IX. 

Of  ^he  discovery  of  the  continent  of  South  America  by  Colum- 
bus in  1498;  and  the  treatment  which  he  experienced  after- 
wards. 

CHAPTER  X. 

Of  the  voyage  of  Americus  Vespucius  with  Alonzo  de  Ojeda,  and 
of  other  voyages  from  Spain  along  the  coast  of  South  America 
in  1499  and  1500. 


j»f 


C0MTKNT8. 


IX 


w 


CHAPTER  XI. 

or  the  accidental  discovery  of  Brazil  by  the  Portuguese  in  1500 ; 

*  the  voyage  of  Amcricus  Vespucius,  under  the  King  of  Portu- 
gal, to  that  province  in  1501 ;  the  voyage  of  Cortereal  in  the 
same  year  to  the  northwest;  and  the  patents  obtained  from 
Henry  the  Seventh  of  England  in  1501  and  1502,  by  Portu- 
guese, to  enable  them  to  make  discoveries. 

CHAPTER  Xn. 

Of  the  fleet  and  orders  sent  out  with  Ovando  to  Hispaniola  in 
1502 ;  the  voyage  made  the  same  year  to  the  northern  coast  of 
South  America  by  Alonzo  de  Ojeda;  the  last  voyage  of  Co- 
lumbus ;  and  his  wearisome  detention  at  Jamaica. 

CHAPTER  XHI.  ' 

Of  the  voyage  of  Americus  Vespucius  to  Brazil  in  1503 ;  and  the 
name  of  America  given  to  this  part  of  the  world. 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

Of  the  return  of  Columbus  from  the  West  Indias  to  Spain  in 
1504,  and  his  death  in  1506 ;  observations  on  his  character. 


CHAPTER  XV. 


U.Ji'/'i        it 


Of  the  little  port  of  Palos,  where  Columbus  fitted  out  his  ships; 
a  pilgrimage  to  it  by  an  American. 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

Of  Americus  Vespucius  from  1505  to  1508;  his  appointment 
then  as  chief  pilot  of  Spain ;  and  the  expeditions  of  Vicente 
Yanez  Pinzon  and  Juan  Diaz  de  Solis  in  1506  and  1508. 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

^f  the  subjugation  of  Hispaniola,  and  its  government  under  Diego 
Columbus;   also  of  the  subjugation  of  Porto  Rico  in  1509, 
while  Juan  Ponce  de  Leon  was  commander  in  that  island, 
ii 


'■♦.«»*«  k&kvU 


CONTLNTS. 


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CHAPTER  XVIII. 

Of  the  subjugation  of  Jamaica  in  1509,  and  the  armaments  in  the 
same  year  to  found  colonies  along  the  isthmus  of  Darien ;  the 
attempts  of  Alonzo  de  Ojeda  to  plant  his  colony ;  his  conflicts 
with  the  Indians ;  and  the  formula  read  to  them  as  an  excuse 
for  killing  them. 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

Of  the  voyage  of  Alonzo  de  Ojeda  in  1509  from  the  isthmus  of 
Darien  for  Hispaniola;  his  landing  in  Cuba,  and  his  hardships 
there  on  his  journey  by  land ;  the  little  oratory  which  he  built ; 
his  course  then  by  Jamaica  to  San  Domingo,  and  his  death 
there. 

CHAPTER  XX. 

Of  the  proceedings  of  Diego  de  Nicuesa,  the  Bachelor  Martia 
Fernandez  de  Enciso,  Vasco  Nunez  de  Balboa  and  Francisco 
Pizarro  in  1509, 1510  and  1511 ;  the  settlement  of  the  three  last 
at  Darien ;  the  conduct  of  the  people  of  Darien  to  Nicuesa ; 
his  hardships  and  death. 

CHAPTER  XXI. 

Of  the  return  of  the  Bachelor  Enciso  to  Spain  in  1511 ;  the  at- 
tack of  Vasco  Nunez  upon  Careta,  the  cacique  of  Coyba ;  the 
peace  made  between  them  by  Vasco  Nufiez  taking  as  a  wife  a 
young  and  beautiful  daughter  of  Careta;  his  friendly  visit  to 
Comagre;  the  skill  and  solidity  of  the  architecture  of  Com a- 
gre's  village ;  and  the  information  received  from  the  son  of  Co- 
magre, of  a  great  sea  and  opulent  country  beyond  the  moun- 
tains. 

CHAPTER  XXH. 

Of  the  death  of  Americus  Vespucius  in  1512,  and  the  appoint- 
ment of  Sebastian  Cabot  as  his  successor ;  Bartholomew  Co- 
lumbus sent  this  year  from  Spain  with  instructions  to  his  ne- 
phew the  admiral. 


»i 


^ 


CONTENTS. 


*Xl 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 
Of  the  discovery  of  Florida  in  1512  by  Juan  Ponce  de  Leon. 

CHAPTER  XXIV. 

Of  several  expeditions  of  V asco  Nunez  in  1512 ;  the  conspiracy 
this  year  by  the  natives  and  the  defeat  of  their  plan ;  the  ab- 
sence of  news  from  Valdivia  who  had  been  sent  on  a  mission  to 
Hispaniola ;  the  stranding  of  Valdivia  and  his  crew  on  the  coast 
of  Yucatan ;  the  sending  of  commissioners  from  Darien  to 
Spain ;  and  the  arrival  at  Darien  of  ships  from  Hispaniola  with 
supplies. 

CHAPTER  XXV. 

Of  the  journey  by  Vasco  Nunez  across  the  isthmus  of  Darien, 
and  his  discovery  of  the  Pacific  ocean  on  the  26th  of  Septem- 
ber 1513. 

CHAPTER  XXVI. 

Of  the  voyage  of  Vasco  Nunez  along  the  coast  of  the  Pacific ; 
the  intimation  received  by  him  of  the  great  empire  of  Peru ; 
and  his  return  to  Darien  on  the  19th  of  January  1514. 

CHAPTER  XXVII. 

Of  the  appointment  of  Don  Pedro  Arias  Davila,  commonly  called 
Pedrarias,  in  1514,  as  governor  of  Darien ;  the  prosperous  state 
of  the  colony  under  the  management  of  Nunez  when  Pedrarias 
arrived ;  the  conduct  of  Pedrarias  to  Nunez ;  the  sickness  of ' 
the  colony  soon  after  the  arrival  of  Pedrarias ;  his  unsuccess- 
ful expeditions;  and  the  despatches  from  Spain  in  favour  of 
Nunez. 


CHAPTER  XXVm. 

Of  several  expeditions  in  1515  under  Pedrarias,  one  of  which 
was  to  the  Pacific;  also  of  the  discovery  of  the  Rio  de  la 
Plata. 


'•--■■  '■--r''VHiiiiiiiUifiiBMmi,vn-  in  i 


XII 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 

Of  Juan  Ponce  de  Leon ;  his  voyage  to  Guadaloupe  in  1515,  the 
^   visit  this  year  of  Diego  Columbus  to  Spain,  and  the  death  of 

Bartholomew  Columbus;  also  of  Sebastian  Cabot,  from  1515 

to  1518. 

CHAPTER  XXX. 

Of  the  reconciliation  between  Pedrarias  and  Vasco  Nunez;  a 
marriage  agreed  upon  between  Nunez  and  the  eldest  daughter 
of  Pedrarias,  to  take  place  on  her  arrival  from  Spain ;  autho- 
rity to  Nunez  in  1516  to  make  an  expedition  to  explore  the 
Southern  Ocean ;  his  proceedings ;  the  perfidy  of  Andres  Ga- 
rabito;  the  hypocrisy  of  Pedrarias,  and  his  arrest  of  Nunez. 

CHAPTER  XXXI. 

Of  the  trial  and  execution  in  1517  of  Vasco  Nunez  de  Balboa, 
the  discoverer  of  the  Pacific  Ocean. 


m 


CHAPTER  XXXII. 

Of  the  voyage  of  Juan  de  Ampies  to  Coriana  in  1517;  and  the 
building  of  the  town  of  Coro;  also  of  Oviedo,  the  celebrated 
historian. 

CHAPTER  XXXIII. 

Of  the  discovery  of  Yucatan  by  Francisco  Hernandez  de  Cordova 
in  1517 ;  the  voyage  thither  of  Juan  de  Grijalva  in  1518 ;  the 
rescue  there  in  1519  by  Hernando  Cortez  of  Jeronimo  de 
Aguilar  one  of  the  companions  of  Valdivia,  whose  vessel  was 
stranded  on  that  coast  several  years  before;  and  the  famous 
voyage  of  Magellan. 


tlAcftc  r'^>"  ■  •  ^'^M*  ^- ' '^  i. «' 


CONTENTS. 


XUl 


BOOK  II. 

VOYAGES  TO  AND  ALONG  THE  ATLANTIC  COAST  OF 
NORTH  AMERICA,  FROM  1520  TO  1573. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Of  the  voyages  of  Luke  Vasquez  d'Aylon  to  Florida  in  1520  and 
1524;  and  that  of  Juan  Ponce  de  Leon  in  I52I. 

CHAPTER  n. 

Of  the  project  of  Cortez  in  1524,  for  examining  the  coast  of  the 
Atlantic  as  well  as  the  Pacific. 

CHAPTER  III. 

Of  the  voyage  of  John  de  Verazzano  in  1524,  along  the  coast  of 
North  America,  from  Carolina  to  Newfoundland. 

CHAPTER  IV. 

Of  the  voyage  of  Stephen  Gomez  to  the  northwest  in  1525. 

CHAPTER  V. 

Of  the  voyage  made  by  Sebastian  Cabot  in  1526. 

CHAPTER  VL 

Of  a  voyage  from  England  to  the  northwest  in  1527. 

CHAPTER  VII. 

Of  the  expedition  of  Pamphilo  de  Narvaez  to  Florida  in  1527 ; 
and  Cabeca  de  Vaca's  long  and  perilous  journey  on  foot  to 
MexicQ. 


>i^i*<^wiiiiiimiiii.iflMa,,.i.i>„.  .^ 


XIV 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 
Of  the  period  from  1527  to  1534. 

CHAPTER  IX. 

Of  the  voyage  of  Jacques  Carthier  to  Newfoundland  in  1534. 

CHAPTER  X. 

Of  the  second  voyage  of  Jacques  Carthier,  wherein  he  explored 
the  St.  Lawrence,  in  1535. 

CHAPTER  XI. 

Of  a  voyage  of  Mr.  Hore  and  others,  from  England  to  the  north- 
west in  1536. 

CHAPTER  XII. 

Of  the  expedition  of  Ferdinand  de  Soto  to  Florida  in  1539 ;  and 
his  march  thence  to  the  Mississippi ;  his  death  in  1541 ;  and 
the  subsequent  progress  of  his  troops. 

CHAPTER  Xm. 

Of  the  voyage  of  Jacques  Carthier  to  Canada  in  1540. 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

Of  the  voyage  of  Sir  John  Francis  de  la  Roche,  Lord  of  Rober- 
val,  to  Canada  in  1542. 

CHAPTER  XV. 

Of  the  voyage  of  Gregorio  de  Beteta  on  the  Florida  coast  in 
1549 ;  and  of  Sebastian  Cabot  from  his  return  to  England  in 
1548,  until  his  death  in  1557. 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

Of  an  examination  of  the  coast  of  Florida  in  1558,  wherein  was 
seen  a  bay,  described  as  "  the  largest  and  most  commodious 
bay  of  all  on  these  shores,"  which  was  named  then  Philipina, 


CONTENTS. 


Z7 


and  afterwards  Santa  Maria  Philipina;  also  of  an  expedition 
in  1559,  to  the  port  of  Y'Chuse,  in  thirty  degrees  twenty  mi- 
nutes, about  twenty  leagues  south  of  the  bay  of  Santa  Maria ; 
and  of  a  reconnoissance  in  1561,  to  a^out  thirty-five  degrees. 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

Of  the  dissensions  existing  in  France  in  1562 ;  and  the  voyage 
thence  to  Florida  this  year  under  captain  John  Ribault. 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 

Of  the  Huguenots  in  France  from  1562  to  1564 ;  and  the  voyage 
of  M.  Rene  Laudonniere  in  1564  from  that  country  to  Florida. 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

Of  Sir  John  Hawkins;  his  voyages  from  London  to  Africa  to 
take  negroes  and  sell  them ;  his  visit  to  Laudonniere  in  Florida 
in  1565 ;  and  his  going  home  by  Newfoundland. 

CHAPTER  XX. 

Of  the  voyage  of  Ribault  from  France  to  Florida  in  1565 ;  and 
the  massacre  there  of  the  French  by  the  Spaniards  under  Me- 
nendez. 

CHAPTER  XXI. 

Of  the  Chevalier  de  Gourgue ;  his  chivalrous  enterprise ;  the  man- 
ner in  which  the  massacre  of  the  French  in  Florida  by  the 
Spaniards  in  1565  was  avenged  by  him  at  the  same  place  in 
1568. 

CHAPTER  XXII. 

Communication  from  Robert  Greenhow,  Esq.,  stating  that  the 
Spaniards  in  1566,  had  knowledge  of,  and  in  1573  visited  a  bay 
called  Santa  Maria,  in  the  latitude  of  thirty-seven  degrees;  and 
suggesting  that  this  bay  must  have  been  the  Chesapeake. 


.>.^<<Afall^i^^^»t^^iy^iH^,;;:.«j■>iiiHlti«i<^,aaI::.;i^^^^J^  _^ 


i 


P 


i*.m«i.5;j«*^  ■     '*' 


BOOK  I. 

OF  DISCOVERIES  IN  THE  WEST  UNTIL  1519, 


CHAPTER  I. 

Of  the  alleged  discovery  of  America  by  the  Northmen  in  the  eleventh, 
by  the  Welch  in  the  twelfth,  and  by  Nicholas  and  Antonio  Zeno  in 
the  fourteenth  century. 

Many  elaborate  dissertations  have  been  written  to 
prove  that  discoveries  were  made  on  the  northern 
coast  of  America  before  the  era  of  Columbus.  The 
following  is  extracted  from  the  second  chapter  of 
Mr.  Wheaton's  History  of  the  Northmen  :* 

"There  was  formerly,  say  the  ancient  Sagas,  a  man 
named  Herjolf,  who  was  descended  from  Ingolf,  the  first 
settler  of  Iceland.  This  man  navigated  from  one  country 
to  another  with  his  son  Bjarne.  and  generally  spent  the 
winters  in  Norway.  It  happened  once  on  a  time  that  they 
were  separated  from  each  other,  and  Bjarne  sought  his  fa- 
ther in  Norway,  but  not  finding  him  there,  he  learnt  that  he 
was  gone  to  the  newly  discovered  country  of  Greenland. 


*  "  History  of  the  Northmen  or  Danes 
and  Normans  from  the  earliest  times  to 
the  conquest  of  England  by  William  of 
Normandy.    By  Henry   Wtaeaton,  hono- 


rary member  of  the  Scandinavian  and  Ice- 
landic literary  societies  at  Copenhagen," 
published  at  Philadelphia  in  1831. 


■,1"W^P^i~i^ 


'<^"*'^^^^>^^y.^.>».mM.,^^..,.ami4^..»..^.... 


f^fmmmir 


*mmm'm 


2 


VOYAGES  IN  ELEVENTH  CENTURY. 


[book  I. 


f 


Bjarne  resolved  to  seek  and  find  out  his  father,  wherever 
he  might  be,  and  for  this  purpose  set  sail  for  Greenland 
(1001),  directing  himself  by  the  observation  of  the  stars, 
and  by  what  others  had  told  him  of  the  situation  of  the 
land.  The  three  first  days  he  was  carried  to  the  west,  but 
afterwaids,  the  wind  changing,  blew  with  violence  from 
the  north,  and  drove  him  southwardly  for  several  days. 
He  at  last  descried  a  flat  country,  covered  with  wood,  the 
appearance  of  which  was  so  diflferent  from  that  of  Green- 
land, as  it  had  been  described  to  him,  that  he  would  not  go 
on  shore,  but  made  sail  to  the  northwest.  In  this  course, 
he  saw  an  island  at  a  distance,  but  continued  his  voyage, 
and  arrived  safely  in  Greenland,  where  he  found  his  father 
established  at  the  promontory,  afterwards  called  Herjolfs- 
noBs,  directly  opposite  to  the  southwest  point  of  Iceland. 

"(1002.)  In  the  following  summer,  Bjarne  made  another 
voyage  to  Norway,  where  he  was  hospitably  received  by 
Erik,  a  distinguished  Jarl  of  that  country.  The  Jarl,  to 
whom  he  related  his  adventures,  reproached  him  for  not 
having  explored  the  new  land  towards  which  he  had  been 
accidentally  driven.  Bjarne  having  returned  to  his  father 
in  Greenland,  there  was  much  talk  among  the  settlers  of 
pursuing  his  discovery.  The  restless,  adventurous  spirit  of 
Leif,  son  of  Erik  the  Red,  was  excited  to  emulate  the  fame 
his  father  had  acquired  by  the  discovery  of  Greenland.  He 
purchased  Bjarne's  ship,  and  manned  it  with  thirty-five 
men.  Leif  then  requested  his  father  to  become  the  com- 
mander of  the  enterprize.  Erik  at  first  declined,  on  ac- 
count of  the  increasing  infirmities  of  his  old  age,  which 
rendered  him  less  able  to  bear  the  fatigues  of  a  sea-faring 
life.  He  was  at  last  persuaded  by  his  son  to  embark,  but 
as  he  was  going  down  to  the  vessel  on  horseback,  his  horse 
stumbled,  which  Erik  received  as  an  evil  omen  for  his  un- 
dertaking : — *  I  do  not  believe,'  said  he,  '  that  it  is  given  to 
me  to  discover  any  more  lands,  and  here  will  I  abide.'    Erik 


U 


CHAP.  I.] 


VOrAOES  IN  ELEVENTH  CENTURY. 


3 


retii.ned  back  to  his  house,  and  Lief  set  sail  with  his  thirty- 
five  companions,  among  whom  was  one  of  his  father's  ser- 
vants, a  native  of  the  South-countries,  named  Tyrker  (Die- 
terich-Dirk),  probably  a  German. 

'•  They  first  discovered  what  they  supposed  to  be  one  of 
the  countries  seen  by  Bjarne,  the  coast  of  which  was  a  flat, 
stony  land,  and  the  back  ground  crowned  with  lofty  moun- 
tains, covered  with  ice  and  snow.  This  they  named  Hel- 
luland,  or  the  flat  country.  Pursuing  their  voyage  farther 
south,  they  soon  came  to  another  coast,  also  flat,  covered 
with  thick  wood,  and  the  shores  of  white  sand,  gradually 
sloping  towards  the  sea.  Here  they  cast  anchor  and  went 
on  shore.  They  named  the  country  Mark-land,  or  the  coun- 
try of  the  wood,  and  pursued  their  voyage  with  a  north- 
east wind  for  two  days  and  nights,  when  they  discovered  a 
third  land,  the  northern  coast  of  which  was  sheltered  by  an 
island.  Here  they  again  landed,  and  found  a  country,  not 
mountainous,  but  undulating  and  woody,  and  abounding 
with  fruits  and  berries,  delicious  to  the  taste.  From  thence 
they  re-embarked,  and  made  sail  to  the  west  to  seek  a  har- 
bour, which  they  at  last  found  at  the  mouth  of  a  river, 
where  they  were  swept  by  the  tide  into  the  lake  from  which 
the  river  issued.  They  cast  anchor,  and  pitched  their  tents 
at  this  spot,  and  found  the  river  and  lake  full  of  the  largest 
salmon  they  had  ever  seen.  Finding  the  climate  very  tem- 
perate, and  the  soil  fruitful  in  pasturage,  they  determined  to 
build  huts  and  pass  the  winter  here.  The  days  were  nearer 
of  an  equal  length  than  in  Greenland  or  Iceland,  and  when 
they  were  at  the  shortest,  the  sun  rose  at  half  past  seven, 
and  set  at  half  past  four  o'clock.* 

"  It  happened  one  day  soon  after  their  arrival,  that  Tyr- 
ker, the  German,  was  missing,  and  as  Leif  ?ot  a  great  value 
upon  the  youth,  on  account  of  his  skill  in  various  arts,  he 


♦Supposing  this  computation  to  be  cor-       Boston,  the  present  capital  of  New  Eng- 
rect,  it  must  have  been  in  the  latitude  of       land. 


-••»•. *wS*6»^,»„i^  ,„ 


VOYAGES  IN  ELEVENTH  CENTURY. 


[MOOE    1. 


« 


sent  his  followers  in  search  of  him  in  every  direction. 
When  they  at  last  found  him,  he  began  to  speak  to  them 
in  the  Teutonic  language,  with  many  extravagant  signs  of 
joy.  They  at  last  made  out  to  understand  from  him  in  the 
North  tongue,  that  he  had  found  in  the  vicinity  vines  bear- 
ing wild  grapes.  He  led  them  to  the  spot,  and  they  brought 
to  their  chief  a  quantity  of  the  grapes  which  they  had  ga- 
thered. At  first  Leif  doubted  whether  they  were  really 
that  fruit,  but  the  German  assured  him  he  was  well  ac- 
quainted with  it,  being  a  native  of  the  southern  wine  coun- 
tries.    Leif,  thereupon,  named  the  country  Yinland. 

"  In  the  spring  following,  Leif  returned  to  Greenland. 
In  the  winter  died  his  father,  Erik  the  Red,  and  his  brother 
Thorwald,  not  being  satisfied  with  the  discoveries  made  by 
Leif,  obtained  from  him  his  ship,  and  engaged  thirty  com- 
panions to  embark  with  him  on  a  new  voyage  of  discovery. 
On  his  arrival  in  Yinland,  he  passed  the  winter  in  the  huts 
constructed  by  Leif,  and  subsisted  by  fishing.  In  the  spring, 
he  took  with  him  a  part  of  his  ship's  company  in  a  large 
boat,  and  explored  the  coast  to  the  westward,  which  he 
found  a  pleasant  country,  well  wooded,  the  shores  consist- 
ing of  banks  of  white  sand,  and  a  chain  of  islands  running 
along  the  coast,  separated  from  each  other  by  shallow  in- 
lets, but  no  trace  of  wild  beasts  or  of  human  inhabitants, 
except  a  corn-shed  of  wood.  After  spending  the  summer 
in  this  excursion,  they  returned  to  their  winter  quarters.  In 
the  following  summer,  Thorwald  sailed  in  his  ship  to  exa- 
mine the  east  and  north,  but  was  cast  on  shore  by  a  storm, 
and  the  whole  season  was  lost  in  repairing  the  vessel.  Here 
he  erected  the  keel  of  his  ship,  which  was  no  longer  fit  for 
service,  on  a  head-land,  which  he  called,  from  that  circum- 
stance, Kijalar-nes.  He  then  pursued  his  voyage  to  the 
eastward,  giving  names  to  the  various  capes  and  bays  which 
he  discovered,  until  he  came  to  a  large  inlet,  where  he  cast 
anchor,  attracted  by  the  promising  appearance  of  the  coun- 


■^ 


CHAP.    I.] 


VOYAGES    IN    ELEVENTH    CENTITRT. 


try,  which  rose  in  high  lands  covered  with  thick  wood. 
Here  the  adventurers  disembarked,  and  Thorwald  declared 
'  this  is  a  goodly  place  :  here  will  I  take  up  my  abode.' 
Shortly  afterward,  the  adventurers  descried  on  the  shore 
three  small  batteaux  made  of  hides,  under  each  of  which 
was  a  band  of  three  natives.  These  they  took  prisoners, 
except  one,  who  made  his  escape  to  the  mountains,  and  in- 
humanly put  them  to  death  the  same  day.  A  little  while 
after,  their  wanton  cruelty  was  avenged  by  the  natives,  who 
approached  in  a  multitude  of  batteaux,  and  took  the  com- 
panions of  Thorwald  by  surprise,  as  they  were  imprudently 
sleeping,  contrary  to  his  admonitions.  Thorwald  gave  them 
the  alarm,  and  ordered  them  to  shield  themselves  against 
the  arrows  of  the  natives  by  wooden  balks  set  up  against 
the  sides  of  the  vessel.  Not  one  of  his  companions  was 
wounded,  and  the  natives  took  to  flight,  after  discharging  a 
shower  of  arrows  at  the  Northmen.  But  Thorwald  him- 
self received  a  mortal  wound,  and  at  his  own  request  was 
buried  at  the  point  of  the  promontory,  where  he  meant  to 
have  settled,  and  a  cross  erected  at  his  head  and  another  at 
his  feet.  The  cape  was  named,  from  this  circumstance, 
Krossa-nes.  The  colony  of  Greenland  had  been  before  this 
time  converted  to  Christianity,  but  Erik  the  Red,  Thor- 
wald's  father,  died  a  heathen.  The  survivors  of  Thorwald 
passed  the  winter  in  Yinland,  and  in  the  spring  returned  to 
Greenland  with  the  news  of  their  discoveries,  and  of  the 
melancholy  fate  of  Thorwald. 

"  The  native  inhabitants  found  by  the  Northmen  in  Vin- 
land,  resembled  those  on  the  western  coast  of  Greenland. 
These  Esquimaux  were  called  by  them  Skroclingar,  or 
dwarfs,  from  their  diminutive  and  squalid  appearance,  in  the 
same  manner  as  their  Gothic  ancestors  had  given  a  similar 
appellation  to  the  Finns  and  Laplanders.  They  found  these 
aborigmes  deficient  in  manly  courage  and  bodily  strength. 


VOTAaES    IN    ELEVENTH    CENTURY. 


[book  I. 


"  Erik  left  another  son,  named  Thorstcin,  who,  having 
learnt  the  death  of  his  brother  Thorwald,  embarked  for  Vin- 
land  with  twentjr-fivo  companions  and  his  wife  Gudrida, 
principally  for  the  purpose  of  bringing  home  the  body  of 
his  deceased  brother.  He  encountered  on  his  passage  con- 
trary winds,  and  after  beating  about  for  some  time,  was  at 
last  driven  back  to  a  part  of  the  coast  of  Greenland,  far  re- 
mote from  that  where  the  Northmen  colony  was  established. 
Here  he  was  compelled  to  pass  the  winter,  enduring  all  the 
hardships  of  that  rigorous  season  in  a  high  northern  lati- 
tude, to  which  was  added  the  misfortune  of  a  contagious 
disease  which  broke  out  amongst  the  adventurers.  Thors- 
tein  and  the  greater  part  of  his  companions  perished,  and 
Gudrida  returned  home  with  his  body. 

*•  In  the  following  summer,  there  came  to  Greenland  from 
Norway,  a  man  of  illustrious  birth  and  great  wealth,  named 
Thorfin,  who  became  enamoured  of  Thorstein's  widow 
Gudrida,  and  demanded  her  in  marriage  of  Leif,  who  had 
succeeded  to  the  patriarchal  authority  of  his  father,  Erik 
the  Red.  The  chieftain  determined  to  effect  a  settlement 
in  Yiuland,  and  for  that  purpose  formed  an  association  of 
sixty  followers,  with  whom  he  agreed  to  share  equally  the 
profits  of  the  enterprise.  He  took  with  him  all  kinds  of 
domestic  animals,  tools,  and  provisions  to  form  a  permanent 
colony,  and  was  accompanied  by  his  wife  Gudrida,  and  five 
other  women.  He  reached  the  same  point  of  the  coast  for- 
merly occupied  by  Leif,  where  he  passed  the  winter.  In 
the  following  spring,  the  SkroBlingar  came  in  great  multi- 
tudes to  trade  with  the  Northmen  in  peltries  and  other  pro- 
ductions. Thorfin  forbade  his  companions  from  selling 
them  arms,  which  were  the  objects  they  most  passionately 
desired ;  and  to  secure  himself  against  a  surprise,  he  sur- 
rounded his  huts  with  a  high  pallisade.  One  of  the  natives 
seized  an  axe,  and  ran  off  with  his  prize  to  his  companions. 
He  made  the  first  experiment  of  his  skill  in  using  it  by 


I 


CHAP.  I.] 


VOYAQES  IN  ELEVENTH  CENTURY. 


Striking  one  of  his  companions,  who  fell  dead  on  the  spot. 
The  natives  were  seized  with  terror  and  astonishment  at 
this  result,  and  one  of  theru,  who,  by  his  commanding  air 
and  manner  seemed  to  bo  a  chief,  luoK  the  axe,  and  after 
examining  it  for  some  time  with  great  attention,  threw  it 
indignantly  into  the  sea. 

"After  a  residence  of  three  years  in  Vinland,  Thorfin  re- 
turned to  his  native  country  with  specimens  of  the  fruits 
and  peltries  which  he  had  collected.  After  making  several 
voyages,  he  finished  his  days  in  Iceland,  where  he  built  a 
large  mansion,  and  lived  in  a  style  of  patriarchal  hospitality, 
rivalling  the  principal  chieftains  of  the  country.  He  had  a 
son  named  Snorre,  who  was  born  in  Vinland  ;  and  Gudrida, 
his  widow,  afterwards  made  a  pilgrimage  to  Rome,  and  on 
her  return  to  Iceland,  retired  to  a  convent,  situated  near  a 
church  which  had  been  erected  by  Thorfin. 

"  We  dwell  upon  these  collateral  circumstances,  because 
they  serve  to  confirm  the  authenticity  of  the  main  narra- 
tives, by  reference  to  facts  and  incidents  notorious  to  all  the 
people  of  Iceland.  A  part  of  Thorfin's  company  still  re- 
mained in  Vinland,  and  they  were  afterwards  joined  by  two 
Icelandic  chieftains,  named  Helgi  and  Fiombogi,  who  were 
brothers,  and  fitted  out  an  expedition  from  the  Greenland 
colony.  They  were  persuaded  by  Freydisa,  daughter  of 
Erik  the  Red,  an  intriguing  and  deceitful  woman,  to  per- 
mit her  to  accompany  them,  and  to  share  in  the  advantages 
of  the  voyage.  During  her  residence  in  the  infant  colony, 
this  female  fury  excited  violent  dissensions  among  the  set- 
tlers, which  terminated  in  the  massacre  of  thirty  persons. 
After  this  tragic  catastrophe,  Freydisa  returned  to  her  pater- 
nal home  in  Greenland,  where  she  lived  and  died  the  object 
of  imiversal  contempt  and  hatred.* 


*  Snorre,  Saga  af  Olafl  Tryggva  Syni.cap.  cv— cxli.    Torftei,  Hiat.  Vinlandioi  antiqu«, 
cap.  i,— iii. 


8 


VOYAGES  IN  ELEVENTH  CENTURV. 


[book  r. 


"  The  Eyrbyggja-Saga  relates,  that  towards  the  close  of 
the  reign  of  King  Olaf  the  Saint,*  Gudleif,  the  son  of  Gud- 
laug,  made  a  trading  voyage  from  Iceland  to  Dublin,  and  as 
he  was  returning  along  the  western  coast  of  Ireland,  met 
with  heavy  gales  from  the  east  and  north,  which  drove  him 
far  into  the  ocean  towards  the  southwest.  After  many  days, 
Gudleif  and  his  companions  saw  land  in  that  direction,  and 
approaching  the  shore,  cast  anchor  in  a  convenient  harbour. 
Here  the  natives,  who  were  dark  coloured,  approached  them. 
The  Icelanders  did  not  comprehend  the  language,  though  it 
seemed  to  them  not  unlike  the  Irish  tongue.  In  a  short 
time,  a  great  bod/  of  the  natives  assembled,  made  the  stran- 
gers prisoners,  and  carried  them  bound  into  the  country. 
Here  they  were  met  by  a  venerable  chieftain,  of  a  noble 
and  commanding  aspect  and  fair  complexion,  who  spoke 
Icelandic,  and  inquired  after  Snorre  Gode  and  other  indivi- 
duals then  living  in  the  island.  The  natives  were  divided 
in  opinion,  whether  to  put  the  strangers  to  death,  or  to 
make  them  slaves,  and  divide  them  among  the  inhabitants. 
But  after  some  consultation,  the  white  chieftain  informed 
them  that  they  were  at  liberty  to  depart,  adding  his  counsel 
that  they  should  make  no  delay,  as  the  natives  were  cruel 
to  strangers.  He  refused  to  tell  his  name,  but  gave  to  Gud- 
leif presents,  of  a  gold  ring  for  Snorre's  sister  Thurida,  and 
a  sword  for  her  son.  Gudleif  returned  to  Iceland  with 
these  gifts,  where  it  was  concluded  that  this  person  was 
Bjorn,  a  famous  Skald,  who  had  been  a  lover  of  Thurida. 
and  who  left  Iceland  in  the  year  998.1 

"  No  subsequent  traces  of  the  Norman  colony  in  Ame- 
rica are  to  be  found  until  the  year  1059,  when  it  is  said 
that  an  Irish  or  Saxon  priest,  named  Jon  or  John,  who  had 
preached  for  some  time  as  a  missionary  in  Iceland,  went  to 
Vinland,  for  the  purpose  of  converting  the  colonists  to  Chris- 


*St.  OInf  died  in  1030. 

t  Muller,  Sagabibliothek,  torn.  i.  p.  193. 


CHAP.  I.] 


VOYAGES  IN  ELEVENTH  CENTURY. 


9 


tianity,  where  he  was  murdered  by  the  heathens.  A  Bishop 
of  Greenland,  named  Erik,  afterwards  (1121),  undertook 
the  same  voyage,  for  the  same  purpose,  but  with  what  suc- 
cess is  uncertain.*  The  authenticity  of  the  Icelandic  ac- 
counts of  the  discovery  and  settlement  of  Vinland  were  re- 
cognized in  Denmark  shortly  after  this  period  by  King 
Svend  Eslrithson,  or  Sweno  II.  in  a  conversation  which 
Adam  of  Bremen  had  with  this  monarch.f" 

Mr.  Washington  Irving,  in  his  Life  of  Columbus,t 
states  that  he  has  not  had  the  means  of  tracing  this 
story  to  its  original  sources.  He  mentions  as  the  au- 
thorities examined  by  him,  Malte-Brun  and  Forster, 
the  latter  of  whom  extracts  it  from  the  Saga  or  Chro- 
nicle of  Snorre,  who  was  born  in  1179  and  wrote  in 
1215 ;  long  after  the  event  is  said  to  have  taken  p 'ace. 
Mr.  Irving  observes  that  as  far  as  he  has  had  expe- 
rience in  tracing  these  stories  of  early  discoveries  of 
portions  of  the  new  world,  he  has  generally  found 
them  very  confident  deductions  drawn  from  very 
vague  and  questionable  facts.  But,  he  says,  "  grant- 
ing the  truth  of  the  alleged  discoveries,  they  led  to 
no  more  result  than  would  the  interchange  of  com- 
munication between  the  natives  of  Greenland  and  the 
Esquimaux.  The  knowledge  of  them  appears  not  to 
have  extended  beyond  their  own  nation,  and  to  have 
been  soon  neglected  and  forgotten  by  themselves." 

It  will  be  observed  that  in  a  note,  {ante,  p.  3,)  Mr. 
Wheaton  remarks  that  supposing  the  computation  of 
the  hours  to  be  correct,  the  place  referred  to  must 


*Munter,  Kirchengeshichte  von  Daene- 
mark  und  Norwegen,  torn.  i.  p.  563. 
4  Adam.  Brem.  de  Situ  Dan.  cap.  24C. 

2 


JNew  York  edition  of  1631,  vol   2,  p. 
270  to  272,  Appendix  No.  xiv. 


10 


VOYAGES    IN    TWELFTH    CENTURY. 


[book  I. 


have  been  in  the  latitude  of  Boston.  Mr.  Irving,  on 
the  other  hand,  speaks  of  the  sun  being  eight  hours 
above  the  horizon  on  the  shortest  day,  and  (refer- 
ring to  Forster's  Northern  Voyages,  b.  2,  c.  2,)  says, 
"  hence,  it  has  been  concluded  that  the  country  was 
about  the  49th  degree  of  north  latitude,  and  was  either 
Newfoundland,  or  some  part  of  the  coast  of  North 
America  about  the  gulf  of  St.  Lawrence." 

There  is  a  tradition  that  Prince  Madoc,  the  son  of 
Owen  Gwyneth,  landed  upon  some  part  of  the  Ame- 
rican continent  in  the  twelfth  century.  The  tradition 
is,  that  after  the  death  of  Owen,  his  sons  debating 
who  should  succeed  him,  Madoc  left  the  land  in  con- 
tention, and  prepared  certain  ships  with  men  and  mu- 
nition, and  sought  adventures  by  sea ;  that  he  sailed 
west,  and  leaving  the  coast  of  Ireland  far  north,  came 
to  a  land  unknown,  where  he  saw  many  strange  things; 
that  on  his  return  home,  he  made  a  relation  of  the 
pleasant  and  fruitful  countries  he  had  seen  without 
inhabitants,  and  alluded  on  the  other  hand  to  the  wild 
and  barren  ground  for  which  his  brethren  and  nephews 
did  murder  one  another,  and  prepared  a  number  of 
ships  and  got  with  him  such  men  and  women  as  were 
desirous  to  live  in  quietness,  and  taking  leave  of  his 
friends,  made  a  journey  thither  again.  The  story  is 
that  Madoc  arriving  in  this  western  country  in  1170, 
left  most  of  his  people  there  and  returning  for  more 
of  his  own  nation  to  inhabit  that  country,  went  thither 
again  with  ten  sails.  Hackluyt,  in  his  Collection  of 
Voyages,*  and  Smith  in  his  History  of  Virginia,!  have 
mentioned  this  tradition.     It  is  given  by  them  from  a 

»  Vol.  3,  p.  1.        t  Vol.  1,  p.  77  of  edi.  of  1819. 


■  ifw."  i..'^'^^*-T*f 


CHAP.  I.]     VOYAGES  IN  FOURTEENTH  CENTURY. 


11 


^ory  IS 

1170, 

more 

Ihither 

ion  of 

have 

rom  a 


History  (or  the  Chronicles)  of  Wales;  and  at  different 
times,  various  publications  have  been  made  to  prove 
the  tradition  well  founded.  But  all  that  we  are  justi- 
fied in  saying  about  it  is,  that  there  is  such  a  tradition. 
Another  pretension  to  an  early  discovery  of  the 
American  continent  has  been  set  up,  founded  on  an 
alleged  map  and  narrative  of  two  brothers  of  the  name 
of  Zeno  of  Venice ;  but  it  seems  even  less  valid  than 
those  already  mentioned.  The  following  is  Mr.  Ir- 
ving's  statement  of  this  claim  :* 

"Nicole  Zeno,  a  noble  Venetian,  is  said  to  have  made  a 
voyage  to  the  north  in  1380,  in  a  vessel  fitted  out  at  his 
own  cost,  intending  to  visit  England  and  Flanders;  but 
meeting  with  a  terrible  tempest,  was  driven  for  many  days 
he  knew  not  whither,  until  he  was  cast  away  upon  Frise- 
land,  an  island  much  in  dispute  among  geographers,  but 
supposed  to  be  the  archipelago  of  the  Ferroe  islands.  The 
shipwrecked  voyagers  were  assailed  by  the  natives;  but 
rescued  by  Zichmni,  a  Prince  of  the  islands,  lying  on  the 
south  side  of  Friseland,  and  duke  of  another  district  lying 
over  against  Scotland.  Zeno  entered  into  the  service  of 
this  prince,  and  aided  him  in  conquering  Friseland,  and 
other  northern  islands.  He  was  soon  joined  by  his  brother 
Antonio  Zeno,  who  remained  fourteen  years  in  those  coun- 
tries. 

"  During  his  residence  in  Friseland,  Antonio  Zeno  wrote 
to  his  brother  Carlo,  in  Venice,  giving  an  account  of  a  re- 
port brought  by  a  certain  fisherman,  about  a  land  to  the 
westward.  According  to  the  tale  of  this  mariner,  he  had 
been  one  of  a  party  who  sailed  from  Friseland  about  twen- 
ty-six years  before,  in  four  fishing  boats.  Being  overtaken 
by  a  mighty  tempest,  they  were  driven  about  the  sea  for 


*  Irving*s  ColumbiiB,  vol.  2,  p.  272,  Appendti  No.  14. 


■  I 


12 


VOYAGES    IN    FOURTEENTH    CENTURY. 


[book  I. 


many  days,  until  the  boat  containing  himself  and  six  com- 
panions was  cast  upon  an  island  called  Estotiland,  about 
one  thousand  miles  from  Friseland.  They  were  taken  by 
the  inhabitants,  and  carried  to  a  fair  and  populous  city, 
where  tlie  king  sent  for  many  interpreters  to  converse  with 
them,  but  none  that  they  could  understand,  until  a  man 
was  fouTid,  who  had  likewise  been  cast  away  upon  the 
coast,  and  who  spoke  Latin.  They  remained  several  days 
upon  the  island,  which  was  rich  and  fruitful,  abounding 
with  all  kinds  of  metals,  and  especially  gold.*  There  was 
a  high  mountain  in  the  centre,  from  which  flowed  four  ri- 
vers, which  watered  the  whole  country.  The  inhabitants 
were  intelligent,  and  acquainted  with  the  mechanical  arts  of 
Europe.  They  cultivated  grain,  made  beer,  and  lived  in 
houses  built  of  stone.  There  were  Latin  books  in  the 
King's  library,  though  the  inhabitants  had  no  knowledge  of 
that  language.  They  had  many  cities  and  castles,  and  car- 
ried on  a  trade  with  Greenland  for  pitch,  sulphur  and  peltry. 
Though  much  given  to  navigation,  they  were  ignorant  of 
the  use  of  the  compass,  and  finding  the  Friselanders  ac- 
quainted with  it,  held  them  in  great  esteem  ;  and  the  King 
sent  them  with  twelve  barks  to  visit  a  country  to  the  south, 
called  Drogeo.  They  had  nearly  perished  in  a  storm,  but 
were  cast  away  upon  the  coast  of  Drogeo.  They  found 
the  people  to  be  cannibals,  and  were  on  the  point  of  being 
killed  and  devoured,  but  were  spared  on  account  of  their 
great  skill  in  fishing. 

"  The  fisherman  described  this  Drogeo  as  being  a  coun- 
try of  vast  extent,  or  rather  a  new  world  ;  that  the  inhabi- 
tants were  naked  and  barbarous  ;  but  that  far  to  the  south- 
west there  was  a  more  civilized  region,  and  temperate  cli- 
mate, where  the  inhabitants  had  a  knowledge  of  gold  and 


*  This  account  is  taken  from  Hackluyt, 
vol.  3,  p.  103.  The  passage  about  gold  and 
other  metals  is  not  to  be  found  in  the  ori- 


ginal Italian  of  Ramusio,  (T.  3,  p.  23,)  and 
is  probably  an  interpolation. 


1 


CHAP.  I.]  VOYAGES    IN    FOURTEENTH    CENTURY. 


13 


coun- 
Inhabi- 
Isouth- 
[te  cli- 
|ld  and 


silver,  lived  in  cities,  erected  splendid  temples  to  idols,  and 
sacrificed  human  victims  to  them,  which  they  afterwards 
devoured. 

"  After  the  fisherman  had  resided  many  years  on  this  con- 
tinent, during  which  time  he  had  passed  from  the  service 
of  one  chieftain  to  another,  and  traversed  various  parts  of 
it,  certain  boats  of  Estoliland  arrived  on  the  coast  of  Dro- 
geo.  The  fisherman  went  on  board  of  them,  acted  as  in- 
terpreter, and  followed  the  train  between  the  mainland 
and  Estotiland  for  some  time,  until  he  became  very  rich  : 
then  he  fitted  out  a  bark  of  his  own,  and  with  the  assis- 
tance of  some  of  the  people  of  the  island,  made  his  way 
back,  across  the  thousand  intervening  miles  of  ocean,  and 
arrived  safe  at  Friseland.  The  account  he  gave  of  these 
countries,  determined  Zichmni,  the  Prince  of  Friseland,  to 
send  an  expedition  thither,  and  Antonio  Zeno  was  to  com- 
mand it.  Just  before  sailing,  the  fisherman,  who  was  to 
have  acted  as  guide,  died ;  but  certain  mariners,  who  had 
accompanied  him  from  Estotiland,  were  taken  in  his  place. 
The  expedition  sailed  under  command  of  Zichmni;  the 
Venetian,  Zeno.  merely  accompanied  it.  It  was  unsuccess- 
ful. After  having  discovered  an  island  called  Icaria,  where 
they  met  with  a  rough  reception  from  the  inhabitants,  and 
were  obliged  to  withdraw,  the  ships  were  driven  by  a  storm 
to  Greenlfind.  No  record  remains  of  any  further  prosecu- 
tion of  the  enterprise. 

"  The  countries  mentioned  in  the  account  of  Zeno,  were 
laid  down  on  a  map  originally  engraved  on  wood.  The 
island  of  Estotiland,  has  been  supposed  by  M.  Malte-Brun 
to  be  Newfoundland:  its  partially  civilized  inhabitants,  the 
descendants  of  the  Scandinavian  colonists  of  Vinland;  and 
the  Latin  books  in  the  King's  library  to  be  the  remains  of 
the  library  of  the  Greenland  Bishop,  who  emigrated  thither 
in  1121.  Drogeo,  according  to  the  same  conjecture,  was 
Nova  Scotia  and  New  England.     The  civilized  people  to 


14 


VOYAGES    IN    FOURTEENTH    CENTURY. 


[book  I. 


the  southwest,  who  sacrificed  human  victims  in  rich  tem- 
ples, he  surmises  to  have  been  the  Mexicans,  or  some  an- 
cient nation  of  Florida  or  Louisiana. 

"  The  premises  do  not  appear  to  warrant  this  deduction. 
The  whole  story  abounds  with  improbabilities ;  not  the 
least  of  which  is  the  civilization  prevalent  among  the  inhabi- 
tants ;  their  houses  of  stone,  their  European  arts,  the  library 
of  their  King ;  no  traces  of  which  were  to  be  found  on 
their  subsequent  discovery.  Not  to  mention  the  informa- 
tion about  Mexico  penetrating  through  the  numerous  sa- 
vage tribes  of  a  vast  continent,  it  is  proper  to  observe,  that 
this  account  was  not  published  until  1558,  long  after  the  dis- 
covery of  Mexico.  It  was  given  to  the  world  by  FVancisco 
Marcolini,  a  descendant  of  the  Zeni,  from  the  fragments  of 
letters  said  to  have  been  written  by  Antonio  Zeno  to  Carlo 
his  brother.  'It  grieves  me,'  says  the  editor,  'that  the 
book,  and  divers  other  writings  concerning  these  matters, 
are  miserably  lost ;  for  being  but  a  child  when  they  came 
to  my  hands,  and  not  knowing  what  they  were,  I  tore  them 
and  rent  them  in  pieces,  which  now  I  cannot  call  to  remem- 
brance but  to  my  exceeding  great  grief.'* 

"  This  garbled  statement  by  Marcolini,  derived  conside- 
rable authority  by  being  introduced  by  Abraham  Ortelius, 
an  able  geographer,  in  his  Theatrum  Orbis ;  but  the  whole 
story  has  been  condemned  by  able  commentators  as  a  gross 
fabrication.  Mr.  Forster  resents  this,  as  an  instance  of  ob- 
stinate incredulity,  saying  that  it  is  impossible  to  doubt  the 
existence  of  the  country  of  which  Carlo,  Nicolo  and  Anto- 
nio Zeno  talk  ;  as  original  acts  in  the  archives  of  Venice 
prove  that  the  chevalier  undertook  a  voyage  to  the  north  ; 
that  his  brother  Antonio  followed  him  ;  that  Antonio  traced 
a  map,  which  he  brought  back  and  hung  up  in  his  house, 
where  it  remained  subject  to  public  examination,  until  the 

*  Hackluyt,  Collect,  vol.  3,  p.  127. 


!       i 


CHAP.  I.]     VOYAGES  IN  FOURTEENTH  CENTURY. 


15 


time  of  Marcolini,  as  an  incontestable  proof  of  the  truth  of 
what  he  advanced.  Granting  all  this,  it  merely  proves  that 
Antonio  and  his  brother  were  at  Friseland  and  Greenland. 
Their  letters  never  assert  that  Zeno  made  the  voyage  to  Es- 
totiland.  The  fleet  was  carried  by  a  tempest  to  Greenland, 
after  which  we  hear  no  more  of  him ;  and  his  account  of 
Estotiland  and  Drogeo  rests  simply  on  the  tale  of  the  fish- 
erman, after  whose  descriptions  his  map  must  have  been 
conjecturally  projected.  The  whole  story  resembles  much 
the  fables  circulated  shortly  after  the  discovery  of  Colum- 
bus, to  arrogate  to  other  nations  and  individuals  the  credit 
of  the  achievement." 

Mr.  Biddle,  in  his  Memoir  of  Sebastian  Cabot,* 
comments  in  strong  terms  upon  "that  memorable 
fraud,  the  pretended  voyage  of  Nicholas  and  Antonio 
Zeno."  Speaking  of  an  edition  of  Ramusio,  the  de- 
dication of  which  as  originally  published  by  Marcolini, 
bears  date  December  1558,  Mr.  Biddle  says: 

"  Ramusio  died  in  July  1557 ;  and  of  course  it  is  impos- 
sible that  it  could  have  been  published  by  him,  or  that  he 
could  have  marked  it  for  insertion.  It  does  not  appear  in 
the  Ramusio  of  1559,  but  was  interpolated  into  the  second 
volume  in  1574,  seventeen  years  after  his  death.  This  cir- 
cumstance is  decisive  against  its  authenticity.  Ramusio,  a 
native  of  Venice,  was  not  only  a  diligent  and  anxious  col- 
lector of  voyages,  but,  it  appears  by  his  work,  was  familiar 
with  the  family  of  the  Zeno  of  that  city,  and  he  speaks 
with  pride  (ed.  of  1559,  torn.  ii.  fol.  65,  D.)  of  the  adven- 
turous travels  of  Caterino  Zeno  in  Persia.  Had  the  mate- 
rials for  such  a  narrative  existed  he  would  have  eagerly 
seized  the  opportunity  of  embodying  them,  and  it  is  plain 
that  the  imposture  dared  not  make  its  appearance  in  his  life- 


*  p.  392  to  326. 


16 


VOYAGES    IN    FOURTEENTH    CENTURY. 


[book  I. 


time.  Yet,  from  the  subsequent  interpolation,  this  tract, 
by  ahnost  unanimous  consent,  has  been  considered  to  bear 
the  high  sanction  of  Ramusio's  name. 

"  'This,'  says  Forster  (p.  180),  'is  the  account  given  of 
the  affair  by  Ramusio.'  The  Biographic  Universelle  (art. 
Zeno)  says  'Cette  Relation  a  ete  reimprime  par  RamusioJ 
And  the  Quarterly  Review  (vol.  xvi.  p.  165,  notCf)  speaks 
of  certain  things  known  '  before  Ramusio  published  the 
Letters  of  the  two  Zeni.'  In  short,  the  misconception  has 
been  universal. 

"  Nor  is  it  merely  from  the  silence  of  Ramusio  that  an 
inference  is  drawn  against  this  pretended  voyage. 

"  He  declares  in  the  Preface  to  the  Thud  Volume,  that 
he  considers  it  not  only  proper,  but  in  the  nature  of  a  duty, 
to  vindicate  the  truth  in  the  behalf  of  Columbus,  who  was 
the  first  to  discover  and  bring  to  light  the  New  World.* 

"He  answers  in  detail  the  calumny  that  the  project  was 
suggested  to  Columbus  by  a  Pilot,  who  died  in  his  house, 
and  refers  for  a  refutation  of  the  idle  tale  to  persons  yet  liv- 
ing in  Italy,  who  were  present  at  the  Spanish  Court  when 
Columbus  departed.  He  recites  the  circumstances  which 
had  conducted  the  mind  of  Columbus,  as  an  able  and  ex- 
perienced mariner  and  Cosmographer,  to  the  conclusion  that 
his  project  was  practicable. 

"  '  Such,'  he  declares,  in  conclusion,  '  were  the  circum- 
stances that  led  to  his  anxiety  to  undertake  the  voyage, 
having  fixed  it  in  his  mind,  that  by  going  directly  west  the 
eastern  extremity  of  the  Indies  would  be  discovered.'! 

"  He  breaks  into  an  apostrophe  to  the  rival  City  of  Genoa, 
which  had  given  birth  to  Columbus,  a  fact  so  much  more 


*  "  No  pure  6  convene  vole,  ma  par  mi 
anco  di  esaere  obligato  a  dire  alquate  pa- 
role accnmpagnate  dalla  veritil  perdiffesa 
del  Signor  Christororo  Colombo,  ilqual  fu 
il  prima  invcntore  di  discoprire  et  far  venire 
in  luce  queata  meta  del  mondo," 


t  "  Tutte  queste  cose  lo  inducevano  &  vo- 
ler  far  questo  viaggio,  havciido  fisso  nell' 
animo  che  andando  a  dritto  per  Ponente 
esso  troverebbe  le  parti  di  Levant!  ove  sono 
I'Indie." 


^■■'y.,.-..r»  „ 


CHAP.  I.]  VOYAGES    IN    FOURTEENTH    CENTURY. 


ir 


glorious  than  that  about  which  seven  of  the  greatest  cities 
of  Greece  contended.* 

"  The  full  force  of  this  evidence  cannot  be  understoou 
without  adverting  to  the  strength  of  Ramusio's  prejudices 
in  favour  of  his  native  city.  He  honestly  acknowledges 
that  their  influence  may  mislead  him  when  he  is  disposed 
to  rank  the  enterprize  of  Marco  Polo,  of  Venice,  by  land, 
as  more  memorable  than  even  that  of  the  great  Genoese  by 
sea.f 

"  Yet  this  is  the  writer  who  is  said  to  have  given  to  the 
world  undeniable  evidence  not  only  that  the  Venetian  Zeno 
knew  of  these  regions  upwards  of  a  century  before  the  time 
of  Columbus,  but  that  traces  had  been  discovered  proving 
that  the  Venetians  had  visited  them  long  before  the  time  of 
Zeno.  And  in  a  work  of  the  present  day  we  have  these 
monstrous  assertions : 

"  They  [the  Zeni]  'added  a  Relation  which,  whether  true 
or  false,  contained  the  positive  assertion  of  a  continent  ex- 
isting to  the  west  of  the  Atlantic  Ocean.  This  Relation 
was  unquestionably  known  to  Columbus.'X 

"  The  professed  author  of  the  book,  Marcolini,  was  a 
bookseller  and  publisher  of  Venice.  It  bears  his  well- 
known  device,  of  which  Dr.  Dibdin<§.  has  given  a  fac-simile. 


*"  Genoua  si  vanti  et  glorii  di  cosi  ez- 
cellente  buomo  cittadin  suo  et  mettasi  & 
paragone  di  quatunque  altra  citta  percioche 
costui  non  fu  Poeta,  come  Homero  del  qual 
sette  citta  dell  maggiori  che  bavesse  la 
Grecia  contesero  insieme  affermando  cias- 
cuna  che  egli  era  su  Cittadino,  ma  fu  un 
buomo  il  quale  ha  fatto  nascer  al  mondo  un 
altro  mondo  che  €  cfietto  incomparabilment 
molto  maggiore  del  detto  di  sopra."  The 
terms  in  which  he  denounces  the  effort  to 
disparage  Columbus,  on  the  ground  of  pre- 
tended hints  from  the  pilot,  assure  us  of 
the  manner  <n  which  be  would  have  treat- 
ed the  subsequent  imposture  absurdly  at- 
tributed to  himself;  "  questa  favola  laqual 
malitiosamente  dopo  suo  ritorno  fu  per  in- 


vidia  finta  dalla  gente  bassa  et  ignorante." 
Again:  "  una  favola  pieno  di  malignitciet 
di  tristitia."  He  loftily  denounces  the 
baseness  with  which  a  low  envy  had  seiz- 
ed on  and  dressed  up  this  tale,  "  ad  appro- 
var  la  det'a  favola  et  dipingeria  con  mille 
colori." 

t  "  Et  ^e  I'affettione  della  patria  non 
m'inganna,  mi  par  che  per  ragion  probabUe 
si  possa  affermare  che  questo  fatto  per  terra 
debba  esser  anteposto  d  quelle  di  insure," 
Pref.  torn.  ii. 

X  Dr.  Lardner's  Cabinet  Cycloptedia, 
History  of  Maritime  and  Inland  Discovery, 
vol.  i.  p.  225. 

$  Bibliographical  Decameron,  vol.  ii.  p. 
244-5.    In  Singer's  learned  "  Researchei 


18 


VOYAGES    IN    FOURTEENTH    CENTURY. 


[book  I. 


The  motive  for  getting  it  up  is  pretty  well  disclosed  in  the 
concluding  remarks  which  allude  to  the  prevailing  appetite 
of  the  public  for  such  works.  It  is  stated  that  the  slight 
materials  extant  had  heen  put  together  that  they  might  not 
be  altogether  lost  at  a  period  '  most  studious  of  new  narra- 
tives, and  of  the  discoveries  of  strange  countries,  made  by 
the  bold  and  indefatigable  exertions  of  our  ancestors'  ('stu- 
diosissima  delle  Narrationi  nuovi  et  delle  discoperte  de 
paesi  non  conosciuti  fatte  dal  grande  animo  et  grande  in- 
dustria  de  i  nostri  maggiori'). 

"  A  full  exhibition  of  the  evidence  which  establishes  this 
production  to  be  a  rank  imposture,  would  require  more 
space  than  can  here  be  justifiably  devoted  to  a  topic  purely 
incidental.  As  it  is  likely  to  engage  attention,  anew,  in 
connexion  with  the  rumoured  discoveries  in  East  or  Lost 
Greenland,  such  ?.  !^egi -e  of  interest  may  be  thrown  round 
it  as  to  warrant,  hereafter,  in  a  difierent  form,  a  detailed  ex- 
amination. 

"  Reverting  to  the  immediate  subject  under  considera- 
tion— the  alterations  of  Ramusio  in  recent  editions — an  ex- 
ample occurs  in  reference  to  this  voyage  of  the  Zeni,  which 
shews  not  only  that  new  matter  has  been  unwarrantably 
introduced,  but  that  the  text  has  been  corrupted,  without 
hesitation,  to  suit  the  purposes  of  the  moment. 

"  It  has  been  made  a  charge  against  Hakluyt,  that  in 
translating  the  work  of  Marcolini,  he  has  interpolated  a 
passage  representing  Estotiland,  the  northern  part  of  the 
new  region,  as  abounding  in  gold  and  other  metals : 

"  *  In  Hakliiyt's  Collection  of  Voyages,  it  is  added  they  have 
mines  of  all  manner  of  metals,  but  especially  they  abound  in  gold. 


into  the  History  of  Playing  Cards,  with  Il- 
lustrations of  the  origin  of  Printing  and 
Engraving  on  Wood,"  is  an  account  (p.  64- 
65)  of  Marcolini's  beautiful  volume,  enti- 
tled Lc  Sorti.  "  The  decorative  woodcuts 
are  very  numerous,  and  many  of  them  very 


beautiful ;  great  numbers  of  them  after- 
wards served  to  decorate  the  Caprkcios  of 
that  odd  genius  Doni,  who  seems  to  have 
been  employed  by  Marcolini  to  write  some 
of  his  whimsical  productions  as  vehicles 
for  these  woodcuts." 


V:.^ 


CHAP.    I.] 


VOYAGES    IN    FOURTEENTH    CENTURY. 


ThiB  passage,  howovcr,  is  not  to  lie  found  in  the  Itnlinn  original  of  Ua- 


musio. 


># 


lat  ill 
ited  a 
)f  the 


have 
In  gold. 

Im  after- 

^keios  of 

to  have 

itc  some 

I  vehicles 


"The  English  translator  of  Forster,  referring  (p.  189)  to 
the  alleged  infidelity  of  Hakluyt,  says : 

*' '  From  many  circumstances,  it  appears  that  Hakhiyt's  collection 
was  made  principally  with  a  view  to  excite  his  countrymen  to  prosecute 
new  discoveries  in  America,  and  to  promote  the  trade  to  that  quarter  of 
the  globe.  Considering  it  in  this  light,  and  that  hardly  any  thing  was 
thought  worthy  of  notice  in  that  age  but  mines  of  silver  and  mountains 
of  gold,  we  need  not  wonder  ai  the  interpolation ! ' 

"  Thus  has  Hakluyt  been  made,  alternately,  the  theme 
of  extravagant  eulogium  and  groundless  denunciation  ! 
The  passage  about  gold  is  in  the  original  (fol.  52)  precisely 
as  he  translates  it :  '  Hanno  lingua  et  lettere  separate  et  ca- 
vano  Metalli  cfogni  sorte  et  sopra  tutto  ahondano  d^Oro  et 
le  lor  pratiche  sono  in  Engroneland  di  dove  traggono  pel- 
lerecie,  <fcc.'  The  misconception  of  later  writers  is  due  to 
a  complex  piece  of  roguery  running  through  the  several 
editions  of  Ramusio. 

"The  story  of  Nicolo  and  Antonio  Zeno  gains  a  footing, 
for  the  first  time,  in  the  second  volume  of  the  Venice  edi- 
tion of  1574,  of  which  there  is  a  copy  in  the  library  of  the 
British  museum.  The  passage  of  the  original,  representing 
Estotiland  to  abound  in  gold,  is  found  there,  (fol.  224  A.) 
But  before  the  next  edition  came  out,  the  well  known  re- 
sult of  Frobisher's  magnificent  hopes  was  calculated  to 
throw  ridicule  on  such  representations.  The  passage,  there- 
fore, disappears  from  the  editions  of  1583  and  1606  (fol. 
232  A.)  The  suppression  is  executed  in  rather  an  awk- 
ward manner.  On  turning  to  the  passage  indicated  of  the 
more  recent  editions,  there  will  be  discovered,  at  the  ele- 
venth line  from  the  top  of  the  page,  a  chasm  in  the  sense 
between  *cavano'  and  '  di  dove.'     The  suppression  of  the 

*  Forster's  Northern  Voyages,  p.  189,  note. 


20 


VOYAGES    IN    FOURTEENTH    CENTURY. 


[book  I. 


intermediate  words,  which  are  marked  in  italics  in  our  quo- 
tation from  the  original,  constitutes  the  fraud,  and  renders 
what  remains  unintelligible.  Hakluyt  made  his  translation 
from  the  Ramusio  of  1574,  and  not  from  the  original  work 
of  Marcolini.  This  is  evident  from  the  fact,  that  iu  his 
translation,  (vol.  iii.  p.  124,)  immediately  after  the  death  of 
Nicolo  Zeno,  there  follows  a  deduction  of  descent  from  him 
to  '  the  other  Zenos  that  are  living  at  this  day,'  of  which 
there  is  not  a  syllable  in  the  original  (fol.  61),  but  it  is  in- 
terpolated into  the  Ramusio  of  1574.  He  escaped  the  fal- 
sification of  the  edition  of  1583,  because  his  translation  was 
made  prior  to  that  time,  it  having  appeared  in  his  early 
work  '  Divers  Voyages,  &c.,'  published  in  1682.  The  mat- 
ter, then,  stands  thus.  Hakluyt  followed  a  vicious  copy, 
but  one  which  had  reached  only  the  first  stage  of  deprava- 
tion. Those  who  denounce  him,  merely  happen  to  have 
got  hold  of  a  subsequent  edition,  which  has  been  further 
tampered  with.  Neither  party  went  back  to  the  original, 
though  by  no  means  a  rare  book  ,*  and  it  is  curious  that  the 
critics  of  Hakluyt,  while  talking  of  the  '  original,'  had  be- 
fore them  neither  the  original  Marcolini,  nor  the  original 
Ramusio,  nor  even,  if  the  expression  may  be  used,  the  ori- 
ginal counterfeit  of  Ramusio.  In  this  last  particular  Hak- 
luyt has  the  advantage  over  them." 


A. 


JAJSL 


CMAF.  II.]  PROPOSALS  or  COLUMBUS  TO  PORTUGAL. 


91 


CHAPTER  II. 

Of  Christopher  Columbus;  his  plan  for  reaching  India  by  a  route  to 
the  West;  the  fate  of  his  appUcations  to  the  Court  of  Portugal 
from  1470'to  1484,  and  afterwards  to  the  Court  of  Spaiu  till  1492 ;  a 
squadron  then  fitted  out. 

Mr.  Irving  supposes  Christopher  Columbus  to  have 
been  born  about  14.35  or  1436  ;*  being  some  ten 
years  earlier  than  is  generally  represented.  The  City 
of  Genoa  has  the  honour  of  being  his  birthplace.f 
He  had  two  brothers,  Bartholomew  and  Diego,  and 
a  sister. 

Columbus  attained  manhood  at  a  period  worthy  of 
remark.  John  Guttenberg,  the  inventor  of  printing, 
was  yet  alive.  In  consequence  of  Guttenberg's  not 
attaching  any  date  to  his  works,  we  do  not  know  the 
precise  time  of  his  first  attempts.  But  there  is  little 
doubt  that  the  works  disseminated  by  means  of  his 
invention  had  the  effect  of  stimulating  Columbus  to 
his  enterprise.  Las  Casas  thinks  that  none  had  more 
effect  in  this  way  than  those  of  Pedro  de  Aliaco,  one 
of  the  most  learned  and  scientific  men  of  the  day. 
He  was  born  in  1350,  and  died  in  1416  according  to 
some,  in  1425  according  to  others.  When  Mr.  Irving 
was  in  Seville,  making  researches  in  the  Bibliothica 
Colombina,  the  library  given  to  the  cathedral  of  that 


*  Irving's  Columbus,  vol.  1|  p.  3;  vol.  2,  p.  299,  30,  Appendix  No.  4;  also  p.  331,  Ap- 
pendix No.  5. 
t  Id.  p.  233,  Appendix  No.  6. 


22 


PROPOSALS    OF    COLUMBUS    TO    PORTUGAL.        [BOOK  I. 


city  by  Fernando  Columbus,  the  natural  son  of  Chris- 
topher, he  saw  an  old  volume  in  folio,  bound  in  parch- 
ment, (published  soon  after  the  invention  of  printing,) 
which  had  belonged  to  Christopher  Columbus.  This 
volume  was  a  collection  in  Latin  of  astronomical  and 
cosmographical  tracts  of  Pedro  de  Aliaco,  and  of  his 
disciple  John  Gerson.  Las  Casas  had  spoken  of  the 
volume  being  so  familiar  to  Columbus,  that  he  had 
filled  its  whole  margin  with  Latin  notes  in  his  hand- 
writing. It  was  a  great  satisfaction  to  Mr.  Irving  to 
discover  this  identical  volume,  this  Vade  Mecum  of 
Columbus,  in  a  state  of  good  preservation.  The 
notes  he  says  are  written  in  a  very  small  but  neat 
and  distinct  hand,  and  call  attention  to  the  most  stri- 
king passages,  or  to  those  which  bore  most  upon  the 
theories  of  Columbus ;  occasionally  containing  brief 
comments,  or  citing  the  opinions  of  other  authors, 
ancient  and  modern,  either  in  support  or  contradic- 
tion of  the  text.  "  This  volume,"  Mr.  Irving  adds, 
"  is  a  most  curious  and  interesting  document,  the 
only  one  that  remains  of  Columbus  prior  to  his  dis- 
covery. It  illustrates  his  researches,  and  in  a  manner 
the  current  of  his  thoughts,  while  as  yet  his  great  en- 
terprise existed  but  in  idea,  and  while  he  was  seeking 
means  to  convince  the  world  of  its  practicability."* 

Columbus  arrived  at  Lisbon  about  1470,  and  his 
marriage  there,  soon  after,  fixed  him  in  that  city. 
Prince  Henry,  so  instrumental  in  promoting  discove- 
ries, was  no  longer  living.  But  a  like  passion  for 
discovery  was  evinced  by  John  the  Second.    His  call 


*  living's  Columbus,  vol.  1,  p.  J294^. 


-—  iiiiiiiiugn 


CHAP.   II.]     PROPOSALS    OP    COLUMBUS    TO    PORTUGAL. 


28 


)5» 


on  men  of  science  to  devise  means  by  which  to  give 
greater  scope  and  certainty  to  navigation,  resulted  in 
the  application  of  the  astrolabe ;  enabling  the  seaman, 
by  the  altitude  of  the  sun,  to  ascertain  its  distance 
from  the  equator.* 

It  was  immediately  after  this  event  that  Columbus 
proposed  to  King  John,  if  he  would  furnish  him  with 
ships  and  men,  to  go  to  the  west  across  the  Atlantic, 
and  thus  reach  India  by  a  shorter  and  more  direct 
route  than  around  the  coast  of  Africa.  The  propo- 
sition was  referred  to  a  commission  of  three  persons, 
two  of  whom  were  cosmographers ;  but  this  scientific 
body  treated  the  project  as  visionary.  The  king,  not 
satisfied,  convoked  a  council  composed  of  the  pre- 
lates and  other  persons  of  learning ;  but  they,  too, 
generally  opposed  the  plan.f  Yet  Columbus  was  de- 
sired to  furnish  for  the  examination  of  the  council, 
the  charts  or  other  documents  according  to  which  he 
intended  to  shape  his  course  ;  and  a  caravel  was  dis- 
patched for  the  ostensible  purpose  of  carrying  provi- 
sions to  the  Cape  de  Verd  islands,  but  with  private 
instructions  to  pursue  the  route  designated  in  the  pa- 
pers of  Columbus.  The  weather  becoming  stormy, 
the  pilots  had  not  the  resolution  to  proceed,  and  re- 
turned, ridiculing  the  project.! 

The  wife  of  Columbus  having  been  for  some  time 
dead,  he  determined  now  to  abandon  Portugal.  To- 
wards the  end  of  1484,  he  departed  from  Lisbon,  ta- 
king with  him  his  son  Diego.^  About  the  same  time, 
he  engaged  his  brother  Bartholomew  to  depart  to  Eng- 
land with  proposals  to  the  monarch  of  that  country. 


*  Irving'a  Columbus,  vol.  1,  p.  3L        f  Id.  34.        J  Id.  36.       §  Id. 


24 


PROPOSALS    OF    COLUMBUS    TO    SPAIN. 


[book  I. 


"  It  is  interesting  to  notice  the  first  arrival  of  Columbus 
in  that  country,  which  was  to  become  the  scene  of  his 
glory,  and  which  he  was  to  render  so  powerful  and  illus- 
trious by  his  discoveries.  In  this  we  meet  with  one  of 
those  striking  and  instructive  contrasts  which  occur  in  his 
eventful  history.  The  first  trace  we  have  of  him  in  Spain, 
is  in  the  testimony  furnished  a  few  years  after  his  death, 
in  the  celebrated  law-suit  between  his  son  Don  Diego  and 
the  Crown,  by  a  physician  named  Garcia  Fernandez,  from 
whose  deposition  we  glean  the  following  facts  :* 

"  About  half  a  league  from  the  little  seaport  of  Palos  de 
Moguer  in  Andalusia  there  stood,  and  continues  to  stand  at 
the  present  day,  an  ancient  convent  of  Franciscan  friars: 
dedicated  to  Santa  Maria  de  Rabida.  One  day  a  stranger 
on  foot,  in  humble  guise,  but  of  a  distinguished  air,  accom- 
panied by  a  small  boy,  stopped  at  the  gate  of  the  convent, 
and  asked  of  the  porter  a  little  bread  and  water  for  his  child. 
While  receiving  this  humble  refreshment,  the  prior  of  the 
convent.  Friar  Juan  Perez  de  Marchena,  happening  to  pass 
by,  was  struck  with  the  appearance  of  the  stranger,  and 
observing  from  his  air  and  accent  that  he  was  a  foreigner, 
entered  into  conversation  with  him,  and  soon  learnt  the 
particulars  of  his  story.  That  stranger  was  Columbus,  ac- 
companied by  his  young  son  Diego.  Where  he  had  come 
from  does  not  clearly  appear  jf  that  he  was  in  destitute  cir- 
cumstances is  evident  from  the  mode  of  his  wayfaring :  he 


*  From  Irving's  Columbus,  Ist  chapter 
of  his  second  book,  vol.  1,  p.  39. 

t "  Lo  Dicho  Almirante  Colon  veniendo 
&  la  Rabida,  que  es  un  niunast^rio  de  frailcs 
en  esta  villa,  cl  qual  demand^  &  la  porteria 
que  le  diesen  para  aquel  niflico,  que  era 
nino,  pan  i  agua  que  bebicse."  The  testi- 
mony of  Garcia  Fernandez  exists  in  manu- 
script among  the  multifarious  writings  of 
the  ricito  or  law-suit,  which  are  preserved 
at  Seville.  I  liave  made  use  of  an  authen- 
ticated extract,  copied  for  the  late  histo- 


rian, Juan  Baut,  Mufloz.  There  is  a  little 
obscurity  in  some  part  of  the  evidence  of 
Garcia  Fernandez.  It  was  given  many 
years  after  the  event.  lie  states  Columbus 
as  coming  with  his  infant  son  from  the 
Castilian  court,  but  he  evidently  con- 
founds two  visits  which  Columbus  made 
to  the  convent  of  La  Rabida  into  one.  In 
making  use  of  his  testimony,  that  confu- 
sion has  been  corrected  by  comparing  it 
with  otiier  well  ascertained  facts. 


^■1 


BOOK  I. 


CHAP.  II.]    PROPOSALS  OF  COLUMBUS  TO  SPAIN. 


26 


tmbus 
of  his 
illus- 
)ne  of 
in  his 
Spain, 
death, 
70  and 
5,  from 

ilos  de 
tand  at 

friars : 
tranger 
accom- 
onvent, 
s  child. 

of  the 
I  to  pass 
er,  and 

eigner, 
rnt  the 

)us,  ac- 
come 

ute  cir- 
g:  he 

is  a  little 
vidence  of 
vcn  many 
Columbus 

from  the 
ntly  con- 
ibus  made 

I  one.  In 
lat  confu- 
nparing  it 


was  on  his  way  to  the  neighbouring  town  of  Huelva,  to 
seek  his  brother-in-law,  who  had  married  a  sister  of  his  de- 
ceased wife.* 

"  The  prior  was  a  man  of  extensive  information.  His 
attention  had  been  turned  in  some  measure  to  geographical 
and  nautical  science,  probably  from  his  vicinity  to  Palos, 
the  inhabitants  of  which  were  among  the  most  enterprising 
navigators  of  Spain,  and  made  frequent  voyages  to  the  re- 
cently discovered  islands  and  countries  on  the  African  coast. 
He  was  greatly  interested  by  the  conversation  of  Columbus, 
and  struck  with  the  grandeur  of  his  views.  It  was  a  re- 
markable occurrence  in  the  monotonous  life  of  the  cloister, 
to  have  a  man  of  such  singular  character,  intent  on  so  ex- 
traordinary an  enterprise,  applying  for  bread  and  water  at 
the  gate  of  his  convent.  He  detained  him  as  his  guest, 
and  diffident  of  his  own  judgment,  sent  for  a  scientific 
friend  to  converse  with  him.  That  friend  was  Garcia  Fer- 
nandez, a  physician  resident  in  Palos,  the  same  who  fur- 
nishes this  interesting  testimony.  Fersandez  was  equally 
struck  with  the  appearance  and  conversation  of  the  stranger. 
Several  conferences  took  place  at  the  old  convent,  and  the 
project  of  Columbus  was  treated  with  a  def-^rence  in  the 
quiet  cloisters  of  La  Rabida,  which  it  had  in  vain  sought 
amidst  the  bustle  and  pretension  of  court  sages  and  philo- 
sophers. Hints  too  were  gathered  among  the  veteran  mari- 
ners of  Palos,  which  seemed  to  corroborate  his  theory. 
One  Pedro  de  Velasco,  an  old  and  experienced  pilot  of  the 
place,  affirmed  that  nearly  thirty  years  before,  in  the  course 
of  a  voyage,  he  was  carried  by  stress  of  weather  so  far  to 
the  northwest,  that  Cape  Clear  in  Ireland  lay  to  the  east  of 
him.  Here,  though  there  was  a  strong  wind  blowing  from 
the  west,  the  sea  was  perfectly  smooth ;  a  remarkable  cir- 
cumstance, which  he  supposed  to  be  produced  by  land  lying 

*  Probably  Pedro  Correa,  from  whom  he  had  received  information  of  signs  of  land  ia 
the  west,  observed  near  Puerto  Santo. 


I 


26 


PROPOSALS    OF    COLUMBUS    TO    SPAIN. 


[book  I. 


in  that  direction.  It  being  late  in  August,  however,  he 
was  fearful  of  the  approach  of  winter,  and  did  not  venture 
to  proceed  on  the  discovery.* 

'*  Fray  Juan  Perez  possessed  that  hearty  zeal  in  friend- 
ship, which  carries  good  wishes  into  good  deeds.  Being 
fully  persuaded  that  the  proposed  enterprise  would  be  of 
the  utmost  importance  to  the  country,  he  offered  to  give  Co- 
lumbus a  favourable  introduction  to  court,  and  he  advised 
him  by  all  means  to  repair  thither,  and  make  his  proposi- 
tions to  the  Spanish  sovereigns.  Juan  Perez  was  on  inti- 
mate terms  with  Fernando  de  Talavera,  prior  of  the  mo- 
nastery of  Prado  and  confessor  to  the  queen,  a  man  high  in 
royal  confidence,  and  possessing  great  weight  in  public  af- 
fairs.f  To  him  he  gave  Columbus  a  letter,  strongly  recom- 
mending himself  and  his  enterprise  to  the  patronage  of  Ta- 
lavera, and  requesting  his  friendly  intercession  with  the 
king  and  queen.  As  the  influence  of  the  church  was  para- 
mount in  the  court  of  Castile,  and  as  Talavera,  from  his  si- 
tuation as  confessor,  had  the  most  direct  and  confidential 
communication  with  the  queen,  every  thing  was  expected 
from  his  mediation.  In  the  meantime  Fray  Juan  Perez  took 
charge  of  the  youthful  son  of  Columbus,  to  maintain  and 
educate  him  at  his  convent. 

"  The  zeal  of  this  worthy  man,  thus  early  enkindled,  ne- 
ver cooled  ;  and  many  years  afterwards,  in  the  day  of  his 
success,  Columbus  looks  back,  through  the  brilliant  crowd 
of  courtiers,  prelates  and  philosophers,  who  claimed  the  ho- 
nour of  having  patronized  his  enterprise,  and  points  to  this 
modest  friar  as  one  who  had  been  mostefllectualiy  its  friend. 
He  remained  in  the  convent  until  the  spring  of  1486,  when 
the  court  arrived  in  the  ancient  city  of  Cordova,  where  the 
sovereigns  intended  to  assemble  their  troops  and  make  pre- 


*  Hist,  del  Almirante,  cap.  8. 

t  Salinas  Cron.  Franciscana  da  Peru.   L.  1,  c.  14.    Malendez  Tesoroa  Verdaderos  de  las 
Indiafi,  L.  1,  c.  I. 


-ij 


CHAP.  II.]    PROPOSALS  OF  COLUMBUS  TO  SPAIN. 


27 


ed,  ne- 

'  of  his 

crowd 

the  ho- 

le this 

friend. 

) 

),  when 

ere  the 

V. 

1 

ke  pre- 

eroa  de  las 

i 

parations  for  a  spring  campaign  against  the  Moorish  king- 
dom of  Granada.  Elated  then,  with  fresh  hopes,  and  con- 
fident of  a  speedy  audience,  on  the  strength  of  the  letter  to 
Fernando  de  Talavera,  Colinnbus  bade  farewell  to  tlie  wor- 
thy prior  of  La  Rabida,  leaving  with  him  his  child,  and  set 
out,  full  of  spirits,  for  the  court  of  Castile." 

Columbus  lost  no  time  in  presenting  the  letter. 
The  prior  of  Prado  read  it,  and  listened  to  the  expla- 
nations of  Columbus,  but  no  impression  was  made  on 
him  in  favour  of  the  plan,  and  it  is  questionable  whe- 
ther at  this  period  it  was  even  mentioned  to  Ferdinand 
or  Isabella.  Certain  it  is  that  it  was  long  afterwards 
before  Columbus  obtained  an  audience  from  either  of 
the  sovereigns.  While  lingering  in  Cordova,  he  be- 
came attached  to  a  lady  of  that  city,  named  Beatrix 
Enriquez.  She  was  the  mother  of  his  second  son, 
Fernando,  (born  in  1487  or  1488,)  who  became  his 
historian,  and  whom  he  always  treated  on  terms  of 
perfect  equality  with  his  legitimate  son  Diego.* 

The  most  efficient  friend  of  Columbus,  in  this  stage 
of  his  application^  was  Alonzo  de  Quintanillo,  comp- 
troller of  the  finances  of  Castile,  who  became  a  warm 
advocate  of  his  theory,  and  received  him  as  a  guest 
into  his  house.  As  a  means  of  effectually  promoting 
his  interests,  he  endeavoured  to  procure  for  him  the 
patronage  of  the  celebrated  Pedro  Gonzalez  de  Men- 
doza,  Archbishop  of  Toledo,  and  Grand  Cardinal  of 
Spain.  Through  the  representations  of  this  impor- 
tant personage,  Columbus  at  length  obtained  admis- 
sion to  the  royal  presence.     In  a  matter  involving  so 

♦  Irving'8  Columbus,  vol.  1,  p.  46  to  48;  vol.  2,  p.  227,  Appendix  No.  3. 


d8 


PROPOSALS    OF    COLUMBUS    TO    SPAIN. 


[book  I. 


much  science,  Ferdinand  determined  to  take  the  opi- 
nion of  the  most  learned  men  in  the  kingdom.  The 
prior  of  Prado  was  commanded  to  assemble  the  most 
learned  astronomers  and  cosmographers,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  holding  a  conference  with  Columbus.  The 
conference  took  place  at  the  great  seat  of  learning  in 
Spain,  at  Salamanca,  in  the  convent  of  St.  Stephen. 
The  reasoning  of  Columbus  did  not  convince  a  suffi- 
cient number :  there  was  further  procrastination  and 
neglect.* 

It  was  in  vain  to  seek  a  quiet  and  attentive  hearing 
from  a  court  surrounded  by  the  din  of  arms  and  con- 
tinually on  the  march.  Wearied  and  discouraged  by 
so  much  delay,  Columbus  appeal's  to  have  written  to 
King  John  the  Second.  A  letter  was  received  in  re- 
ply, dated  the  20th  of  March  1488,  inviting  his  return 
to  Portugal.  Hopes,  however,  were  raised  by  the 
conduct  of  the  Spanish  sovereigns,  which  induced 
him  to  neglect  this  invitation. 

In  the  spring  of  1489,  Columbus  was  summoned  to 
attend  a  conference  of  learned  men,  to  be  held  in  the 
City  of  Seville.  But  the  bustle  of  the  campaign  pre- 
vented the  conference  then  and  for  some  time  after. 
The  year  1490  had  passed  away,  and  Columbus  was 
still  kept  in  suspense.  Wearied  at  the  repeated  post- 
ponements, he  pressed  for  a  decisive  reply.  A  report 
was  at  length  made  by  the  scientific  men  to  whom  the 
project  had  been  referred,  that  the  scheme  was  vain 
and  impossible,  and  ought  not  to  be  engaged  in  by 
the  sovereigns.  Yet  they  were  unwilhng  to  close  the 
door  upon  the  project.     A  message  was  sent  to  Co- 


*  Irving's  Columbus,  vol.  1,  p.  48  to  56. 


CHAP.   II.]  PROPOSALS    OF    COLUMBUS    TO    SPAIN. 


29 


lumbus  that  when  the  war  should  be  concluded,  they 
would  treat  with  him  on  the  subject.  On  receiving 
it,  he  repaired  from  Cordova  to  the  court  at  Seville, 
bat  obtained  no  more  favourable  reply.  Still  he  was 
reluctant  to  abandon  Spain.  At  the  convent  of  La 
Rabida  was  his  son  Diego,  and  in  Cordova  resided 
Beatrix  Enriquez,  and  his  infant  son  Fernando.* 

Columbus  now  looked  round  among  the  rich  and 
powerful  nobility  of  Spain.  His  first  application  was 
to  the  Duke  of  Medina  Sidonia ;  his  second  to  the 
Duke  of  Medina  Celi.  Neither  would  embark  in  the 
undertaking,  but  the  latter  advised  Columbus  to  apply 
once  more  to  the  Spanish  monarchs,  and  gave  him  a 
letter  for  Queen  Isabella.  Averse  to  the  idea  of  again 
returning  to  wait  upon  the  court,  Columbus  deter- 
mined to  comply  with  an  invitation  from  the  King  of 
France  to  repair  to  Paris.f 

"  Full  of  this  resolution,^  he  departed  for  the  convent  of 
La  Rabida,  to  seek  his  eldest  son  Diego,  who  still  remained 
under  the  care  of  his  zealous  friend  Juan  Perez,  intending 
to  leave  him,  with  his  other  son,  at  Cordova. 

"  When  the  worthy  prior  beheld  Columbus  once  more  ar- 
rive at  the  gate  of  his  convent,  humble  in  garb  and  poor  in 
purse  as  when  he  first  applied  there,  and  found  that  seven 
years  solicitation  at  the  court  had  ended  in  poverty  and  dis- 
appointment, he  was  greatly  moved ;  but  when,  on  further 
conversation,  he  found  that  the  voyager  was  on  the  point 
of  abandoning  Spain,  to  seek  for  patronage  in  the  court  of 
France,  and  that  so  important  an  enterprize  was  about  to 
be  lost  forever  to  the  country,  the  patriotism  of  the  good 


*  Irving'a  Columbus,  vol.  1,  p.  59  to  63.    t  Id.  p.  G3  to  65. 
X  Extracted  from  same,  p.  65  to  67. 


30 


PROPOSALS    OF    COLUMBUS    TO    SPAIN. 


[book  I. 


friar  took  the  alarm  and  inspired  his  a'-dent  spirit  with  new 
zeal.  He  sent  in  all  haste  for  his  sciv^  .tific  intimate  and 
adviser,  Garcia  Fernandez,  the  physician  of  the  neighbour- 
ing town,  and  they  had  further  consultations  on  the  scheme 
of  Columbus.  He  called  in,  also,  to  their  councils,  one 
Martin  Alonzo  Pinzon,  the  head  of  a  family  of  wealthy  and 
distinguished  navigators  of  Palos,  who  were  celebrated  for 
their  practical  experience,  and  their  adventurous  expedi- 
tions. Pinzon  gave  the  plan  of  Columbus  his  decided  ap- 
probation, offering  to  engage  in  it  with  purse  and  person, 
and  to  bear  the  expenses  of  Columbus  in  a  renewed  appli- 
cation to  the  court. 

"  Friar  Juan  Perez  was  confirmed  in  his  faith  by  the 
concurrence  of  his  learned  and  his  practical  counsellors. 
He  had  once  been  confessor  to  the  queen,  and  knew  that 
she  was  always  accessible  to  persons  of  his  sacred  calling. 
He  proposed  to  write  to  her  immediately  on  the  subject, 
and  entreated  Columbus  to  delay  his  journey  until  an  an- 
swer could  be  received.  The  latter  was  easily  persuaded, 
for  he  felt  as  if  in  leaving  Spain  he  was  again  abandoning 
his  home.  He  was  also  reluctant  to  renew,  in  another 
court,  the  vexations  and  disappointments  he  had  experienced 
in  Spain  and  Portugal. 

"Having  agreed  to  remain,  the  little  council  at  the  con- 
vent cast  round  their  eyes  for  an  ambassador  to  depart  upon 
this  momentous  mission.  They  chose  one  Sebastian  Rodri- 
guez, a  pilot  of  Lepe,  one  of  the  most  shrewd  and  impor- 
tant personages  in  this  maritime  neighbourhood.  The 
queen  was  at  this  time  at  Santa  Fe,  the  military  city  which 
had  been  built  in  the  Vega  before  Granada,  after  the  confla- 
gration of  the  royal  camp.  The  honest  pilot  acquitted 
himself  faithfully,  expeditiously  and  successfully,  in  his 
embassy.  He  found  access  to  the  benignant  princess,  and 
delivered  the  epistle  of  the  friar.  Isabella  had  already  been 
favourably  disposed  to  the  proposition  of  Columbus ;  and 


CHAP.  II.]    PROPOSALS  OF  COLUMBUS  TO  SPAIN. 


31 


le  cou- 
rt upon 
Rodri- 
impor- 
The 
which 
Iconfla- 
^uitted 
in  his 
|ss,  and 
been 
:  and 


had  been  further  influenced  by  the  correspondence  of  the 
Duke  of  Medina  Celi.  She  wrote  in  reply  to  Juan  Perez, 
thanking  him  for  his  timely  services,  and  requesting  that 
he  would  repair  immediately  to  the  court,  leaving  Christo- 
pher Colnmbus  in  confident  hope,  until  he  should  hear  fur- 
ther from  her.  This  royal  letter  was  brought  back  by  the 
pilot,  at  the  end  of  fcuirteen  days,  and  spread  great  joy  in 
the  little  junto  at  the  convent.  No  sooner  did  the  warm- 
hearted friar  receive  it,  than  he  saddled  his  mule,  and  de- 
parted privately  before  midnight  for  the  court.  He  jour- 
neyed through  the  conquered  countries  of  the  Moors,  and 
rode  into  the  newly  erected  city  of  Santa  Fe,  where  the 
sovereigns  were  superintending  the  close  investment  of  the 
capital  of  Granada. 

"  The  sacred  office  of  Juan  Perez  gained  him  a  ready  en- 
trance in  a  court  distinguished  for  religious  zeal ;  and,  once 
admitted  to  the  presence  of  the  queen,  his  former  relation, 
as  father  confessor,  gave  him  great  freedom  of  counsel. 
He  pleaded  the  cause  of  Colnmbus  with  characteristic  en- 
thusiasm, speaking,  from  actual  knowledge,  of  his  honoura- 
ble motives,  his  professional  knowledge  and  experience,  and 
his  perfect  capacity  to  fulfil  the  undertaking;  he  repre- 
sented the  solid  principles  upon  which  the  enterprise  was 
founded*  the  advantages  that  must  attend  its  success ;  and 
the  glory  it  must  shed  upon  the  Spanish  crown. 

"  It  is  probable  that  Isabella  had  never  heard  the  proposi- 
tion urged  with  such  honest  zeal  and  impressive  eloquence. 
Being  naturally  more  sanguine  and  susceptible  than  the 
king,  and  more  open  to  warm  and  generous  impulses,  she 
was  moved  by  the  representations  of  Juan  Perez,  which 
were  warmly  seconded  by  her  favourite  the  Marchioness  of 
Moya,  who  entered  into  the  affair  with  a  woman's  disinte- 
rested enthusiasm.*  The  queen  requested  that  Columbus 
might  be  again  sent  to  her ;  and  with  the  kind  considerate- 

•  Retrato  del  Buen  Vassallo,  L.  2,  cap.  IC. 


3» 


PROPOSALS    OF    COLUMBUS    TO    SPAIN. 


[book  I. 


ness  which  characterized  hor,  bethinking  herself  of  his  po- 
verty and  his  humble  plight,  ordered  that  twenty  thousand 
maravcdis''*'  in  florins^  should  be  forwarded  to  him,  to  bear 
his  travelling  expenses,  to  provide  him  with  a  mule  for  his 
journey,  and  to  furnish  him  with  decent  raiment,  that  he 
might  make  a  respectable  appearance  at  the  court. 

"  The  worthy  friar  lost  no  time  in  communicating  the 
result  of  his  mission ;  he  transmitted  the  money,  and  a  let- 
ter, by  the  hands  of  an  inhabitant  of  Palos,  to  the  physician 
Garcia  Fernandez,  who  delivered  them  to  Columbus.  The 
latter  complied  with  the  instructions  conveyed  in  the  epis- 
tle. He  exchanged  his  threadbare  garb  for  one  more  suited 
to  the  sphere  of  a  court,  and  purchasing  a  mule,  set  out 
once  more,  reanimated  by  hope,  for  the  camp  before  Gra- 
nada."! 

Columbus  arrived  in  time  to  witness  the  memorable 
surrender  of  Granada  to  the  Spanish  arms.  The  mo- 
narchs  could  now  attend  to  his  proposals.  He  re- 
quired that  he  should  be  invested  with  the  title  and 
privileges  of  admiral  and  viceroy  over  the  countries 
he  should  discover,  with  one  tenth  of  all  gains,  either 
by  trade  or  conquest.  One  of  the  courtiers  observing 
that  by  this  arrangement  he  would  secure  the  honour 
of  a  command,  without  any  loss  in  case  of  failure, 
Columbus  replied  by  offering  to  furnish  an  eighth  of 
the  cost,  on  condition  of  enjoying  an  eighth  of  the 
profits.  His  terms,  however,  were  pronounced  inad- 
missible. Others  were  offered  him,  but  he  decided 
to  abandon  Spain  forever,  rather  nian  compromise  his 


*Or  seventy-two  dollars— equivalent  to 
two  hundred  and  sixteen  dollars  of  the 
present  day. 

I  Most  of  the  particulars  of  this  second 
Tisit  of  Columbus  to  the  convent  of  La 


Rabida,  are  from  the  testimony  rendered 
by  Garcia  Fernandez  in  the  law  suit  be- 
tween Diego,  the  son  of  Columbus,  and  the 
crown. 


JOCK    I. 


CHAP.   II.]  PROPOSALS    OF     COLUMBUS    TO    SPAIN. 


9B 


lis  po- 
usand 

0  bear 
for  his 
lat  ho 

ng  the 

1  a  let- 
irsician 

The 
e  e  pis- 
suited 
set  out 
re  Gra- 


lorable 
he  mo- 
le re- 
le  and 
untries 
either 
;erving 
lonour 
ailure, 
;hth  of 
of  the 
inad- 
lecided 
ise  his 


rendered 

Euit  be- 

[ia,andtbe 


demands.  Mounting  his  mule,  he  sallied  forth  from 
Santa  Fe  in  the  beginning  of  February  1492  on  his 
way  to  Cordova,  whence  he  intended  to  depart  imme- 
diately for  France.  His  departure  was  greatly  de- 
plored by  a  few  friends  who  were  zealous  believers  in 
his  theory.  One  of  these  was  Luis  de  St.  Angel,  re- 
ceiver of  the  ecclesiastical  revenues  in  Aragon.  Ob- 
taining an  audience  of  the  queen,  he  vindicated  the 
judgment  of  Columbus,  and  the  soundness  and  prac- 
ticability of  his  plans.  Isabella  declared  in  favour  of 
the  enterprise.  The  king  was  averse  to  the  measure 
when  the  royal  finances  were  drained  by  the  war. 
But  the  queen  of  Castile  undertook  it  for  her  own 
crown,  and  expressed  herself  willing  to  pledge  her 
private  jewels  to  raise  the  necessary  funds.  St.  An- 
gel assured  her  there  would  be  no  need  of  this.* 

Columbus  had  reached  the  bridge  of  Pinos  about 
two  leagu:  s  from  Granada,  at  the  foot  of  the  moun- 
tain of  Elvira,  when  he  was  overtaken  by  a  courier 
from  the  queen.  On  being  told  of  the  promise  she 
had  given,  he  hastened  back  with  alacrity  to  Santa 
Fe,  and  had  from  her  an  immediate  audience.  A  per- 
fect understanding  was  now  had  with  the  sovereigns. 
The  stipulations  were  signed  by  them  on  the  17th  of 
April  1492,  a  commission  was  issued  to  Columbus  on 
the  30th  of  that  month,  and  the  queen  on  the  8th  of 
May  appointed  his  son  Diego  page  to  Prince  Juan, 
the  heir  apparent,  with  an  allowance  for  his  support. 
Columbus  to-'  :eave  of  the  court  on  the  12th  of  May, 
and  set  out  foi  Palos  de  Moguer  in  Andalusia,  the  port 
from  which  the  armament  was  to  be  fitted  out.     He 


*  Irving's  Columbus,  vol.  1,  p.  67  to  71. 


84 


PROPOSALS    OF    COLUMBUS    TO    SPAIN. 


[book  I. 


i 


was  received  with  open  arms  by  the  worthy  prior  of 
the  convent  of  La  Rabida,  and  was  his  guest  during 
his  sojourn  at  Palos.  There  was  extreme  dread  of 
the  undertaking,  even  in  this  maritime  community, 
and  great  difficulty  was  experienced  in  procuring  ves- 
sels and  seamen.  At  length  Martin  Alonzo  Pinzon 
and  his  brother  Vincent  Yanez  Pinzon,  navigators  of 
distinction,  who  possessed  vessels  and  had  seamen  in 
their  employ,  took  a  decided  and  personal  interest  in 
the  expedition ;  and  through  their  exertions  the  ves- 
sels were  ready  for  sea  by  the  beginning  of  August. 
They  were  three  in  number,  all  small  and  only  one  of 
of  them  decked.  Columbus  hoisted  his  flag  on  the 
largest  called  the  Santa  Maria.  The  others  were 
commanded  each  by  one  of  the  Pinzons.  There 
were  on  board  the  three,  one  hundred  and  twenty 
persons  in  all.* 

*  Irving's  Columbus,  vol  1,  p.  71  to  79. 


CHAP.  III.] 


VOYAGE  OF  COLUMBUS  IN  1492. 


35 


CHAPTER  III. 

Of  tho  first  Voyage  of  Columbus  to  the  West ;  his  departure  on  the  3d 
of  August  14'J3 ;  discovery  of  land  in  tho  West  Indias  on  thu  12th  of 
October  in  that  year ;  and  return  to  Spain  in  March  1493. 

It  was  on  Friday,  the  3d  of  August  1492,*  early  in 
the  morning,  that  Columbus  set  sail  from  the  bar  of 
Saltes,  a  small  island  formed  by  the  arms  of  the  Odril, 
in  front  of  the  town  of  Huelva.  He  steered  for  the 
Canary  islands,  whence  it  was  his  intention  to  sail 
due  west  until  he  should  arrive  at  the  Indias,  when 
he  was  to  proceed  to  deliver  the  letters  given  him  for 
the  Grand  Khan  of  Tartary.  On  the  9th  he  came  in 
sight  of  the  Canaries,  where  he  was  detained  upwards 
of  three  weeks,  during  which  time  two  of  the  vessels 
underwent  some  repairs.  He  sailed  from  Gomera  on 
the  6th  of  September,  and  on  the  9th  beheld  Fuso, 
the  last  of  the  Canaries.  On  the  13th,  about  two  hun- 
dred leagues  from  Fuso,  he  noticed  for  the  first  time 
the  variation  of  the  needle :  instead  of  pointing  to  the 
north  star,  it  varied  at  night  fall  about  half  a  point,  or 
between  five  and  six  degrees  to  the  northwest,  and 
still  more  on  the  following  morning :  the  variation  in- 
creased as  he  advanced.  On  the  14th  the  voyagers 
were  rejoiced  by  the  sight  of  a  heron  and  a  tropical 
bird  called  the  Rabo  de  JancOj  harbingers  of  land. 
Now  they  began  to  see  herbs  and  weeds  drifting  from 


*  Irving's  Columbus,  vol.  1,  p.  71  to  79. 


36 


VOYAGE    OF     COLUMBUS    IN     1492. 


[book  I. 


the  west,  and  increasing  in  quantity  as  they  advanced. 
But  several  vyreeks  still  elapsed  without  seeing  any 
land.     Columbus  having  now  come  more  than  seven 
hundred  leagues  since  leaving  the  Canaries,  Martin 
Alonzo  Pinzon  began  to  lose  confidence  in  the  course 
west,  and  proposed  that  they  should  stand  more  to  the 
southward.    Columbus  observing  great  flights  of  small 
birds  going  southwest,  determined  on  the  evening  of 
the  7th  of  October,  to  alter  his  course  to  the  west 
southwest,  the  direction  in  which  the  birds  generally 
flew.     For  three  days  they  stood  in  this  direction,  and 
the  signs  were  encouraging.     But  when  on  the  eve- 
ning of  the  third  day  the  sun  went  down  upon  a  shore- 
less horizon,  the  crews  broke  forth  into  turbulent  cla- 
mour.  They  insisted  on  turning  homeward,  and  aban- 
doning the  voyage  as  hopeless.     Columbus  notwith- 
standing declared  his  purpose  to  persevere  until  he 
should  accomplish  the  enterprise.     At  open  defiance 
with  his  crew,  his  situation  would  have  been  despe- 
rate, had  not  the  manifestations  of  land  been  such  on 
the  following  day  (the  11  th,)  as  no  longer  to  admit  of 
doubt.    That  night  not  an  eye  was  closed.    Columbus 
took  his  station  on  the  top  of  the  castle  or  cabin  on 
the  high  poop  of  his  vessel,  and  maintained  an  unre- 
mitting watch.     Once  or  twice  during  the  night  he 
saw  a  light  which  he  considered  as  a  sign  of  land, 
and  that  it  was  inhabited.     At  two  in  the  morning  a 
gun  from  the  Pinta  (commanded  by  Martin  Alonzo 
Pinzon,)  gave  the  joyful  signal.     The  land  was  now 
clearly  seen  about  two  leagues  distant :  they  took  in 
sail,  .and  laid  to,  waiting  impatiently  for  the  dawn.* 

*  Irving'g  Columbus,  vol.  1,  p.  83  to  101. 


CHAP.    III.] 


DISCOVERY    OF     ISLES    IN     1492. 


37 


When,  as  the  morning  dawned,  objects  gradually 
became  visible,  Columbus  beheld  before  him  a  level 
and  beautiful  island,  several  leagues  in  extent,  the  in- 
habitants of  which  were  seen  naked,  running  to  the 
shore  to  gaze  at  the  ships.  The  boats  were  soon 
manned,  and  a  landing  effected.  Columbus  knelt 
and  offered  up  a  prayer  of  thanksgiving,  in  which 
the  rest  joined.  Then  rising  and  drawing  his  sword, 
he  took  possession  in  the  name  of  the  CastiUan  sove- 
reigns. It  has  been  generally  supposed  that  one  of 
the  Bahama  islands,  called  by  the  natives  Guanahani, 
and  since  called  San  Salvador,  and  also  known  as 
Cat  island,  was  the  spot  where  Columbus  first  set  foot 
upon  the  new  world.  Don  Martin  Navarette,  in  the 
introduction  to  his  "  Collection  of  Spanish  Voyages 
and  Discoveries,"  published  at  Madrid  in  1826,  hav- 
ing endeavoured  to  shew  that  the  place  must  have 
been  Turk's  island,  Mr.  Irving  examined  this  opinion, 
and  came  to  the  conclusion  that  the  world  may  re- 
main in  its  old  hereditary  belief  that  the  present  island 
of  San  Salvador  is  the  spot.* 

It  was  on  Friday,  the  12th  of  October,  that  this 
landing  took  place.  The  crew  thronged  around  the 
admiral  in  their  overflowing  zeal. 

"  Some"  (continues  Mr.  Irving,t)  "  embraced  him, 
others  kissed  his  hands.  Those  who  had  been  most  muti- 
nous and  turbulent  during  the  voyage,  were  now  most  de- 
voted and  enthusiastic.  Some  begged  favours  of  him,  as 
of  a  man  who  had  already  wealth  and  honours  in  his  gift. 
Many  abject  spirits,  who  had  outraged  him  by  their  inso- 


*  Irving'8  Columbus,  vol.  l,p.  102,3;  vol.  2,  p.  980  to  288,  Appendix  No.  17. 
fid.  vol.  1,  p.  103  to  105. 


38 


DISCOVERY    OF    ISLES    IN     1492. 


[book  I. 


lence,  now  crouched  as  it  were  at  his  feet,  begging  pardon 
for  all  the  trouble  they  had  caused  him,  and  offering  for  the 
future  the  blindest  obedience  to  his  commands.* 

"  The  natives  of  the  island,  when,  at  the  dawn  of  day, 
they  had  beheld  the  ships,  with  their  sails  set,  hovering  on 
their  coast,  had  supposed  them  some  monsters  which  had 
issued  from  the  deep  during  the  night.  They  had  crowded 
to  the  beach,  and  watched  their  movements  with  awful 
anxiety.  Their  veering  about,  apparently  without  effort  ; 
the  shifting  and  furling  of  their  sails,  resembling  huge 
wings,  filled  them  with  astonishment.  When  they  beheld 
the  boats  approach  the  shore,  and  a  number  of  strange  be- 
ings clad  in  glittering  steel,  or  raiment  of  various  colours, 
landing  upon  the  beach,  they  fled  in  affright  to  their  woods. 
Finding,  however,  that  there  was  no  attempt  to  pursue,  or 
molest  them,  they  gradually  recovered  from  their  terror, 
and  approached  the  Spaniards  with  great  awe ;  frequently 
prostrating  themselves  on  the  earth,  and  making  signs  of 
adoration.  During  the  ceremonies  of  taking  possession, 
they  remained  gazing  in  timid  admiration  at  the  complexion, 
the  beards,  the  shining  armour  and  splendid  dresses  of  the 
Spaniards.  The  admiral  particularly  attracted  their  atten- 
tion, from  his  commanding  height,  his  air  of  authority,  his 
dress  of  scarlet,  and  the  deference  which  was  paid  him  by 
his  companions ;  all  which  pointed  him  out  to  be  the  com- 
mander.f  When  they  had  still  further  recovered  from  their 
fears,  they  approached  the  Spaniards,  touched  their  beards, 
and  examined  their  hands  and  faces,  admiring  their  white- 
ness. Columbus,  pleased  with  their  simplicity,  their  gen- 
tleness, and  the  confidence  they  reposed  in  beings  who  must 
have  appeared  to  them  so  strange  and  formidable,  suffered 
their  scrutiny  with  perfect  acquiescence.  The  wondering 
savages  were  won  by  this  benignity  ;  they  now  supposed 


*Oviedo,L.  l,cap.  6.    LoaCosas,  Hist.  Ind.  L.  l,c.  40.       t  Laa  Casas,  ubi  sup. 


CHAP.    III.] 


DISCOVERY    OF    ISLES    IN     1492. 


39 


that  the  ships  had  sailed  out  of  the  crystal  jfirtnament  which 
bounded  their  horizon,  or  that  they  had  descended  from 
above  on  their  ample  wings,  and  that  these  marvellous  be- 
ings were  inhabitants  of  the  skies.^ 

"  The  natives  of  the  island  were  no  less  objects  of  cu- 
riosity to  the  Spaniards,  differing  as  they  did  from  any  race 
of  men  they  had  ever  seen.  Their  appearance  gave  no  pro- 
mise of  either  wealth  or  civilization,  for  they  were  entirely 
naked,  and  painted  with  a  variety  of  colours.  With  some 
it  was  confined  merely  to  a  part  of  the  face,  the  nose,  or 
around  the  eyes;  with  others  it  extended  to  the  whole 
body,  and  gave  them  a  wild  and  fantastic  appearance. 
Their  complexion  was  of  a  tawny  or  copper  hue,  and  they 
were  entirely  destitute  of  beards.  Their  hair  was  not 
crisped  like  the  recently  discovered  tribes  of  the  African 
coast,  under  the  same  latitude,  but  straight  and  coarse, 
partly  cut  short  above  the  ears,  but  some  locks  left  long  be- 
hini,  ^d  falling  upon  their  shoulders.  Their  features, 
thou[/  1:  cured  and  disfigured  by  paint,  were  agreeable; 
they  Luvi^  lofty  foreheads  and  remarkably  fine  eyes.  They 
were  of  moderate  stature,  and  well  shaped ;  most  of  them 
appeared  to  be  under  thirty  years  of  age ;  there  was  but 
one  female  with  them,  quite  young,  naked  like  her  com- 
panions, and  beautifully  formed. 

"  As  Columbus  supposed  himself  to  have  landed  on  an 
island  at  the  extremity  of  India,  he  called  the  natives  by 
the  general  appellation  of  Indians,  which  was  universally 
adopted,  before  the  true  nature  of  his  discovery  was  known, 
and  has  ever  since  been  extended  to  all  the  aboriginals  of 
the  new  world." 


'''The  idea  that  the  white  men  ctime 
from  heaven  was  universally  entertained 
by  the  inhobltarts  of  the  new  world. 
When  in  the  course  of  subsequent  voyages, 
the  Spaniards  conversed  with  the  Cacique 


Nicaragua,  he  inquired  honr  they  came 
down  from  the  skies,  whether  flying,  or 
whetlicr  they  descended  on  clouds.  Her- 
rcra,  Oecad,  3,  L.  4,  c.  5. 


sup. 


40 


DISCOVERY    OF    ISLES    IN     1492. 


[book  I. 


Columbus,  after  reconnoitering  San  Salvador, 
cruised  among  others  of  the  Bahama  islands.  To 
one  he  gave  the  name  of  Santa  Maria  de  la  Concep- 
tion ;  to  another  the  name  of  Fernandina,  this  is  now 
called  Exuma.  Then  he  went  to  an  island  called  Isa- 
bella by  him,  and  since  called  Isla  Larga  and  Exumeta. 
Afterwards  he  touched  at  a  group  of  seven  or  eight 
small  islands,  which  he  called  Isles  de  Arena,  supposed 
to  be  the  present  Mucaras  islands,  and  crossing  the  Ba- 
hama bank  and  channel,  arrived  on  the  morning  of  the 
28th  of  October  in  sight  of  the  island  of  Cuba.  The 
part  which  he  first  discovered  is  supposed  to  be  the 
coast  to  the  west  of  Nuevitas  del  Principe.  He  an- 
chored in  a  beautiful  river,  to  which  he  gave  the  name 
of  San  Salvador ;  and  to  the  island  he  gave  the  name 
of  Juana,  in  honour  of  Prince  Juan.  Landing  occa- 
sionally, he  visited  several  villages,  particularly  one  on 
the  banks  of  a  large  river,  to  which  he  gave  the  name 
of  Riode  Maies.  It  is  now  called  Savannah  la  Mar. 
After  standing  to  the  northwest,  he  came  in  sight  of 
a  headland,  to  which,  from  the  groves  with  which  it 
was  covered,  he  gave  the  name  of  the  Cape  of  Palms. 
It  forms  the  eastern  entrance  to  what  is  now  known 
as  Laguna  de  Moron.  Afterwards  he  put  back  to  the 
Rio  de  Mares,  and  sent  two  Spaniards  (with  two  In- 
dians as  guides)  on  a  mission  to  the  chieftain,  in  the 
interior  of  the  island.* 


(( 


On  their  way  back,  they,  for  the  first  time,  witnessed 
the  use  of  a  weed,  which  the  ingenious  caprice  of  man  has 
since  converted  into  an  universal  Uixury,  in  defiance  of  the 


*  Irving'a  ColumbuB,  vol.  1,  p.  105  to  123. 


CHAP.    III.] 


DISCOVERY    OF    ISLES    IN     1492. 


41 


opposition  of  the  senses.  They  beheld  several  of  the  na- 
tives going  about  with  fire-brands  in  their  hands,  and  cer- 
tain dried  herbs,  which  they  rolled  up  in  a  leaf,  and  light- 
ing one  end,  put  the  other  end  in  their  mouths,  and  conti- 
nued exhaling  and  puffing  out  the  smoke.  A  roll  of  this 
kind  they  called  a  tobacco,  a  name  since  transferred  to  the 
plant  of  which  the  rolls  were  made.  The  Spaniards, 
although  prepared  to  meet  with  wonders,  were  struck  with 
astonishment  at  their  singular  and  apparently  nauseous  in- 
dulgence."* 

On  the  12th  of  November  Columbus,  taking  seve- 
ral of  the  natives  of  both  sexes  to  carry  with  him  to 
Spain,  turned  his  course  to  the  east  southeast.  He 
gave  to  a  cape  which  he  passed,  the  name  of  Cape 
Cuba,  and  anchored  in  a  harbour  which  he  called  Pu- 
erto del  Principe.  He  passed  a  few  days  exploring 
an  archipelago  of  small  but  beautiful  islands,  since 
known  as  El  Jardin  del  Rey,  or  the  King's  Garden ; 
and  named  the  gulf,  studded  with  them,  the  sea  of 
Nuestra  Senora.  On  the  19th,  he  again  put  to  sea, 
but  the  wind  blowing  from  the  quarter  to  which  he 
wished  to  steer,  and  the  sea  being  rough,  he  deter- 
mined to  return  to  Cuba,  and  made  signals  to  his  com- 
panions to  do  the  same.  The  Pinta,  commanded  by 
Martin  Alonzo  Pinzon,  had  by  this  time  worked  a 
considerable  distance  to  the  eastward.  It  failed  to 
attend  to  his  signals,  and  the  next  morning  was  out  of 
sight.  Columbus  was  exceedingly  indignant  at  this 
apparent  desertion,  but  not  knowing  what  course  Pin- 
zon would  steer,  went  back  with  the  remaining  ships. 
On  the  24th,  he  regained  Point  Cuba,  and  anchored 


*  Irving's  Columbus,  vol.  1,  p.  129. 


42 


DISCOVERV    OF    ISLES    IN     1492. 


[book  I. 


in  a  harbour  formed  by  the  mouth  of  a  river,  to  which 
he  gave  the  name  of  St.  Catharine.  He  continued 
for  several  days  coasting  the  residue  of  Cuba,  and 
reached  its  eastern  end  the  5th  of  December.* 

While  steering  at  large,  beyond  the  eastern  extre- 
mity of  Cuba,  Columbus  descried  land  to  the  south- 
east.    The  beautiful  island  of  Hayti  revealed  itself  to 
the  eye.     In  the  evening  of  the  6th  of  December, 
Columbus  entered  a  harbour  at  the  western  end  of  the 
island,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  St.  Nicholas,  by 
which  it  is  still  called.     I^eaving  this  harbour  on  the 
7th,  he  coasted  along  the  northern  side  of  the  island. 
For  several  days  he  was  detained  in  a  harbour  which 
he  called  Fort  Conception.     The  admiral  fancied  the 
features  of  the  surrounding  country  resembled  those 
of  the  more  beautiful  provinces  of  Spain,  and  named 
the  island  Hispaniola.     He  visited  an  island  lying  op- 
posite the  harbour  of  Conception,  to  which,  from  its 
abounding  in  turtle,  he  gave  the  name  of  Tortugas. 
To  one  of  its  valleys,  he  gave  the  name  of  Valle  de 
Pariso,  or  the  vale  of  Paradise ;  and  he  called  a  fine 
stream  the  Guadalquiver.     Setting  sail  on  the  16th  of 
December,  at  midnight,  he  steered  again  for  Hispa- 
niola, and  anchored  near  a  village  on  its  coast,  at  pre- 
sent known  as  Puerto  de  Paz.     On  the  evening  of 
the  20th,  he  anchored  in  a  fine  harbour,  to  which 
he  gave  the  name  of  St.  Thomas,  supposed  to  be 
what  at  present  is  called  the  Bay  of  Acul.     On  the 
22d,  a  message  was  received  from  a  grand  cacique, 
named  Guacanagari,  begging  that  the  ships  might 
come  opposite  to  his  residence.     The  wind  prevent- 


*  Irving'B  Columbus,  vol.  I,  p.  13-2  to  129. 


CHAP.    III.] 


DISCOVERY    OF    ISLES    IN     1492. 


43 


lispa- 

pre- 

ig  of 

^hich 

lo  be 

the 


light 
rent- 


ing an  immediate  compliance,  the  admiral  sent  the 
notary,  with  several  of  the  crew,  to  visit  him  at  his 
residence,  in  a  town  then  called  Puerta  Santa,  now 
Point  Honorata.  They  were  received  with  great  ho- 
nour, and  brought  back  many  presents  to  the  ad- 
miral.* 

On  the  morning  of  the  24th  of  December,  Colum- 
bus steered  to  the  eastward,  with  the  intention  of  an- 
choring at  the  harbour  of  this  cacique.  On  the  way, 
owing  to  neglect  of  duty  of  the  steersman,  his  vessel 
was  shipwrecked  in  the  night,  and  the  admiral  and  his 
men  took  refuge  on  board  the  caravel  of  Vicente  Ya- 
nez  Pinzon.  When  the  cacique  heard  of  this  misfor- 
tune, he  immediately  sent  all  his  people  with  all  the 
canoes,  large  and  small,  that  could  be  mustered ;  and 
so  active  were  they,  in  their  assistance,  that  in  a  little 
while  the  vessel  was  unloaded.  Never,  in  ??ny  civi- 
lized country,  were  the  vaunted  rights  of  hospitality 
more  scrupulously  observed  than  by  this  uncultured 
savage.  Men  of  the  present  day,  who  inhabit  the 
Atlantic  coast  of  North  America,  with  all  the  aid  that 
Christianity  gives  them,  may  be  improved  by  follow- 
ing his  example.  All  the  effects  landed  from  the  ship 
were  deposited  near  his  dwelling,  and  an  armed  guard 
surrounded  them  all  night,  until  houses  could  be  pre- 
pared, in  which  to  store  them.  Yet  there  seemed, 
even  among  the  common  people,  no  disposition  to 
take  advantage  of  the  misfortune  of  the  strangers. 
Without  going  through  the  Christian  form  of  prayer, 
the  conduct  of  these  people  to  Columbus,  enabled 

*  Irving's  Columbus,  vol.  1,  p.  129  to  137. 


44 


DISCOVERY    OF    ISLES    IN     1492. 


[book  I. 


him  to  say  of  them  that  they  loved  their  neighbours 
as  tiiemselves.* 

The  soHcitude  expressed  by  many  o^  his  people  to 
be  left  behind,  added  to  the  friendly  and  pacific 
character  of  the  natives,  suggested  to  Columbus  the 
idea  of  forming  the  germ  of  a  future  colony.  The 
wreck  of  his  vessel  afforded  abundant  materials  to 
construct  a  fortress.  So  great  was  the  activity  of  the 
Spaniards  in  its  construction,  and  so  ample  the  assis- 
tance rendered  by  the  natives,  that  in  ten  days  it  was 
sufficiently  complete  for  service.  A  large  vault  had 
been  made,  over  which  was  erected  a  strong  wooden 
tower,  and  the  whole  was  surrounded  by  a  wide  ditch. 
It  was  stored  with  all  the  ammunitions  that  had  been 
saved  from  the  wreck  or  that  could  be  spared  from 
the  caravel ;  and  the  guns  being  mounted,  the  whole 
had  a  formidable  aspect.  Columbus  gave  to  the  for- 
tress, as  well  as  to  the  adjacent  village  and  the  har- 
bour, the  name  of  La  Navidad,  or  the  Nativity,  in 
memorial  of  their  having  escaped  from  shipwreck  on 
Christmas  day.  There  were  many  volunteers  to  re- 
main on  the  island ;  from  whom  he  selected  thirty- 
nine,  the  commana  of  whom  was  given  to  Diego  de 
Arana,  a  native  of  Cordova,  and  notary  and  alguazil 
to  the  armament.  In  case  of  death,  he  was  to  be 
succeeded  by  Pedro  Gutierrez,  and  he  dying,  by  Rod- 
rigo  de  Escobedo.f 

It  was  on  the  4th  of  January  1493,  that  Columbus 
set  sail  from  La  Navidad,  on  his  return  to  Spain.  He 
stood  eastward,  towards  a  lofty  promontory,  to  which 
he  gave  the  name  of  Monte  Christi,  by  which  it  is 


*  Irving'8  Columbus,  vol.  I,  p.  137  to  144.       f  Id.  145  to  151. 


CHAP.    HI.] 


OISCOVEKY    OF    ISLES    IN     1492. 


4ff 


still  known.  On  the  6th,  having  weathered  the  cape 
and  advanced  ten  leagues,  the  Pinta  was  seen.  There 
being  an  adverse  wind,  and  no  safe  anchorage  in  the 
neighbourhood,  the  admiral  put  back  to  the  bay,  a 
little  west  of  Monte  Christi,  whither  he  was  followed 
by  the  Pinta.  When  Martin  Alonzo  Pinzon  came  on 
board  of  the  admiral's  vessel,  he  was  agitated  and 
confused.  Columbus  was  not  at  all  satisfied  with  his 
account ;  and,  from  subsequent  information,  became 
convinced  that  Pinzon  had  deserted  him  from  a  selfish 
and  mercenary  motive ;  Ihat  of  first  getting  to  a  gol- 
den region,  of  which  he  heard,  (from  one  of  the  In- 
dians on  board  of  his  vessel,)  and  making  a  fortune. 
In  searching  for  this  land  of  imaginary  wealth,  he  was 
entangled  for  some  time  among  a  cluster  of  small 
islands,  supposed  to  have  been  the  Caicos ;  after 
which,  he  went  to  Hispaniola.  Here,  in  trading  with 
the  natives,  he  collected  a  quantity  of  gold,  of  which 
he  retained  half  for  himself,  and  divided  the  rest 
among  his  men.  Though  he  received  intv  lligence  of 
the  shipwreck  of  the  admiral,  he  had  delayed  sailing 
to  his  assistance,  to  amass  more  booty.* 

On  being  rejoined  by  the  Pinta,  Columbus  would 
have  been  encouraged  to  continue  his  voyage  along 
the  coast,  but  for  his  loss  of  confidence  in  the  Pin- 
zons.  This  decided  him  to  hasten  to  Spain,  and  re- 
lease himself  from  his  connexion  with  them.  The 
boats  now  took  in  a  supply  of  wood  and  water,  at  a 
river  called  by  the  natives  the  Yagui,  to  which  Co- 
lumbus gave  the  name  of  Rio  del  Oro,  or  the  Golden 
River.     It  is  now  called  the  Santiago.     They  again 


Irving's  Columbus,  vol.  1,  p.  152  to  154. 


46 


DISCOVERY    OF    ISLES    IN     1492. 


[book  I. 


sailed  on  the  evening  of  the  9th  of  January,  and  ar- 
rived next  day  at  a  river  where  Pinzon  had  been  tra- 
ding. To  this  Columbus  gave  the  name  of  Rio  de 
Gracia,  but  it  took  the  appellation  of  its  original  dis- 
coverer, and  was  long  known  as  the  river  of  Martin 
Alonzo.  Here  the  nativos  complained  that  Pinzon 
had  violently  carried  off  four  men  and  two  girls.  The 
admiral  finding  they  were  on  board  the  Pinta,  to  be 
carried  to  Spain  and  sold  as  slaves,  ordered  that  they 
should  be  immediately  restored  to  their  homes,  well 
clothed,  and  with  many  presents,  to  atone  for  the 
wrong  they  had  experienced,  and  to  prevent  its  pre- 
judicing the  natives  against  the  Spaniards.  This  res- 
titution was  made  with  great  unwillingness  and  many 
high  words  on  the  part  of  Pinzon.* 

Columbus  coasted  the  island  until  he  came  to  a 
high  and  beautiful  headland,  to  which  he  gave  the 
name  of  Cape  del  Enamorado,  or  the  Lover's  Cape, 
but  which  is  now  known  as  Cape  Cabron.  A  little 
beyond,  he  anchored  in  a  vast  bay  or  gulf,  three 
leagues  in  breadth,  and  extending  far  inland.  On  this 
bay  was  the  first  contest  had  with  the  Indians ;  the 
first  time  that  native  blood  was  shed  by  the  white  men 
in  the  new  world.  The  tribe  was  the  Ciguayans,  a 
bold  and  hardy  race  extending  twenty-five  leagues 
along  the  coast,  and  several  leagues  into  the  interior. 
In  consequence  of  the  skirmish  with  them,  Columbus 
gave  to  the  bay  the  name  of  Golfo  de  las  Fleches  or 
the  Gulf  of  Arrows,  bu ;  it  is  now  known  by  the  name 
of  the  Gulf  of  Samana.  Notwithstanding  the  skir- 
mish, the  chieftain  and  some  of  his  attendants  visited 


*  Irving'a  Columbus,  vol.  1,  p.  154, 5. 


CHAF.  Ill]    RETURN    OF    COLUMBUS    IN    MARCH     1493. 


47 


the  caravel  next  day  in  amity.  A  friendly  intercourse 
afterwards  prevailed  with  the  natives  while  Columbus 
remained  in  the  bay.  And  four  young  Indians  agreed 
to  accompany  him  as  guides  to  some  islands  lying 
to  the  east,  of  which  they  gave  interesting  accounts. 
He  sailed  from  the  bay  on  the  16th  of  January,  and 
steered  at  first  to  the  northeast,  but  after  going  about 
sixteen  leagues  his  Indian  guides  changed  their  opi- 
nion and  pointed  to  the  southeast.  The  admiral  had 
not  proceeded  two  leagues  in  this  direction,  when  a 
most  favourable  breeze  sprang  up  for  the  voyage  to 
Spain.  The  gloom  on  the  countenances  of  the  sailors 
increasing  as  they  diverged  from  the  homeward  route, 
Columbus  repressed  his  inclination  for  farther  discove- 
ries, and  once  more  shifting  sail,  to  the  great  joy  of 
the  crews,  resumed  his  course  for  Spain.* 

The  favourable  breeze  soon  died  away,  and  for  the 
remainder  of  January  no  great  progress  was  made. 
In  the  early  part  of  February,  having  run  to  about 
the  thirty-eighth  degree  of  north  latitude,  they  began 
to  have  more  favourable  breezes,  and  were  enabled 
to  steer  direct  for  Spain.  On  the  13th  there  was  a 
violent  tempest,  which  continued  till  the  night  of  the 
14th.  In  the  darkness  of  the  night  the  Pinta  was  lost 
sight  of.  On  the  morning  of  the  loth  an  island  was 
seen  by  those  on  board  the  Nina ;  and  on  the  morn- 
ing of  the  18th,  they  were  enabled  to  anchor  on  its 
northern  side.  The  island  was  St.  Mary's,  the  most 
southern  of  the  Azores,  and  a  possession  of  the  crown 
of  Portugal,  whose  king,  it  appeared,  jealous  lest  the 
expedition  of  Columbus  might  interfere  with  his  own 


*  Irving's  Columbua,  vol.  J,  p.  155  to  159. 


48 


RETURN    or    COLUMBUS    IN    MARCH     1493.         [BOOK  I. 


discoveries,  had  given  orders  for  his  seizure  and  de- 
tention, wherever  he  should  be  met  with.  In  conse- 
quence of  these  orders,  half  the  men  of  Columbus 
were  taken  while  on  land,  and  for  a  time  detained. 
After  their  restoration,  he  set  sail  on  the  24th  of  Feb- 
ruary, and  again  encountered  violent  storms.  At  day 
break  on  the  4th  of  March,  they  found  themselves 
off  the  rock  of  Cintra,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Tagus. 
Though  distrusting  Portugal,  the  prevailing  tempest 
left  Columbus  no  alternative  but  to  go  in  for  shelter, 
and  he  accordingly  anchored  about  3  o'clock,  oppo- 
site to  Rastello.* 

Immediately  on  his  arrival,  Columbus  dispatched  a 
courier  to  the  King  and  Queen  of  Spain,  with  the 
great  tidings  of  his  discovery.  He  wrote  also  to  the 
King  of  Portugal,  who  was  then  at  Valparaiso.  On 
the  8th  of  March  a  cavalier  came  with  a  letter  from 
King  John,  congratulating  Columbus  on  his  arrival, 
and  inviting  him  to  court.  His  reception  by  that 
monarch  was  worthy  of  an  enlightened  prince.  Co- 
lumbus after  being  treated  with  distinguished  atten- 
tion, was  escorted  back  to  his  ship  by  a  numerous 
train  of  cavaliers ;  stopping  on  his  way  back  at  the 
monastery  of  St.  Antonio,  at  Villa  Franca,  to  visit  the 
queen,  who  had  expressed  an  earnest  wish  to  see  him. 
Putting  to  sea  on  the  13th  of  March,  he  arrived  safely 
at  the  bar  of  Saltcs  about  sunrise  of  the  15th,  and  at 
mid-day  entered  the  harbour  of  Palos.  The  trium- 
phant return  of  Columbus  was  a  prodigious  event  in 
the  history  of  this  little  port.  The  whole  community 
broke  forth  into  transports  of  joy.     Columbus  dis- 


*  Irving's  Columbus,  vol.  1,  p.  159  to  168. 


CHAP.   III.]    INTEREST    EXCITED    BV    THE    DISCOVERY. 


49 


that 
Co- 
ten- 
lerous 
the 
the 
him. 
afely 
nd  at 
ium- 
nt  in 
unity 
dis- 


patched hence  a  letter  to  the  king  and  queen  at  Bar- 
celona, and  soon  after  departed  for  Seville  to  await 
their  orders,  taking  with  him  six  of  the  natives  whom 
he  had  brought  from  the  new  world.  One  had  died 
at  sea,  and  three  were  left  ill  at  Palos.  It  is  a  singular 
coincidence,  that  on  the  very  evening  of  the  arrival 
of  Columbus  at  Palos  the  Pinta  likewise  entered  the 
river.  After  her  separation  from  the  admiral,  she 
had  been  driven  in  o  the  bay  of  Biscay,  and  made 
the  port  of  Bayonne.  Anxious  to  secure  the  favour- 
able prepossessions  of  the  court  and  the  pubh"-,  Mar- 
tin Alonzo  Pinzon  had  immediately  written  to  the 
sovereigns,  giving  information  of  the  discovery  ho 
had  made.  When  on  entering  the  harbour  of  Palos, 
he  beheld  the  vessel  of  the  admiral  riding  at  anchor, 
and  learnt  the  enthusiasm  with  which  he  had  been  re- 
ceived, the  heart  of  Pinzon  died  within  him.  In  r>. 
few  days  he  sank  into  the  grave.^ 

The  letter  of  Columbus  to  the  Spanish  monarchs 
announcing  his  discovery,  had  produced  the  greatest 
sensation  at  court.  Shortly  after  arriving  in  Seville, 
Columbus  received  a  letter  from  them,  expressing 
their  great  delight,  and  requesting  him  to  repair  im- 
mediately to  court  to  concert  plans  for  a  second  and 
more  extensive  expedition.  He  set  out  soon  for  Bar- 
celona, taking  with  him  the  six  Indians  and  c^- her  cu- 
riosities brought  from  the  new  world.  His  journey 
was  hke  that  of  a  sovereign.  About  the  middle  of 
April  he  arrived  at  Barcelona,  and  thore  had  a  most 
gratifying  reception  both  from  the  court  and  the 
people.     Notwithstanding  tlie  universal  enthusiasm. 


*  Irving'8  Columbus,  vol.  1,  p.  169  to  176. 


50 


INTEREST    EXCITED    BY    THE    DISCOVERY.         [BOOK  1. 


however,  no  one  was  yet  aware  of  the  real  impor- 
tance of  the  discovery.  It  was  still  supposed  that 
Cuba  was  the  end  of  the  Asiatic  continent,  and  that 
the  adjacent  islands  were  in  the  Indian  seas;  and 
therefore  the  lands  which  he  had  visited  were  called 
the  West  Indias :  yet  as  he  seemed  to  have  entered 
upon  a  vast  region  of  unexplored  countries,  existing 
in  a  state  of  nature,  the  whole  received  the  compre- 
hensive appellation  of  "  The  New  World."*^ 

Next  to  the  countenance  shewn  Columbus  by  the 
king  and  queen,  may  be  mentioned  that  of  Pedro 
Gonzalez  de  Mendoza,  the  first  subject  of  the  realm ; 
a  man  whose  elevated  character  gave  value  to  his 
favours.  He  invited  Columbus  to  a  feast,  where  he 
assigned  him  the  most  honourable  place  at  table.  At 
this  repast  is  said  to  have  occurred  the  anecdote  of 
the  egg.  A  courtier  present,  impatient  perhaps  of 
the  honours  paid  to  Columbus,  asked  him  whether  he 
thought  that  in  case  he  had  not  discovered  the  Indias, 
there  were  not  other  men  in  Spain  who  would  have 
been  capable  of  the  enterprise  ?  Columbus  made  no 
immediate  reply,  but,  taking  an  egg,  invited  the  com- 
pany to  make  it  stand  upon  one  end.  Every  one  at- 
tempted it,  but  in  vain.  Whereupon  Columbus  struck 
the  egg  upon  the  table  so  as  to  break  the  end,  and 
left  it  standing  on  the  broken  part ;  illustrating  in  this 
simple  manner,  that  when  he  had  once  shewn  the 
way  to  the  new  world,  nothing  was  easier  than  to 
follow  it.f 

The  six  Indians  whom  Columbus  had  brought  to 
Barcelona,  were  baptized  with  great  state  and  cere- 


*  Irving'8  Columbue,  vol.  1,  p.  177  to  189.        f  Id.  p.  183, 4. 


CHAP,   HI.]    INTEREST    EXCITED    BY    THE    DISCOVERY. 


51 


mony;  the  king,  the  queen  and  Prince  Juan  officiating 
as  sponsors.  Great  hopes  were  entertained  that  on 
their  return  to  their  native  country  they  would  faciU- 
tate  the  introduction  of  Christianity  among  their  coun- 
trymen. One  of  them,  at  the  request  of  Prince  Juan, 
remained  in  his  household,  but  died  not  long  after- 
wards. A  Spanish  historian  remarks,  that  accordij;)g 
to  what  is  called  christian  belief,  he  was  the  first  of 
his  nation  that  entered  Heaven  ?* 

During  the  year  1493,  three  editions  were  printed 
of  the  letter  of  Columbus  to  Gabriel  Sanchez,  trea- 
surer of  Spain,  giving  an  account  of  his  discovery. 
The  general  interest  which  it  excited  is  strongly  evi- 
denced by  this  fact.  Another  example  of  a  work 
printed  three  times  in  the  same  year,  can  scarcely  be 
found  in  the  fifteenth  century. 


♦  Irving'a  Columbus,  vol.  1,  p.  190. 


62 


SECOND  VOYAGE  OF  COLUMBUS. 


[book  I. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Of  the  second  Voyage  of  Columbus ;  discovery  of  other  isles  in  1493 
and  1494 ;  settlement  at  La  Navidad  destroyed ;  and  City  of  Isabella 
built. 

After  receiving  every  mark  of  honour  and  regard, 
Columbus  took  leave  of  the  sovereigns  on  the  28th 
of  May  1493.  He  arrived  at  Seville  the  beginning 
of  June,  and  proceeded  with  all  diligence  to  fit  out 
the  armament.  On  the  25th  of  September,  the  bay 
of  Cadiz  was  whitened  by  his  fleet,  consisting  of  three 
large  ships  of  heavy  burthen  and  fourteen  caravels. 
The  two  sons  of  Columbus,  Diego  and  Fernando, 
witnessed  the  departure  of  their  father.* 

Columbus  arrived  at  the  Canaries  on  the  1st  of 
October.  By  the  24th  he  had  made  four  hundred 
and  fifty  leagues  west  of  Gomera.  On  the  morning 
of  the  3d  of  November,  a  lofty  island  was  descried 
to  the  west,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  Dominica, 
from  its  being  discovered  on  Sunday.  Other  islands 
rose  into  sight,  one  afi;er  another.  These  were  a  part 
of  the  beautiful  cluster,  called  by  some  the  Antilles, 
which  sweep  almost  in  a  semi-circle,  from  the  eastern 
end  of  Porto  Rico  to  the  coast  of  Paria,  on  the 
southern  continent,  foi.ning  a  kind  of  barrier  be- 
tween the  main  ocean  and  the  Caribbean  sea.  To 
one  of  these  islands  he  gave  the  name  of  his  ship, 


"■  Irving'a  Columbus,  vol.  1,  p.  191  to  202. 


CHAP.    IV.] 


DISCOVERY    OF    ISLES    IN     1493. 


53 


Marigalante ;  to  another  the  name  of  Guadaloupe. 
On  this  the  Spaniards  landed  the  4th  of  November, 
and  met  for  the  fir  it  time  with  the  deUcious  pine 
apple.* 

Continuing  along  this  beautiful  archipelago,  Co- 
lumbus gave  names  to  its  islands  as  they  successively 
rose  to  view ;  Montserrat,  Santa  Maria  la  Redonda, 
Santa  Maria  la  Antigua  and  San  Martin.  Other 
lands  to  the  north  he  forbore  to  visit.  On  the  14th 
of  November  he  anchored  at  an  island  which  the  In- 
dians called  Ayay,  and  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of 
Santa  Cruz.  Here  there  was  a  skirmish  with  the  na- 
tives. Pursuing  his  voyage,  Columbus  soon  came  in 
sight  of  a  great  cluster  of  islands :  to  the  largest  he 
gave  the  name  of  Santa  Ursula ;  and  he  called  the 
others  the  Eleven  Thousand  Virgins.  He  arrived 
afterwards  at  a  great  island  called  by  the  natives 
Boriquen :  to  this  he  gave  the  name  of  St.  Juan 
Bautista;  it  is  since  known  by  the  name  of  Porto 
Rico.  After  remaining  here  two  days,  Columbus 
sailed  for  Hispaniola.f 

On  the  22d  of  November  the  fleet  arrived  at  the 
eastern  extremity  of  this  island.  At  the  gulf  of  Sa- 
mana  he  set  on  shore  one  of  the  young  Indians  who 
had  been  to  Spain.  Favourable  effects  were  antici- 
pated from  his  representations  to  his  countrymen,  but 
he  was  neither  seen  nor  heard  of  again.  One  Indian 
of  those  who  had  been  to  Spain  remained  in  the 
fleet ;  a  native  of  the  island  of  Guanahani,  named 
after  the  admiral's  brother,  Diego  Colon.  He  con- 
tinued faithful  to  the  Spaniards.    Columbus  anchored 


*  Irving's  Coluiubui,  vol.  1,  p.  S03  to 310.        f  Id.  311  to  915. 


54 


DISCOVERY    OF    ISLES    IN    1493. 


[book  I. 


on  the  25th  in  the  harbour  of  Monte  Christi,  and  on 
the  evening  of  the  27th  near  La  Navidad.  Two 
cannon  were  fired,  but  there  was  no  reply.  About 
midnight  a  canoe  approached  with  Indians.  One  of 
them  was  a  cousin  of  the  cacique  Guacanagari,  and 
brought  the  admiral  a  present  from  him.  The  ac- 
count of  this  messenger  (as  well  as  it  could  be  ga- 
thered,) was,  that  several  of  the  Spaniards  had  died 
of  sickness,  and  others  fallen  in  a  quarrel  among 
themselves ;  and  the  rest  had  removed  to  a  different 
part  of  the  island:  and  that  another  cacique  had 
wounded  Guacanagari  in  battle,  and  burnt  his  village. 
Next  day  Columbus  sent  a  boat  to  the  shore  to  recon- 
noitre. The  crew  found  the  fortress  a  burnt  ruiu ; 
the  pallisadoes  beaten  down ;  and  the  whole  present- 
ing the  appearance  of  having  been  sacked  and  de- 
stroyed. They  returned  with  dejected  hearts  to  the 
ships,  and  related  to  the  admiral  what  they  had  seen. 
Columbus  was  greatly  troubled  at  this  intelligence, 
and,  the  fleet  having  now  anchored  in  the  harbour, 
went  himself  to  shore  on  the  following  morning.  In 
the  course  of  the  day  a  number  of  the  Indians  began 
to  make  their  appearance.  Some  of  them  could 
speak  a  few  words  of  Spanish,  and  knew  the  names 
of  all  the  men  who  had  remained  with  Arana.  By 
this  means,  and  by  the  aid  of  the  Indian  named  Diego 
Colon  as  interpreter,  the  story  of  the  garrison  was  in 
some  measure  ascertained.* 

"  No  sooner  had  the  depaFting  sail  of  the  admiral  faded 
from  their  sight,  than  all  his  counsels  and  commands  died 


*  Irving's  Columbus,  vol.  1 ,  p.  21G  to  231.  The  extract  which  follows  is  from  p.  331  to  303. 


CHAP.    IV.] 


DISCOVERY    OF    ISLES    IN     1493. 


65 


away  from  their  minds.  Though  a  mere  handful  of  men, 
surrounded  by  savage  tribes,  and  dependent  upon  their  own 
prudence  and  good  conduct,  and  upon  the  good  will  of  the 
natives,  for  very  existence,  yet  they  soon  began  to  indulge 
in  the  most  wanton  abuses.  Some  were  incited  by  rapa- 
cious avarice,  and,  in  their  eagerness  to  amass  private  hoards 
of  wealth,  possessed  themselves,  by  all  kinds  of  wrongful 
means,  of  the  golden  ornaments  and  other  valuable  pro- 
perty of  the  natives.  Others  sinned  through  gross  sensu- 
ality. Two  or  three  wives  had  been  allotted  to  each  by 
the  Cacique  Guacanagari,  yet,  not  content  with  this  liberal 
allowance,  they  invaded  the  domestic  tranquillity  of  the 
Indians,  and  seduced  from  them  their  wives  and  daughters. 
Fierce  brawls  incessantly  occurred  among  themselves  about 
their  ill-gotten  spoils,  or  the  favours  of  the  Indian  beauties; 
and  the  simple  natives  beheld  with  astonishment  the  beings 
whom  they  had  worshipped  as  descended  from  the  skies, 
abandoned  to  the  grossest  of  earthly  passions,  and  raging 
against  each  other  with  worse  than  brutal  ferocity. 

"  Still  these  dissensions  might  not  have  been  very  dan- 
gerous had  they  observed  one  of  the  grand  injunctions  of 
Columbus,  and  kept  together  in  the  fortress,  maintaining 
military  vigilance  ;  but  all  precaution  of  the  kind  was  soon 
forgotten.  In  vain  did  Don  Diego  de  Arana  interpose  his 
authority ;  in  vain  did  every  inducement  present  itself 
which  could  bind  man  and  man  together  in  a  foreign  land. 
All  order,  all  subordination,  all  unanimity,  was  at  an  end. 
Many  of  them  abandoned  the  fortress,  and  lived  carelessly 
and  at  random  about  the  neighbourhood ;  every  one  was 
for  himself,  or  associated  with  some  little  knot  of  confede- 
rates to  injure  and  despoil  the  rest.  Thus  factions  broke 
out  among  them,  until  ambition  arose  to  complete  the  de- 
struction of  their  mimic  empire.  The  two  persons,  Pedro 
Gutierrez  and  Rodrigo  de  Escobedo,  whom  Columbus  had 
left  as  lieutenants  to  the  commander,  to  succeed  him  in  case 


M 


DISCOVERY    OF    ISLES    IN     1493. 


[BOOK    I. 


of  accident,  now  took  advantage  of  these  disorders  and 
aspired  to  an  equal  share  in  the  authority,  if  not  to  the 
supreme  control.*  Violent  affrays  succeeded,  in  which  a 
Spaniard  by  the  name  of  Jacomo  was  killed.  Having 
fail  J  in  their  object,  Gutierrez  and  Escobedo  withdrew 
from  the  fortress,  with  nine  of  their  adherents,  and  a  num- 
ber of  their  women;  and,  still  bent  on  command,  now 
turned  their  thoughts  on  distant  enterprise.  Having  heard 
marvellous  accounts  of  the  mines  of  Cibao,  and  the  golden 
sands  of  its  mountain  rivers,  they  set  off  for  that  district, 
flushed  with  the  thoughts  of  amassing  immense  treasure. 
Thus  they  disregarded  another  strong  injunction  of  Colum- 
bus, which  was  to  keep  within  th«  friendly  territories  of 
Guacanagari.  The  region  to  which  they  repaired  was  in 
the  interior  of  the  island,  within  the  province  of  Maguana, 
ruled  by  the  famous  Caonabo,  called  by  the  Spaniards  the 
Lord  of  the  Golden  House.  This  renowned  chieftain  was 
a  Carib  by  birth,  possessing  the  fierceness  and  the  enter- 
prise of  his  nation.  He  had  come  an  adventurer  to  the 
island,  and  had  acquired  such  ascendancy  over  these  simple 
and  unwarlike  people  by  his  courage  and  address,  that  he 
had  made  himself  the  most  potent  of  their  caciques.  His 
warlike  exploits  were  renowned  throughout  the  island,  and 
the  inhabitants  universally  stood  in  awe  of  him  for  his  Ca- 
rib origin. 

*'  Caonabo  had  for  some  time  maintained  paramount  im- 
portance in  the  island ;  he  was  the  hero  of  this  savage 
world,  when  the  ships  of  the  white  men  suddenly  appeared 
upon  its  shores.  The  wonderful  accounts  of  their  power 
and  prowess  had  reached  him  among  his  mountains,  and  he 
had  the  shrewdness  to  perceive  that  his  own  consequence 
must  decline  before  such  formidable  intruders.  The  de- 
parture of  Columbus  had  revived  his  hopes  that  their  in- 


*  Oviedo,  Hist.  Ind.  L.  2,  c.  13. 


CHAP.  IV.]  SETTLEMENT  AT  LA  NAVIDAD  DESTROYED. 


67 


trusion  would  be  but  temporary.  The  discords  and  ex- 
cesses of  those  who  remained,  while  they  moved  his  de- 
testation, inspired  him  with  increasing  confidence.  No 
sooner,  therefore,  did  Gutierrez  and  Escobedo,  with  their 
companions,  take  refuge  in  his  dominions,  than  he  consi- 
dered himself  secure  of  a  triumph  over  these  detested 
strangers.  He  seized  upon  the  fugitives  and  put  them  in- 
stantly to  death.  He  then  assembled  his  subjects  pri- 
vately ;  and,  concerting  his  plans  with  the  cacique  of  Ma- 
rion, whose  territories  adjoined  those  of  Guacanagari  on 
the  west,  he  determined  to  make  a  sudden  attack  upon  the 
fortress.  Emerging  from  among  the  mountains,  and  tra- 
versing great  tracts  of  forests  with  profound  secrecy,  he  ar- 
rived with  his  army  in  the  vicinity  of  the  village,  without 
being  discovered.  Confiding  in  the  gentle  and  pacific  na- 
ture of  the  Indians,  the  Spaniards  had  neglected  all  mili- 
tary precautions,  and  lived  in  the  most  careless  security. 
But  ten  men  remained  in  the  fortress  with  Arana,  and  these 
do  not  appear  to  have  maintained  any  guard.  The  rest 
were  quartered  in  houses  in  the  neighbourhood.  In  the 
dead  of  the  night,  when  all  were  wrapt  in  unsuspecting 
repose,  Caonabo  and  his  warriors  burst  upon  the  place  with 
frightful  yells ;  got  possession  of  the  fortress  before  the  in- 
mates could  put  themselves  upon  their  defence,  and  sur- 
rounded and  set  fire  to  the  houses  in  which  the  rest  of  the 
white  men  were  sleeping.  The  Spaniards  were  completely 
taken  by  surprise.  Eight  of  them  fled  to  the  sea  side,  pur- 
sued by  the  savages,  and  rushing  into  the  waves  for  safety, 
were  drowned  ;  the  rest  were  massacred.  Guacanagari  and 
his  subjects  fought  faithfully  in  defence  of  their  guests; 
but  not  being  of  a  warlike  character,  they  were  easily  rout- 
ed ;  Guacanagari  was  wounded  in  the  combat  by  the  hand 
of  Caonabo,  and  his  village  was  burnt  to  the  ground."* 


*  Herrera,  Hist.  Ind.  Decad.  1,  Lib.  3, 
c.  9.  Letter  of  Dr.  Ctianca.  Peter  Martyr, 
Decad.  1,  Lib.  3.    Hist,  del  Almirante,  c. 

8 


49.   Cura  de  los  Palacios,  c.  130.  MS.   Mu- 
noz,  Hist.  N.  Mundo,  L.  4. 


58 


CITY    OF    ISABELLA    BUILT. 


[book  I. 


Columbus  weighed  anchor  on  the  7th  of  Decem- 
ber. Being  obliged  by  the  weather  to  put  into  a 
harbour  about  ten  leagues  east  of  Monte  Christi,  he 
was  struck  with  its  advantages.  Here  he  founded 
the  first  christian  city  of  the  New  World,  and  gave  to 
it  the  name  of  Isabella.  He  dispatched  to  Spain 
twelve  of  the  ships  under  the  command  of  Antonio 
de  Torres ;  retaining  only  five  for  the  colony.  The 
ships  put  to  sea  the  22d  of  February  1494.  In  them 
were  sent  some  men,  women  and  children,  taken  in 
the  Caribbee  islands ;  it  was  recommended  that  they 
should  be  instructed  in  the  Spanish  language  and  the 
christian  faith.* 

In  the  mountains,  about  eighteen  leagues  from  Isa- 
bella, Columbus  caused  a  fortress  to  be  erected,  to 
which  he  gave  the  name  of  St.  Thomas.  Here  lea- 
ving Pedro  Margarite  in  command,  with  a  garrison  of 
fifty-six  men,  he  returned  to  Isabella  on  the  29th  of 
March.  A  message  was  soon  received  from  the  for- 
tress, that  the  Indians  had  manifested  unfriendly  feel- 
ings. Columbus  sent  a  reinforcement  and  also  pro- 
visions and  ammunition.  What,  however,  gave  him 
most  anxiety  was  the  sickness,  discontent  and  dejec- 
tion which  seemed  to  increase  in  the  settlement. 
Besides  intermittent  fevers  and  other  maladies  trying 
to  European  constitutions  in  the  tropics,  many  of  the 
Spaniards  sufi'ered  under  the  torments  of  a  disease 
hitherto  unknown  to  them ;  the  scourge,  as  was  sup- 
posed, of  their  licentious  intercourse  with  the  Indian 
females,  but  the  origin  of  which,  whether  American 
or  European,  has  been  a  subject  of  great  dispute. 

*  Irving's  Columbus,  vol.  J,  p.  230  to  235. 


CHAP.    IV  ] 


DISCOVERY    OF    ISLES    IN    1494, 


50 


Having  taken  such  measures  as  seemed  to  him  best, 
and  left  behind  a  president  and  council  to  administer 
affairs  in  his  absence,  Columbus  took  three  caravels 
and  proceeded  on  an  exploring  voyage.  He  set  sail 
the  24th  of  April  and  steered  westward.  After  touch- 
ing at  Monte  Christi  and  La  Navidad,  he  arrived  on 
the  29th  at  the  port  of  St.  Nicholas,  whence  he  be- 
held the  extreme  point  of  Cuba.* 

Columbus  sailed  along  the  southern  coast  of  Cuba 
twenty  leagues,  when  he  anchored  in  a  harbour,  to 
which,  from  its  size,  he  gave  the  name  of  Puerto 
Grande,  at  present  called  Guantanamo.  Then  he 
continued  westward  and  came  to  a  harbour,  which,  it 
is  probable,  was  the  same  at  present  called  St.  Jago 
de  Cuba.  On  the  3d  of  May,  after  standing  west- 
ward to  a  high  cape,  he  turned  south.  He  had  not 
sailed  many  leagues  before  the  blue  summits  of  a  vast 
and  lofty  island  began  to  rise.  He  anchored  in  a 
harbour  about  the  centre,  to  which  he  gave  the  name 
of  Santa  Gloria,  and  then  coasted  westward  a  few 
leagues  to  a  harbour  which  he  called  Puerto  Buene. 
Here  there  was  a  rencontre,  in  which,  for  the  first 
time,  a  dog  was  used  against  the  natives.  To  this 
island,  Columbus  gave  the  name  of  Santiago,  but  it 
has  retained  its  original  Indian  name  of  Jamaica. 
After  coasting  it  westward  about  twenty-four  leagues 
farther,  he  approached  the  western  extremity,  when 
the  breeze  being  fair  for  Cuba,  he  returned  thither.f 

On  the  1 8th  of  May  1494,  the  squadron  arrived  at 
a  great  cape  to  which  Columbus  gave  the  name  of 
Cubo  de  la  Cruz,  which  it  still  retains.     Resuming 


*  Irving'8  Columbus,  vol.  1,  p.  244  to  264.       f  W-  P-  265  to  270. 


60 


DISCOVERY    OF    ISLES    IN     1494. 


[BOOK   I. 


his  course  to  the  west,  he  came  on  the  following  day 
to  where  the  coast  suddenly  swept  away  to  the  north- 
east for  many  leagues,  and  then  curved  round  again 
to  the  west,  forming  an  immense  bay,  or  rather  gulf. 
The  navigation  was  rendered  diificult  by  numerous 
keys  and  sand  banks.     To  this  labyrinth  of  islands, 
Columbus  gave  the  name  of  the  Queen's  Gardens. 
They  were  generally  uninhabited ;  but  on  one  of  the 
largest,  where  they  landed  on  the  22d  of  May,  they 
found  a  considerable  village.     To  this  island,  the  ad- 
miral gave  the  name  of  Santa  Maria.     Having  extri- 
cated himself  from  this  archipelago,  Columbus  stood 
for  a  mountainous  part  of  the  island  of  Cuba,  about 
fourteen  leagues  distant,  where  he  landed  at  a  large 
village  on  the  3d  of  June.     Pursuing  their  voyage, 
the  ships  for  the  greater  part  of  two  days,  swept  along 
the  open  part  of  the  coast,  traversing  the  wide  gulf 
of  Xagua.     Penetrating  another  labyrinth  of  islands, 
Columbus  reached  a  low  point  of  Cuba,  to  which  he 
gave  the  name  of  Point  Serafin ;  within  which  the 
coast  swept  to  the  east,  forming  a  deep  bay.     After 
exploring  this  bay  to  the  east,  he  continued  westward, 
and  proceeding  about  nine  leagues,  came  to  a  shore 
where  he  had  communications  with  the  natives,  one 
of  whom  he  took  as  a  guide.     He  had  not  gone  far, 
before  he  was  again  involved   in   keys,  shoals  and 
sand  banks.     For  several  days  he  continued  explo- 
ring the  coast.     As  he  proceeded,  he  found  it  took  a 
general  bend  to  the  southwest.     He  went  near  that 
deep  bay  called  by  some  the  bay  of  Philipina,  by 
others,  of  Cortes.     All  on  board  considered  the  ex- 
tent they  had  coasted,  too  great  for  this  to  be  an 


CHAP.    IV.] 


DISCOVERY    OF    ISLES    IN     1494. 


61 


he 
the 
ter 


a 
[hat 

by 
lex- 

an 


island  ;  they  felt  confident  this  land  was  a  continent, 
and  the  further  investigation  of  the  coast  was  relin- 
quished. Columbus  stood  to  the  southeast  on  the 
13th  of  June.  He  soon  came  in  sight  of  a  large 
island,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  Evangelista ;  it 
is  at  present  known  as  the  island  of  Pines.  He  then 
stood  to  the  south,  but  soon  found  himself  enclosed 
in  the  lagoon  of  Siguanca.  Leaving  this  lagoon,  he 
retraced  his  course  to  the  last  anchoring  place,  and 
thence  set  sail  on  the  25th  of  June,  navigating  back 
through  the  groups  of  islands  betwe^.u  Evangelista 
and  Cuba.  At  length  they  emerged  from  the  cluster 
of  islands  called  the  Jardins  and  Jardinellos,  and 
came  to  the  open  part  of  the  coast  of  Cuba.  On 
the  7th  of  July,  they  anchored  in  the  mouth  of  a  fine 
river,  to  which  Columbus  gave  the  name  of  Rio  de 
la  Misa.  Here  he  remained  till  the  16th.  On  the 
18th,  he  reached  Cape  Cruz  again.* 

The  wind  being  contrary  for  a  return  to  Hispa- 
niola,  Columbus  on  the  22d  of  July,  stood  across  for 
Jamaica,  to  complete  the  circumnavigation  of  that 
island.  For  nearly  a  month,  he  continued  beating  to 
the  eastward  along  its  southern  coast.  On  the  19th 
of  August,  he  lost  sight  of  its  eastern  extremity,  to 
which  he  gave  the  name  of  Cape  Farol ;  it  is  called 
at  present  Point  Morant.  Steering  eastward,  he  be- 
held on  the  following  day,  that  long  peninsula  of  His- 
paniola,  known  by  the  name  of  Cape  Tiburon.  To 
this,  he  gave  the  name  of  Cape  San  Miguel.  About 
the  end  of  August,  he  anchored  at  a  small  island  or 
rather  rock  called  by  him  Alto  Vclo ;  it  rises  singly 

*  Irving's  Columbus,  vol.  1,  p.  270  to  286. 


6ft 


DISCOVERY    or    ISLES    IN     1494. 


[BOOK    I. 


out  of  the  sea,  opposite  to  a  long  cape,  to  whicli  he 
gave  the  name  of  Cape  Beata.  For  eight  days  he 
remained  weather-bound  in  a  channel  opening  be- 
tween Hispaniola  and  a  small  island,  to  which  he 
gave  the  name  of  Saona.  On  the  24th,  he  reached 
the  eastern  extremity  of  Hispaniola,  to  which  he  gave 
the  name  of  Cape  San  Rafael ;  it  is  at  present  known 
as  Cape  Engano.  Hence  he  stood  to  the  southeast, 
touching  at  the  island  of  Mona,  situated  between  His- 
paniola and  Porto  Rico.  Reaching  now  a  known 
and  tranquil  sea,  the  excitement  which  had  sustained 
him  during  his  exertions,  became  abated,  and  mind 
and  body  sunk  exhausted.  He  fell  into  a  deep  le- 
thargy, resembling  death  itself,  and  was  borne  in  a 
state  of  insensibility  to  the  harbour  of  Isabella.* 


*  Irving'a  Columbus,  vol.  I,  p.  380  to  999. 


iiiiiWl  m  ^i^^nmmTr^^ffr- 


CHAP,    v.] 


BARTHOLOMEW    COLUMBUS. 


CHAPTER  V. 

Of  the  application  of  Columbus,  through  liis  brother  Bartholomew,  to 
Henry  the  Seventh  of  England ;  the  arrival  of  Bartholomew  at  His- 
paniola ;  and  the  meeting  tliere  of  the  two  brothers  in  1494. 

When  towards  the  end  of  1484  Christopher  Co- 
lumhus  was  about  to  leave  Portugal,  he  engaged  his 
brother  Bartholomew  to  depart  to  England,  with  pro- 
posals to  the  monarch  of  that  country.*  If  at  this 
time  the  elder  brother  contemplated  going  to  Spain, 
he  may  have  feared  that  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  like 
the  King  of  Portugal,  would  refuse  to  forward  his 
enterprise,  and  desired  to  avoid  the  loss  of  time  that 
there  would  be,  if  he  delayed  till  such  refusal  to  bring 
the  subject  to  the  notice  of  another  prince.  The 
ship  in  which  Bartholomew  sailed  was,  on  its  way, 
robbed  by  pirates.  Owing  to  this,  and  his  poverty 
and  sickness  away  from  home,  the  proposals  intended 
to  be  made  to  the  King  of  England,  were  not  sub- 
mitted to  him  for  several  years.  At  length,  he  pub- 
lished in  London,  in  the  year  1488,  a  Map  of  the 
World,  with  some  Latin  verses  on  it,  which  Ferdi- 
nand Columbus,  the  son  of  Christopher,  has,  in  his 
father's  Life  set  down,  he  says,  "  rather  for  their  an- 
tiquity than  for  their  goodness."     They  are  inserted 


*  Irving'g  Columbus,  vol.  1,  p.  37  and  293. 


64 


BARTHOLOMEW    COLaMBUS. 


[book  I. 


in  Hakluyt's  Collection  of  Voyages,*  with  the  fol- 
lowing translation : 

"  Thou  which  desireth  easily  the  coasts  of  lands  to  know 
This  comely  map,  right  learnedly,  the  same  to  thee  will  she^ir 
Which  Shabo,  Pliny,  Ptolemy  and  Isidore  maintain 
Yet  for  all  that,  they  do  not,  all  in  one  accord  remain 
Here  also  is  set  down,  the  late  discovered  burning  zone 
By  Portugals,  unto  the  world  which  whilom  was  unknown 
Whereof  the  knowledge,  now,  at  length,  through  all  the  world  is  blown." 

A  little  under  which  he  added : 

"  He  whose  dear  native  soil,  bright  stately  Genoa 
Even  he  whose  name  is  Bartholomew  Colon  de  terra  rubra 
The  year  of  Grace  a  thousand  and  four  hundred  and  four  score 
And  eight,  and  on  the  thirteenth  day  of  February  more 
In  hondun  published  this  work.    To  Christ  all  laud  therefore." 

No  sovereign,  to  whom  Columbus  made  proposals, 
attended  to  them  with  more  promptness,  after  they 
were  received,  than  Henry  the  Seventh.  An  agree- 
ment was  actually  made  with  Bartholomew  for  the 
prosecution  of  the  enterprise,  and  the  latter  departed 
for  Spain  in  search  of  his  brother.  On  reaching 
Paris  he  first  received  the  joyful  intelligence  that 
Christopher  Columbus  had  already  made  the  dis- 
covery, and  returned  to  Spain  in  triumph.  Bartholo- 
mew made  great  haste  to  meet  his  brother  in  Spain, 
but  on  reaching  Seville,  found  that  the  fleet  for  the 
Indias  had  sailed.  He  immediately  repaired  to  the 
court  then  at  Valladolid,  and  received  the  command 
of  three  ships  freighted  with  supplies  for  the  colony. 
With  these  he  reached  Isabella  just  after  the  depar- 
ture of  the  admiral  for  the  coast  of  Cuba.f 

The  view  of  the  little  squadron  of  Columbus  re- 
turning into  the  harbour,  was  a  welcome  sight  to  all 


*  3  Ilakluyt,  p.  2,  3.        \  3  Hakluyt,  p.  2,3.    Irving's  Columbus,  vol,  1,  p.  295. 


CHAP,    v.] 


BARTHOLOMEW    COLUMBUS. 


66 


le 


Ir- 


his  friends  in  Isabella ;  and  to  none  more  so  than  to 
Bartholomew.  A  joyful  and  heartfelt  surprise  awaited 
the  admiral  on  his  arrival,  in  finding  this  brother  at 
his  bedside.  His  chief  dependence  had  hitherto  been 
on  his  brother  Diego,  whom  he  had  made  president 
of  the  junto  formed  to  administer  the  affairs  of  the 
island  during  his  absence.  But  the  mild  and  peace- 
able disposition  of  Diego  rendered  him  little  capable 
of  managing  the  concerns  of  a  factious  colony.  Bar- 
tholomew was  a  more  efficient  character.  He  could 
be  of  great  assistance  in  the  present  state  of  the 
colony,  if  he  had  high  official  authority.  Columbus, 
being  anxious  to  relieve  himself  from  the  pressure  of 
pubUc  business,  which  weighed  heavily  upon  him 
during  his  malady,  immediately  invested  Bartholomew 
with  the  title  of  Adelantado,  an  office  equivalent  to 
that  of  lieutenant  governor.* 

♦  Irving's  Columbus,  vol.  1 ,  p.  263  and  p.  295, 6. 


ill 


66 


LEAGUE    OF    THE    CACIQUES. 


[BOOK   I. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Of  the  departure,  in  the  absence  of  Columbus,  of  some  of  the  malcon- 
tents for  Spain ;  state  of  hostilities ;  bold  exploit  of  Alonzo  de  Ojeda ; 
Indian  prisoners  sent  to  Spain  to  be  sold  as  slaves ;  the  interposi- 
tion of  Isabella  for  them ;  and  the  sufferings  of  the  naUves  notwith- 
standing. 

While  Columbus  was  absent  from  Isabella,  Don 
Pedro  Margarite  and  father  Boyle,  accompanied  by  a 
band  of  malcontents,  had  taken  possession  of  certain 
of  the  ships  in  the  harbour,  and  sailed  for  Spain  ;  the 
first  general  and  apostle  of  the  Neio  World,  thus  set- 
ting the  flagrant  example  of  an  unauthori' ed  aban- 
lAonment  of  their  posts.  Thf>  departure  of  Margarite 
left  the  army  without  a  head,  and  put  an  end  to  what 
little  restraint  and  discipline  existed  at  the  time.* 

Immediately  after  the  return  of  Columbus,  while 
he  was  yet  confined  to  his  bed,  the  kind-hearted 
chieftain  Guacanagari  paid  him  a  visit,  and  informed 
him  of  a  secret  league  forming  among  the  caciques, 
at  the  head  of  which  was  Caonabo,  with  whom  there 
had  been  a  state  of  war  in  his  absence. f 

"To  make  war  upon  this  subtle  and  ferocious  chieftain, 
in  the  depths  of  his  wild  woodland  territory,  and  among 
the  fastnesses  of  his  mountains,  where  at  every  step  there 
would  be  danger  of  falling  into  some  sudden  ambush,  would 
be  a  work  of  time,  peril,  and  uncertain  issue.     In  the  mean- 

*  Irviiig's  Columbus,  vol.  1,  p.  297  to  305. 

t  Id.  p.  30C  to  30t<.    The  following  extract  is  from  p.  308  to  310. 


His 


CHAP.    VI.] 


ALONZO    DE     OJEDA. 


67 


[re 

Id 

In- 


while,  the  settlements  would  never  be  secure  from  his  se- 
cret and  daring  enterprises,  and  the  working  of  the  mines 
would  be  subject  to  frequent  interruption.  While  perplexed 
on  this  subject,  Columbus  was  relieved  by  a  bold  proposi- 
tion on  the  part  of  Alonzo  de  Ojeda,  who  offered  to  take 
the  Carib  chieftain  by  stratagem,  and  deliver  him  alive  into 
his  hands.  The  project  was  wild,  hazardous  and  romantic, 
characteristic  of  the  fearless  and  adventurous  spirit  of  Ojeda, 
who  was  fond  of  distinguishing  himself  by  extravagant  ex- 
ploits, and  feats  of  desperate  bravery. 

"  Choosing  ten  bold  and  hardy  followers,  well  armed  and 
well  mounted,  and  invoking  the  protection  of  his  patroness 
the  Virgin,  whose  image  as  usual  he  bore  with  him  as  a 
safeguard,  Ojeda  plunged  into  the  forest,  and  made  his  way 
above  sixty  leagues  at  the  head  of  his  followers,  into  the 
wild  territories  of  Caonabo,  where  he  found  the  cacique  in 
one  of  his  mosi  populous  towns.  Ojeda  approached  Cao- 
nabo with  great  deference  and  respect,  treating  him  as  a  so- 
vereign prince.  He  informed  him  that  he  had  come  on  a 
friendly  embassy  from  the  admiral,  who  was  Guamiquina  or 
chief  of  the  Spaniards,  and  who  had  sent  him  an  invaluable 
present, 

"  Caonabo  had  tried  Ojeda  in  battle ;  he  had  witnessed 
his  fiery  prowess,  and  had  conceived  a  warrior's  admiration 
of  him.  He  received  him  with  a  degree  of  chivalrous 
courtesy,  if  such  a  phrase  may  apply  to  the  savage  state 
and  rude  hospitality  of  a  wild  warrior  of  the  forests.  The 
free,  fearless  deportment,  the  great  personal  strength,  and 
the  surprising  agility  and  adroitness  of  Ojeda  in  all  manly 
exercises,  and  in  the  use  of  al  kinds  of  weapons,  were  cal- 
culated to  delight  a  savage,  ard  he  soon  became  a  great  fa- 
vonrite  with  Caonabo. 

Ojeda  now  used  all  his  influence  to  prevail  upon  the  ca- 
cique to  repair  to  Isabella,  for  the  purpose  of  making  a 
treaty  with  Columbus,  and  becoming  the  ally  and  friend  of 


"  X'. 


II: 


'(» 


' "  flMLCiawroe:  atyy.-.-j, 


68 


ALONZO    DE    OJEDA. 


[book  I. 


the  Spaniards.  It  is  said,  that  he  offered  him  as  a  lure,  the 
bell  of  the  chapel  of  Isabella.  This  bell  was  the  wonder 
of  the  island.  When  the  Indians  heard  its  melody  sound- 
ing through  the  forests  as  it  rung  for  mass,  and  beheld  the 
Spaniards  hastening  towards  the  chapel,  they  imagined  that 
it  talked,  and  that  the  white  men  obeyed  it.  With  that 
feeling  of  superstition  with  which  they  regarded  all  things 
connected  with  the  Spaniards,  they  looked  upon  this  bell 
as  something  supernatural,  and  in  their  usual  phrase,  said  it 
had  come  from  Turey,  or  the  skies.  Caonabo  had  heard 
this  wonderful  instrument  at  a  distance,  in  the  course  of 
his  prowlings  about  the  settlement,  and  had  longed  to  see 
it ;  but  when  it  was  proffered  to  him  as  a  present  of  peace, 
he  found  it  impossible  to  resist  the  temptation. 

"The  cacique  agreed,  therefore,  to  set  out  for  Isabella; 
but  when  the  time  came  to  depart,  Ojeda  beheld  with  sur- 
prise a  powerful  force  of  warriors  assembled,  and  ready  to 
march.  He  asked  the  meaning  of  taking  such  an  army  on 
a  mere  friendly  visit,  to  which  the  cacique  proudly  replied, 
that  it  was  not  befitting  a  great  prince  like  him,  to  go  forth 
scantily  attended.  Ojeda  felt  little  satisfied  with  this  re- 
ply; he  knew  the  warlike  character  of  Caonabo,  and  his 
deep  subtilty,  which  is  the  soul  of  Indian  warfare;  he 
feared  some  sinister  design,  and  that  the  chieftain  might 
meditate  some  surprise  of  the  fortress  of  Isabella,  or  some 
attempt  upon  the  person  of  the  admiral.  He  knew  also 
that  it  was  the  wish  of  Columbus,  either  to  make  peace 
with  the  cacique,  or  to  get  possession  of  his  person  without 
the  alternative  of  open  warfare.  He  had  recourse  to  a  stra- 
tagem, therefore,  which  has  an  air  of  fable  and  romance, 
but  which  is  recorded  by  all  the  contemporary  historians, 
with  trivial  variations,  and  which  Las  Casas  assures  us  was 
in  current  circulation  in  the  island  when  he  arrived  there, 
about  six  years  after  the  event.  It  accords,  too,  with  the 
adventurous  and  extravagant  character  of  the  man,  and  with 


CHAP.   TI.] 


ALONZO    DE    OJEDA. 


69 


re- 
his 
he 
night 
some 
also 
jeace 
thout 
stra- 
ance, 
rians, 
s  was 
there, 
|h  the 
with 


the  wild  stratagems  and  vaunting  exploits  incident  to  Indian 
warfare. 

"  In  the  course  of  their  march,  having  halted  near  the 
river  Yagui,  Ojeda  one  day  produced  a  set  of  manacles  of 
polished  steel,  so  highly  burnished  that  they  looked  like 
silver.  These  he  assured  Caonabo  were  royal  ornaments 
which  had  come  from  heaven,  or  the  Turey  of  Biscay  ;* 
that  they  were  worn  by  the  monarchs  of  Castile  on  solemn 
dances,  and  other  high  festivities,  and  were  intended  as  pre- 
sents to  the  cacique.  He  proposed  that  Caonabo  should  go 
to  the  river  and  bathe,  after  which  he  should  be  decorated 
with  these  ornaments,  mounted  on  the  horse  of  Ojeda,  and 
should  return  in  the  state  of  a  Spanish  monarch,  to  astonish 
his  subjects.  The  cacique,  with  that  fondness  for  glitter- 
ing ornaments  common  to  savages,  was  dazzled  with  the 
sight ;  his  proud  military  spirit,  also,  was  flattered  with  the 
idea  of  bestriding  one  of  those  tremendous  animals,  so 
dreaded  by  his  countrymen.  He  accompanied  Ojeda  and 
his  followers  to  the  river,  with  but  few  attendants,  dreading 
nothing  from  nine  or  ten  strangers  when  thus  surrounded 
by  his  army.  After  the  cacique  had  bathed  in  the  river, 
he  was  assisted  to  mount  behind  Ojeda,  and  the  shackles 
were  then  adjusted.  This  done,  they  pranced  round  among 
the  savages,  who  were  astonished  to  behold  their  cacique  in 
glittering  array,  and  mounted  on  one  of  those  fearful  ani- 
mals. Ojeda  made  several  circuits  to  gain  space,  followed 
by  his  little  l)pud  of  horsemen  ;  the  Indians  shrinking  back 
with  affright  from  the  prancing  steeds.  At  length  he  made 
a  wide  sweep  into  the  forest,  until  the  trees  shut,  him  from 
the  sight  of  the  army.  His  followers  then  closed  round 
him,  and  drawing  their  swords,  threatened  Caonabo  with 
instant  death  if  he  made  the  least  noise  or  resistance,  though 
indeed  his  manacles  and  shackles  effectually  prevented  the 


*Tlie  principnl  iron  manufactories  of  Spain  are  eatablishcd  in  Biscay,  where  that  mi- 
neral is  found  in  abundance. 


70 


ALONZO    DE    OJEDA. 


[book  I. 


latter.  They  bound  him  with  cords  to  Ojeda  to  prevent 
his  falling,  or  effecting  an  escape;  then  putting  spurs  to 
their  horses,  they  dashed  across  the  Yagui,  and  made  off 
through  the  woods  with  their  prize.* 

"  They  had  now  fifty  or  sixty  leagues  of  wilderness  to 
traverse  on  their  way  homewards,  with  here  and  there  large 
Indian  towns.  They  had  borne  off  their  captive  by  dint 
of  hoof  far  beyond  the  pursuit  of  his  subjects;  but  the  ut- 
most vigilance  was  requisite  to  prevent  his  escape  during 
this  long  and  toilsome  journey,  and  to  prevent  exciting  the 
hostilities  of  any  confederate  cacique.  They  had  to  avoid 
the  populous  parts  of  the  country,  therefore,  or  to  pass 
through  the  Indian  towns  at  full  gallop.  They  suffered 
greatly  foia  fatigue,  hunger,  and  watchfulness;  encounter- 
ina:  maiiy  perils,  fording  and  swimming  the  numerous  rivers 
of  the  plains,  toiling  through  the  deep  tangled  forests,  and 
cbm  jerinfj  over  the  high  and  rocky  mountains.  They  ac- 
;3U»j>iishfid  all  in  safety,  and  Ojeda  entered  Isabella  in  tii- 
Uitiph  If-^P;  this  most  daring  and  characteristic  enterprise, 
with  his  wild  Indian  warrior  bound  behind  him  a  captive." 

Columbus  determined  to  send  Caouabo  to  Spain ; 
in  the  mean  time,  he  ordered  that  he  should  be  treat- 
ed with  kindness  and  respect,  and  lodged  him  in  a 
part  of  his  own  dwelling  house,  where,  however,  he 
kept  him  a  close  prisor^er  in  chains,  probably  in  the 
splendid  shackles  which  had  ensnared  him.f 

The  colony  was  suflcring  greatly  from  want  of 
provisions,  when  they  were  relieved  by  the  arrival  of 
four  ships  cominandcd  by  Antonio  Torres.     Colum- 


♦  Thi?  romantic  exploit  of  Ojeda  \s  re- 
corded at  larse  tiy  Liis  Tasas,  by  liis  copy- 
ist lU'trera,  (Dfciid.  1,  U.  2,  c.  l(i,)  hy  Fer- 
nando I'iziirro  in  lii?  Varones  Illustres  do! 
Neuvo  MunJo,  and  by  Cliatlevoix  in  his 


History  of  St.  Domingo,    i'l'cr  Maityr  and 
othi^rs  "lave  given  it  more  concisely,  allu- 
ding to,  'nut  nut  inserting;,  its  romantic  de- 
tails, 
t  Irving'8  Columbus,  vol.  1,  p.  310  to  312. 


'J 


id 
■u- 
le- 


CHAP.   VI.]    FIVE    HUNDRED    NATIVES    SENT    TO    SPAIN. 


71 


bus  determined  that  his  brother  Diego  should  return 
with  the  ships,  and  take  all  the  gold  that  he  could  col- 
lect, and  also  specimens  of  other  metals,  and  of  fruits 
and  plants.  In  his  eagerness  to  produce  immediate 
profit,  and  to  indemnify  the  sovereigns  for  those  ex- 
penses which  bore  hard  upon  the  royal  treasury,  he 
sent  likewise  above  five  hundred  Indian  prisoners, 
who  he  suggested  might  be  sold  as  slaves  at  Seville.* 

"  It  is  painful  to  find  the  brilliant  ^enown  of  Cohimbus 
sullied  by  so  foul  a  stain,  and  the  glory  of  his  enterprises 
degraded  by  such  flagrant  violations  of  humanity.  The 
customs  of  the  times,  however,  must  be  pleaded  in  his 
apology.  The  precedent  had  been  given  long  before,  by 
both  Spaniards  and  Portuguese,  in  their  African  discove- 
ries, wherein  the  traffic  in  slaves  had  formed  one  of  the 
greatest  sources  of  profit.  In  fact,  the  practice  had  been 
sanctioned  by  the  highest  authority  ;  by  that  of  the  church 
itself;  and  the  most  learned  theologians  had  pronounced  all 
barbarous  and  infidel  nations,  who  shut  their  ears  to  the 
truths  of  Christianity,  as  fair  objects  of  war  and  rapine,  of 
captivity  and  slavery.  If  Columbus  needed  any  practical 
illustration  of  this  doctrine,  he  had  it  in  the  conduct  of 
Ferdinand  himself,  in  his  late  wars  with  the  Moors  of  Gra- 
nada, in  which  he  had  always  been  surrounded  by  a  cloud 
of  ghostly  advisers,  and  had  professed  to  do  every  thing 
for  the  glory  and  advancement  of  the  faith.  In  this  holy 
war,  as  it  was  termed,  it  was  a  common  practice  to  make 
inroads  ii  io  the  Moorish  territories  and  carry  off  cavalga- 
das,  not  merely  of  flocks  and  herds,  but  of  human  beings, 
and  those,  not  warriors  taken  with  weapons  in  their  hands, 
but  quiet  villagers,  labouring  peasantry,  and  helpless  women 
and  children.     These  were  carried  to  the  mart  at  Seville, 

*  Irvii.g's  Columbus,  vol.  1,  p.  312  to  314.    The  extract  which  follows  is  p.  314, 15. 


h 


■n 
''\'i 


72 


INTERPOSITION    OF    ISABELLA. 


[book  I. 


Ift 


or  to  other  populous  towns,  and  sold  into  slavery.  The 
capture  of  Malaga  was  a  memorable  instance,  where,  as  a 
punishment  for  an  obstinate  and  brave  defence,  which 
should  have  excited  admiration  rather  than  revenge,  eleven 
thousand  people,  of  both  sexes,  and  of  all  ranks  and  ages, 
many  of  them  highly  cultivated,  and  delicately  reared,  were 
suddenly  torn  from  their  homes,  severed  from  each  other, 
and  swept  into  menial  slavery,  even  though  half  of  their 
ransoms  had  been  paid.  These  circumstances  are  not  ad- 
vanced to  vindicate,  but  to  palliate,  the  conduct  of  Colum- 
bus. He  acted  but  in  conformity  to  the  customs  of  the 
times,  and  was  sanctioned  by  the  example  of  the  sovereign 
under  whom  he  served. 

"  Las  Casas,  the  zealous  and  enthusiastic  advocate  of  the 
Indians,  who  suffers  no  opportunity  to  escape  him  of  ex- 
claiming in  vehement  terms  against  their  slavery,  speaks 
with  indulgence  of  Columbus  on  this  head.  '  If  those 
pious  and  learned  men,'  he  observes,  '  whom  the  sovereigns 
took  for  guides  and  instructors,  were  so  ignorant  of  the 
injustice  of  this  practice,  it  is  no  wonder  that  the  unlet- 
tered admiral  should  not  be  conscious  of  its  impropriety.'  "* 

When  the  Indians  who  had  been  captured  in  the 
wars  with  the  caciques  arrived  in  Spain,  royal  orders 
were  issued  for  their  sale  as  slaves  in  the  markets  of 
Andalusia.f 

"Isabella,  however,  had  been  deeply  interested  by  the 
accounts  given  of  the  gentle  and  hospitable  character  of 
these  islanders,  and  of  their  great  docility.  The  discovery 
had  been  made  under  her  immediate  auspices ;  she  looked 
upon  these  people  as  under  her  peculiar  care,  and  she  anti- 
cipated with  pious  enthusiasm  the  triumph  of  leading  them 


♦  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.  T.  1,  cap.  122,  MS. 

t  Itving's  Columbus,  vol.  1,  p.  3Q8,  9.    The  extract  following  is  also  from  p.  328,9. 


CHAP.    VI.] 


HOSTILITIES    WITH    THE    NATIVES. 


73 


)f 

|y 

Id 


from  darkness  into  the  path  of  light.  Her  compassionate 
spirit  revolted  at  the  idea  of  treating  them  as  slaves,  even 
though  sanctioned  by  the  customs  of  the  limes.  Within 
five  days  after  the  royal  order  for  the  sale,  a  letter  was 
written  by  the  sovereigns  to  Bishop  Fonseca,  suspending 
that  order,  until  they  could  inquire  into  the  cause  for  which 
the  Indians  had  been  made  prisoners,  and  consult  learned 
and  pious  theologians  whether  their  sale  would  be  justi- 
fiable in  the  sight  of  God.*  Much  difference  of  opinion 
took  place  among  divines  on  this  important  question ;  the 
queen  eventually  decided  it  according  to  the  dictates  of  her 
own  pure  conscience  and  charitable  heart.  She  ordered 
that  the  Indians  should  be  sent  back  to  their  native  coun- 
try, and  enjoined  that  the  islanders  should  be  conciliated 
by  the  gentlest  means,  instead  of  being  treated  with  seve- 
rity. Unfortunately,  her  orders  came  too  late  to  Hispaniola 
to  have  the  desired  effect." 

The  ySie  of  servitude  was  fixed  upon  the  poor 
natives  who  stayed  upon  the  island.  A  league  which 
Caonabo  had  in  vain  attempted  to  accomplish  when 
at  large  was  produced  by  his  captivity.  The  allied 
caciques  were  assembled  in  great  force,  within  two 
days  march  of  Isabella,  when  Columbus  resolved  to 
take  the  field  and  carry  the  war  into  the  territories  of 
the  enemy.  It  was  on  the  2ith  of  March  1495,  that 
he  issued  forth  from  Tx^abella  with  his  little  army.  It 
did  not  exceed  two  hundred  infantry  and  twenty 
horse;  but  they  had  aid  of  another  kind — twenty 
bloodhounds.f 

"Columbus  drew  near  to  the  enemy  about  the  place 
where  the  town  of  St.  Jago  has  since  been  built.     Having 


*  Letter  of  the  sovereigns  to  Fonseca. 
Navarrete,  Collection  de  los  Viages,  T.  11, 
Doc.  92. 

10 


f  Trving's   Columbus,  vol.  1,  p.  315  to 
318.    The  extract  which  follows  is  p.  318. 


'V.  a\ 


74 


HOSTILITIES     WITH    THE     NATIVES. 


[book  I. 


ascertained  the  great  force  of  the  Indians,  Don  Bartholo- 
mew advised  that  their  little  army  should  be  divided  into 
detachments,  and  should  attack  the  enemy  at  the  same  mo- 
ment from  several  quarters:  this  plan  was  adopted.     The 
infantry  separating  into  different  bodies,  advanced  suddenly 
from  various  directions,  with  great  din  of  drums  and  trum- 
pets, and  a  destructive  discharge  of  firearms  from  the  co- 
vert of  the  trees.     The  Indians  were  struck  with  panic, 
and  thrown  into  complete  confusion.     An  army  seemed 
pressing  upon  them  from  every  quarter ;  their  fellow  war- 
riors were  laid  low  by  the  balls  of  the  arquebusses,  which 
seemed  to  burst  with  thunder  and  lightning  from  the  fo- 
rests.    While  driven  together  and  confounded  by  these  at- 
tacks, Alonzo  de  Ojeda  charged  impetuously  on  their  main 
body  with  his  troop  of  cavalry,  cutting  his  way  into  the 
centre  with  lance  and  sabre.     The  horses  bore  down  the 
terrified  Indians,  while  their  riders  dealt  their  blows  on  all 
T.ides  unopposed.     The  bloodhounds  were  at  tl^  same  time 
let  loose,  and  rushed  with  sanguinary  fury  upon  the  naked 
savages,  seizing  them  by  the  throat,  dragging  them  to  the 
earth,  and  tearing  out  their  bowels.     The  Indians,  unac- 
customed to  large  and  fierce  quadrupeds  of  any  kind,  were 
struck  with  horror  when  assailed  by  these  ferocious  ani- 
mals.    They  thought  the  horses  equally  fierce  and  devour- 
ing.    The  contest,  if  such  it  might  be  called,  was  of  short 
duration.     What  resistance  could  a  multitude  of  naked,  un- 
warlike,  and  undisciplined  savages  make,  with  no  other 
arms  than  clubs  and  arrows,  and  darts  hardened  in  the  fire, 
against  soldiers  clad  in  iron,  wielding  weapons  of  steel, 
and  tremendous  firearms,  and  aided  by  ferocious  monsters 
whose  very  aspect  struck  terror  to  the  heart  of  the  stoutest 
warrior ! 

"  The  Indians  fled  in  every  direction  with  yells  and  bowl- 
ings ;  some  clambered  to  the  top  of  rocks  and  precipices, 
from  whence  they  made  piteous  supplications  and  offers  of 


yjtrnff^n! jtiiipiii  I  If"*' 


CHAP.   VI.] 


SUFFEniNGS    OF    THE    NATIVES. 


75 


5l, 

!rs 

!St 


IS, 

of 


complete  submission;  many  were  killed,  many  made  pri- 
sotVers,  and  the  confederacy  was  for  the  time  completely 
broken  up  and  dispersed." 

Having  been  forced  to  take  the  field  by  the  confe- 
deracy of  the  caciques,  Columbus  now  asserted  the 
right  of  a  conqueror.  Anxious  to  make  returns  to 
Spain  for  the  purpose  of  indemnifying  the  sovereigns 
for  their  expenses,  and  meeting  public  expectation,  he 
determined  to  raise  a  large  revenue  from  the  island 
by  imposing  on  the  subjected  provinces;  heavy  tri- 
butes. This  imposed  on  the  natives  a  .i.stant,  ne- 
ver ending  task.  They  were  now  obliged  to  grope, 
day  by  day,  along  the  borders  of  the  rivers  sifting  the 
sands  for  the  grains  of  gold  which  every  day  grew 
more  scanty ;  or  to  labour  in  their  fields,  beneath  the 
fervour  of  a  tropical  sun,  to  raise  food  for  their  task- 
masters. A  desperate  resolution  was  now  taken  by 
them.  They  agreed  among  themselves  not  to  culti- 
vate articles  of  food,  and  to  destroy  those  already 
growing ;  hoping  that  thus,  by  producing  a  famine, 
they  might  starve  the  strangers  from  the  island.  This 
measure  did  indeed  produce  much  distress  among  the 
Spaniards,  but  the  most  disastrous  effects  fell  upon 
the  natives  themselves.  The  Spaniards  pursued  them. 
They  took  refuge  in  the  most  sterile  and  dreary 
heights ;  flying  from  one  wild  retreat  to  another,  the 
women  with  their  children  in  their  arms,  or  at  their 
backs ;  and  all  suffering  dreadfully  from  fatigue  and 
hunger,  and  harassed  by  perpetual  alarms.  Many 
thousands  perished  through  famine,  fatigue,  terror, 
and  the  various  maladies  produced  by  their  sufferings. 


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n 


SUFFERINGS    OF    THE    NATIVES. 


[book  I. 


The  survivors  returned  in  despair  to  their  habitations 
and  submitted  to  the  yoke.* 

"  Before  passing  on  to  other  events,  it  may  be  proper  here 
to  notice  the  fate  of  Guacanagari,  as  he  makes  no  further 
appearance  in  the  course  of  this  history.  His  friendship 
for  the  Spaniards  had  severed  him  from  his  countrymen, 
but  it  did  not  exonerate  him  from  the  general  woes  of  the 
island.  His  territories,  like  those  of  the  other  caciques, 
were  subjected  to  a  tribute,  which  his  people,  with  the 
common  repugnance  to  labour,  found  it  diflicult  to  pay. 
Columbus,  who  knew  his  worth,  and  could  have  protected 
him,  was  long  absent,  either  in  the  interior  of  the  island,, 
or  detained  in  Europe  by  his  own  wrongs.  In  the  interval, 
the  Spaniards  forgot  the  hospitality  and  services  of  Guaca- 
nagari, and  his  tribute  was  harshly  exacted.  He  found 
himself  overwhelmed  with  opprobrium  from  his  country- 
men at  large,  and  assailed  by  the  clamours  and  lamenta- 
tions of  his  suffering  subjects.  The  strangers  whom  he 
had  succoured  in  distress,  and  taken  as  it  were  to  the  bosom 
of  his  native  island,  had  become  its  tyrants  and  oppressors. 
Care,  and  toil,  and  poverty,  and  strong-handed  violence, 
had  spread  their  curses  over  the  land,  and  he  felt  as  if  he 
had  invoked  them  on  his  race.  Unable  to  bear  the  hostili- 
ties of  his  fellow  caciques,  the  woes  of  his  subjects,  and 
the  extortions  of  his  ungrateful  allies,  he  took  refuge  at  last 
in  the  mountains,  where  he  died  obscurely  and  in  misery."^ 


*  Irving's  Columbus,  vol.  1,  p.  319  to  3S3.    The  extract  which  follows  is  from  p.  333,  4. 
t  Cbatlevoix,  Hiat.  St.  Doming.  Lib.  3. 


j^jift 


•  J^y*-  ■o--w.-.i;'Ti""-^-  ^   ■/-».■  "--^''T-?  -'T  "■/-:-^■~-"^'"■3»_--^■^■ 


CHAP.  VII.]       ARRIVAL    OF    JUAN    AGUADO    IN     1496. 


77 


"% 


It 


4. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Of  the  arrival  at  Hispaniola  of  Juan  Aguado  as  commissioner  in  1495 ; 
the  return  of  Columbus  and  Aguado  to  Spain  in  1496;  the  favourable 
reception  of  Columbus  by  the  sovereigns ;  and  their  promise  to  him 
of  another  armament. 

The  prejudiced  representations  of  Margarite  and 
father  Boyle,  supported  by  the  testimony  of  others 
who  returned  with  them  to  Spain,  were  not  without 
effect.  Towards  the  end  of  August  1495,  Juan 
Aguado  sailed  from  Spain  as  commissioner,  with 
four  caravels  freighted  with  supplies  for  the  colony. 
Diego  Columbus  returned  in  this  squadron  to  His- 
paniola, and  arrived  at  Isabella  in  October,  while  the 
admiral  was  absent  occupied  in  re-establishing  tran- 
quillity. The  news  of  the  arrival  and  arrogant  con- 
duct of  Aguado  reached  Columbus  in  the  interior  of 
the  island ;  he  immediately  hastened  to  Isabella  and 
ordered  that  Aguado's  letter  of  credence  should  be 
proclaimed  by  sound  of  trumpet,  in  presence  of  the 
populace.  Aguado,  after  collecting  information,  as 
he  thought,  sufficient  to  ensure  the  ruin  of  the  admi- 
ral and  his  brothers,  prepared  to  return  to  Spain. 
Columbus  resolved  to  do  the  same.  He  felt  that  it 
was  time  to  appear  at  court  and  dispel  the  cloud  of 
calumny  that  was  gathering  against  him.  When  the 
ships  were  ready  to  depart,  a  terrible  storm  swept  the 
island,  destroying  the  four  caravels  of  Aguado,  with 


78 


RETURN    OF    COLUMBUS    TO    SPAIN    IN     1496.    [»0OK  I. 


two  Others  which  were  in  the  harbour.  The  only 
vessel  which  remained  was  the  Nina,  and  that  in  a 
very  shattered  condition.  Columbus  gave  orders  to 
have  her  immediately  repaired,  and  another  caravel 
constructed  out  of  the  wrecks  of  those  destroyed. 
While  waiting  till  they  should  be  ready,  he  was  cheer- 
ed by  tidings  of  rich  mines  in  the  interior.  After  en- 
quiry into  the  matter,  he  gave  orders  that  a  fortress 
should  be  erected  on  the  banks  of  the  Hayna,  in  the 
vicinity  of  the  mines,  and  that  they  should  be  dili- 
gently worked.* 

The  new  caravel,  the  Santa  Cruz,  being  finished, 
and  the  Nina  repaired,  Columbus  made  every  ar- 
rangement for  immediate  departure.  He  appointed 
his  brother  Bartholomew  to  the  command  of  the 
island,  with  the  title  already  given  him  of  Adelan- 
tado ;  in  case  of  his  death,  he  was  to  be  succeeded 
by  his  brother  Diego.  On  the  10th  of  March  1496, 
the  two  caravels  set  sail  for  Spain,  Columbus  being 
in  one  and  Aguado  in  the  other.  Those  who  wished 
to  visit  their  wives  and  relations  in  Spain,  and  others 
who  could  be  spared  from  the  island,  returned  in  the 
caravels,  which  were  crowded  with  two  hundred  and 
twenty-five  passengers.  There  were  also  thirty  In- 
dians on  board,  among  whom  were  the  cacique 
Caonabo,  one  of  his  brothers  and  a  nephew.  Co- 
lumbus had  not  then  sufficient  experience  to  make 
him  work  northward,  so  as  to  fall  in  with  the  tract  of 
westerly  winds ;  he  took  an  easterly  course,  and  in 
consequence  had  a  tedious  struggle  against  the  trade 
winds  and  calms  which  prevail  between  the  tropics. 


m 


r**- 


*  Irving'a  Columbus,  vol.  1,  p.  324  to  33G. 


■--J-rw,  •■-*(''■  ^' 


CHAP.  VII.] 


ANOTHER  VOYAGE  PROPOSED. 


79 


At  Guadaloupe  a  female  cacique  conceiving  a  pas- 
sion for  Caonabo,  lefl;  the  island  to  accompany  the 
natives  of  Hispaniola  on  board,  taking  with  her  also 
a  young  daughter.  Leaving  Guadaloupe  on  the  20th 
of  April,  they  had  again  to  work  against  the  trade 
winds;  and  the  provisions  were  so  reduced  during 
the  long  and  tedious  voyage,  that  by  the  beginning  of 
June  there  was  a  famine  on  board.  Land  however 
was  now  soon  seen.  On  the  11th  of  June,  the  ves- 
sels anchored  in  the  bay  of  Cadiz,  after  a  weary  voy- 
age of  about  three  months,  in  the  course  of  which 
the  unfortunate  Caonabo  died.* 

In  the  harbour  of  Cadiz,  Columbus  found  three 
caravels,  commanded  by  Pedro  Alonzo  Nino,  on  the 
point  of  sailing  with  supplies  for  the  colony.  They 
sailed  the  17th  of  June.  Tidings  of  the  arrival  of 
Columbus  having  reached  the  sovereigns,  he  received 
a  letter  from  them,  congratulating  him  on  his  return, 
and  inviting  him  to  court  when  he  should  have  reco- 
vered from  the  fatigues  of  his  voyage.  He  repaired 
to  Bargus,  where  they  were  expected,  and  had  a  more 
favourable  reception  than  he  anticipated.f 

Columbus  now  proposed  a  farther  enterprise,  and 
asked  eight  ships;  two  to  be  dispatched  to  His- 
paniola, with  supplies,  the  remaining  six  to  be  put 
under  his  command  for  a  voyage  of  discovery.  A 
compliance  with  this  request  was  promised ;  but  there 
was  great  delay  in  the  performance  of  the  promise. 
It  was  not  until  the  spring  of  1497,  that  serious  at- 
tention was  given  to  the  matter.  The  measures  now 
taken  are  ascribed  mainly  to  Isabella.     The  unhappy 


*  Irving'8  Columbus,  vol  1,  p.  339  to  341.        f  Id.  p.  343  to  344. 


80 


ANOTHER    VOTAOE    PROPOSED. 


[book  I. 


natives  were  not  forgotten  by  her.  She  ordered  that 
the  greatest  care  should  be  taken  of  their  religious 
instruction,  and  the  greatest  leniency  shewn  in  col- 
lecting the  tributes  imposed  upon  them.  When  the 
public  safety  should  not  require  stern  measures,  a  dis- 
position to  easy  rule  was  inculcated.  While  every 
disposition  was  shewn  on  her  part  to  dispatch  the  ex- 
pedition to  the  colony,  still  difficulties  arose.  At 
length,  the  urgent  representations  of  Columbus  of 
the  misery  to  which  the  colony  must  be  reduced, 
caused  two  ships  to  be  dispatched  in  the  beginning 
of  1498,  under  the  command  of  Pedro  Fernandez 
Coronel,  freighted  with  supplies.  The  queen  herself 
advanced  the  necessary  funds  out  of  those  intended 
to  form  the  endowment  of  her  daughter  Isabella,  then 
betrothed  to  Emanuel,  king  of  Portugal.  An  in- 
stance of  her  kind  feeling  towards  Columbus  was 
also  evinced  in  the  time  of  her  affliction  by  the  death 
of  her  only  son  Prince  Juan :  the  two  sons  of  Co- 
lumbus, Diego  and  Fernando,  had  been  pages  to  the 
deceased  prince ;  the  queen  now  took  them,  in  the 
same  capacity,  into  her  own  service.* 


# 


% 


*  Irving'8  Columbus,  vol.  1,  p.  345  to  359. 


CHAP.   VIII.] 


VOYAGE    OF    CABOT. 


m 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Of  the  discovery  of  North  America  by  Sebastian  Cabot.  Explanation 
of  the  difference  between  the  legal  year  as  used  in  England  before 
1752,  and  the  year  as  generally  used  in  historical  chronology.  Under 
a  license  which  issued  in  February  of  the  legal  year  1497,  Cabot 
having  discovered  North  America  in  June  following,  that  June  shewn 
to  be  in  1498,  and  the  discovery  therefore  not  in  1497  but  in  1498. 

Henry  the  Seventh,  by  letters  patent,  bearing  date 
on  the  fifth  day  of  March,  in  the  eleventh  year  of  his 
reign,  that  is  to  say  on  the  fifth  day  of  March  1491, 
granted  to  John  Cabot,  citizen  of  Venice,  and  to 
Lewis,  Sebastian  and  Santius,  sons  of  the  said  John, 
authority  to  sail  to  all  parts,  countries  and  seas  of  the 
east,  of  the  west  and  of  the  north,  with  five  ships 
and  as  many  mariners  or  men  as  they  will  have  them 
in  the  said  ships,  upon  their  own  costs,  to  discover 
and  occupy  isles  or  countries,  of  the  heathen  and  in- 
fidels, before  unknown  to  christians,  accounting  to 
the  king  for  a  fifth  part  of  the  profit  upon  their  re- 
turn to  the  port  of  Bristol,  at  which  port  only  were 
they  to  arrive.* 

Of  the  voyage  several  accounts  are  to  be  found 
collected  in  Hakluyt.  He  gives  the  report  of  Galea- 
cius  Butrigarius,  the  pope's  legate  in  Spain,  of  a  con- 


*  Hakluyt*8  Voyages,  vol.  3,  p.  5. 
11 


82 


VOYAGE    OF    CABOT. 


[book  I. 


versation  which  Sebastian  Cabot,  when  waxing  old, 
had  with  him :  it  was  to  this  effect : 

"  When  my  father  departed  from  Venice  many  years 
since  to  dwell  in  England,  to  follow  the  trade  of  merchan- 
dize, he  took  me  with  him  to  the  City  of  Londorlf  while  I 
was  very  young,  yet  having  nevertheless  some  knowledge 
of  letters  of  humanity  and  of  the  sphere.     And  when  my 
father  died,  in  that  time  when  news  were  brought  that 
Don  Christopher  Colonus,  Genoese,  had  discovered  the 
coasts  of  India,  whereof  was  great  talk  in  all  the  court  of 
King  Henry  the  Seventh,  who  then  reigned,  insomuch  that 
all  men  with  great  admiration  affirmed  it  to  be  a  thing  more 
divine  than  human,  to  sail  by  the  west  into  the  east  where 
spices  grew,  by  a  way  that  was  never  known  before,  by 
this  fame  and  report,  there  increased  in  my  heart  a  great 
flame  of  desire  to  attempt  some  notable  thing.    And  under- 
standing by  reason  of  the  sphere  that  if  I  should  sail  by 
way  of  the  northwest,  I  should,  by  a  shorter  tract,  come 
into  India,  I  thereupon  caused  the  king  to  be  advertised  of 
my  device   vbo  immediately  commanded  two  caravels  to 
be  furnished  with  all  things  appertaining  *o  the  voyage, 
which  was,  as  far  as  I  remember,  in  the  year  1496,  in  the 
beginning  of  summer.     I  began  therefore  to  sail  towards 
the  northwest,  not  thinking  to  find  any  other  land  than 
that  of  Cathay,  and  from  thence  to  turn  towards  India; 
but  after  certain  days,  I  found  that  the  land  ran  towards 
the  north,  which  was  to  me  a  great  displeasure.     Neverthe- 
less, sailing  along  the  coast  to  see  if  I  could  find  any  gulf 
that  turned,  I  found  the  land  still  continent  to  the  fifty- 
sixth  degree  under  our  pole.     And  seeing  that  there  the 
coast  turned  towards  the  east,  despairing  to  find  the  pas- 
sage, I  turned  back  again,  and  sailed  down  by  the  coast  of 
that  land  towards  the  equinoctial,  (ever  with  intent  to  find 
the  said  passage  to  India,)  and  came  to  that  part  of  this 


9 


J 

n 

s 
n 

i 
S 


# 


CHAP.    VIII.] 


VOYAGE    or    CABOT. 


83 


firm  land  which  is  now  called  Florida,  where,  my  victuals 
failing,  I  departed  from  thence  and  returned  into  England, 
where  I  found  great  tumults  among  the  people  and  pre- 
paration for  wars  in  Scotland,  by  reason  whereof  there  was 
no  more  consideration  had  to  this  voyage.  Whereupon  I 
went  into  Spain  to  the  catholic  king.'""* 

We  see  in  this  account  no  disposition  to  detract 
from  the  just  fame  of  Columbus,  nor  any  allegation 
of  Cabot's  making  more  than  one  voyage  under  Henry 
the  Seventh.  The  particular  year  of  his  voyage,  and 
its  extent,  are  left  by  this  report  in  some  uncertainty ; 
it  remains  to  be  seen,  whether  they  can  be  more  defi- 
nitely fixed;  other  accounts  will  therefore  be  exa- 

f  mined. 

^  That  taken  from  the  fourth  chapter  of  the  second 

book  of  Francis  Lopez  de  Gomara's  general  history 
of  the  West  Indias  is  that  Sebastian  Cabot  rigged  up 
two  ships  at  the  cost  of  King  Henry  the  Seventh,  and 

n^  carried  with  him  three  hundred  men,  and  "  took  the 

way  towards  island  from  beyond  the  Cape  of  Labra- 
dor until  he  found  himself  in  fifty-eight  degrees  and 
better ;"  that  in  the  month  of  July  it  was  so  cold,  and 
the  ice  so  great  that  he  durst  not  pass  any  further ; 
that  the  days  were  very  long,  in  a  mart;>er  without 
any  night,  and  for  that  short  night  that  they  had  it 
was  very  clear ;  that  Cabot  feeling  the  cold  turned 
towards  the  west,  refreshing  himself  at  Baccalaos; 
and  that  afterwards  he  sailed  along  the  coast  unto 
thirty-eight  degrees,  and  thence  shaped  his  course  to 
return  into  England.f 


*  Hakluyt's  Voyages,  vol.  3,  p.  6, 7.       f  Id-  9- 


84 


VOYAGE    or    CABOT. 


[book  I. 


In  the  sixth  chapter  of  the  third  decade  of  Peter 
Martyr  of  Angleria,  the  statement  is,  that  Sebastian 
Cabot  furnished  two  ships  in  England,  at  his  own 
charges,  and  with  three  hundred  men  directed  his 
course  so  far  toward  the  north  pole,  that  even  in  July 
he  found  heaps  of  ice  swimming  in  the  sea,  and  in 
manner  continuing  all  day  light,  yet  saw  he  the  land 
in  that  tract  free  from  ice,  which  had  been  molten  by 
the  heat  of  the  sun ;  that  seeing  such  heaps  of  ice 
before  him,  he  was  enforced  to  turn  his  sails ;  that 
coasting  by  the  shore,  he  was  brought  so  far  into  the 
south,  by  reason  of  the  land  bending  so  much  south- 
wards, that  it  was  there  almost  equal  in  latitude  with 
the  sea  Fretum  Herculeum,  having  the  north  pole  ele- 
vate in  manner  in  the  same  degree ;  that  he  sailed 
in  this  tract  so  far  that  he  had  the  island  of  Cuba  on 
his  left  hand,  in  manner  in  the  same  degree  of  longi- 
tude ;  that  he  found  the  like  course  of  the  waters  to- 
wards the  west,  but  running  more  softly  and  gently 
than  the  swift  waters  which  the  Spaniards  found  in 
their  navigations  southwards ;  that  Cabot  named  the 
lands  which  he  saw  Baccalaos,  because  that  in  the 
seas  thereabout,  he  found  multitudes  of  fish  which  the 
inhabitants  called  Baccalaos.* 

These  accounts  (as  given  by  Hakluyt)  concur  in 
sustaining  the  view,  that  what  is  frequently  repre- 
sented as  having  happened  in  two  voyages,  all  hap- 
pened in  one,  and  that  Cabot  was  on  the  coast  of 
America  as  far  north  as  the  fifty-sixth  or  fifty-eighth 
degree  of  latitude.  Mr.  Biddle  in  his  memoir  of 
Cabot,t  expresses  the  opinion,  that  he  reached  the 


4 


^ 


m 


*  3  Hakluyt,  p.  8,  9.       t  Id'  P-  36  to  35. 


,   / 


CHAP.   Till.] 


VOYAGE    or    CABOT. 


4 


% 


#' 


latitude  of  sixty-seven  degrees,  perhaps  sixty-seven 
and  a  half.  And  some  support  for  this  opinion  is  to 
be  found  in  the  account  taken  from  the  preface  of 
Ramusius  to  the  third  volume  of  his  navigations, 
namely,  that  Cabot  sailed  unto  the  latitude  of  sixty- 
seven  degrees  and  an  half,  under  the  north  pole,  and 
finding  the  sea  open,  would  have  passed  that  way  to 
Celhaia,  if  the  mutiny  of  the  ship-master  and  mari- 
ners had  not  hindered  him  and  made  him  return 
homeward.*  But  the  weight  of  authority  seems  to 
be  strongly  opposed  to  this  account  of  Ramusius. 

The  accounts  as  so  given  in  Hakluyt,  likewise  au- 
thorize the  conclusion  that  Cabot  sailed  south  along 
the  coast,  for  a  very  considerable  distance ;  and  if  the 
statement  in  Peter  Martyr  is  to  be  relied  on,  he  was 
as  far  south  as  what  is  now  Virginia.  For  Hercules 
ColumnsB,  being  Hercules's  pillar,  (by  the  straits  of 
Gibraltar,)  and  fretum  meaning  straits,  /return  Hercu- 
leunif  is,  doubtless,  the  straits  of  Gibraltar,  through 
which  the  thirty-sixth  degree  passes ;  and  the  same 
degree  passes  through  what  is  now  Albemarle  Sound 
on  the  coast  of  North  Carolina. 

The  year  of  the  voyage  of  Cabot  is  yet  to  be 
fixed.  Dr.  Robertson,  in  the  ninth  book  of  his  his- 
tory of  America,  states  that  the  patent  was  granted 
on  the  5th  of  March  1495,  in  less  than  two  years 
after  the  return  of  Columbus  from  America;  that 
Cabot  did  not  set  out  on  his  voyage  for  two  years ; 
and  that  he  embarked  at  Bristol  in  May  1497,  and 
discovered  land  the  24th  of  June.  Dr.  Graham 
makes  a  similar  statement  in  the  first  book  of  his  co- 


*3  Hakluyt,  p.  7, 8. 


CONFUSION    IN    CHRONOLOOr. 


• 

[lOOE    I. 


lonial  history.  These  historians  and  others  writing 
on  the  same  subject,  have  made  a  mistake  in  refer- 
ence to  this  matter,  from  not  having  their  attention 
turned  to  the  day  on  which  the  year  commenced  in 
England,  in  the  latter  part  of  the  Afteenth  century. 

It  is  left  to  legislators  to  determine  on  what  day  the 
year  shall  commence ;  and  very  different  times  have 
been  prescribed  in  diflerent  nations  for  its  commence- 
ment; some  beginning  it  with  the  vernal  equinox, 
which  formerly  happened  on  the  25ih  of  March ; 
some  with  the  autumnal  equinox ;  and  some  at  other 
different  times.  In  England  the  civil  or  legal  year 
formerly  commenced  on  the  day  of  the  annunciation, 
the  25th  of  March,  whilst  the  day  of  the  circumcision, 
the  1st  of  January,  was  that  on  which  the  year  gene- 
rally began  in  catholic  countries,  and  that  to  which 
writers  of  history  are  usually  supposed  to  refer. 

An  act  of  the  English  parliament  passed  in  1751, 
(after  March,)  enacted  that  the  year  should  thereafter 
begin  on  the  1st  of  January ;  and  the  following  1st 
of  January  and  the  succeeding  days  to  the  25th  of 
March,  were  consequently  dated  as  1752,  which  other- 
wise would  have  been  1751. 

In  respect  to  any  matter  happening  (under  the  au- 
thority of  England)  before  the  1st  of  January  1752, 
there  has  often  been  confusion  in  describing  the  year 
of  the  event,  where  it  happened  between  the  31st  of 
December  and  the  25th  of  March.  A  day  during  the 
intervening  two  months  and  twenty-four  days  which 
one  would  mention  as  in  1497,  and  correctly  so  men- 
tion, if  regard  was  had  to  the  legal  year  in  England, 
another  would  mention  as  in  1498,  and  with  equal 


4 


h 


CBAP.  Till.]      jn,    AMERICA    DISCOVERKO    JUNE    1498. 


4 


h 


correctness,  if  regard  was  had  to  the  year  as  it  pre- 
vailed in  cathoUc  countries  generally,  or  as  it  was 
usually  understood  in  historical  chronology.  This 
might  be  so  to  the  24th  of  March  inclusive,  while  the 
very  next  day  (the  26th  of  March)  and  every  subse- 
quent day  to  the  31st  of  December  would  have  to  be 
described  by  all  as  in  1498.  Hence  any  matter  hap- 
pening within  the  two  months  and  twenty-four  days, 
has  to  be  expressed  with  care  to  prevent  misconcep- 
tion. This  should  be  done  by  placing  two  figures  at 
the  end ;  thus,  March  5,  149^ ;  the  upper  figure  (5  in 
this  case)  indicating  the  English  legal  year  at  that  pe- 
riod, and  the  lower  figure  (6  in  this  case)  indicating 
the  year  generally  referred  to  in  historical  chronology, 
and  the  same  that  is  now  used  in  our  calendar.^ 

To  apply  these  remarks.  The  first  return  of  Co- 
lumbus from  America  was  in  March  1493;  consider- 
ing the  year  as  having  commenced  (as  it  did  in  Spain 
and  Portugal)  on  the  1st  of  January.  The  patent 
granted  by  Henry  the  Seventh,  was  (as  has  been  al- 
ready stated)  in  the  eleventh  year  of  his  reign.  This 
king  having  ascended'  the  throne  on  the  22d  of  Au- 
gust 1485,  the  grant  in  his  eleventh  year  was  between 
August  1495  and  August  1496,  and  being  in  March, 
was  of  course  in  the  March  which  was  after  August 

1495,  and  before  August  1496,  that  is  to  say,  in  March 

1496,  according  to  the  calendar  as  then  used  in  Spain 
and  Portugal,  and  as  now  used  in  England  and  Ame- 
rica. The  grant  was  therefore  about  three  years  after 
the  return  of  Columbus  from  America,  instead  of  two 


'''From  Nntitia  nixtorica;  Hone's  Year  Book  under  Sept.  3,  p.  1037,  of  Lond.  edi.  of 
1845}  Drewater'g  Edinburgh  Encyclopedia,  title  Obronology. 


88 


N.    AMERICA    DISCOVERED    JUNE    1498. 


[book  I. 


as  Dr.  Robertson  and  Dr.  Graham  have  supposed. 
There  being  no  error  in  stating  the  grant  to  Cabot  to 
have  been  on  the  5th  of  March  1495,  (according  to 
the  legal  year  as  it  then  was)  it  is  not  surprising  that 
this  grant  should  have  been  mentioned  as  two  years 
after  the  return  of  Columbus  in  March  1493 ;  but  it 
is  not  the  less  a  mistake,    t. „  ,r- .  •        •     ^ 

The  mistake  is  continued  in  inspect  to  the  year  of 
the  discovery  of  North  America  By  Cabot.  It  is  cor- 
rectly stated  that  Cabot  did  not  set  out  on  his  voyage 
for  two  years  after  the  grant ;  but  taking  this  to  be 
so,  the  May  that  he  embarked  was  not  May  1497,  but 
May  1498.  This  is  established  by  the  document 
called  by  Mr.  Biddle  in  his  memoir  of  Cabot  (and  by 
others  who  have  adopted  his  idea)  a  second  patent. 

This  document  is  a  license  granted  by  Henry  the 
Seventh,  on  the  3d  day  of  February,  in  the  thirteenth 
year' of  his  reign,  to  John  Cabot,  to  take  in  any  place 
in  England,  six  English  ships,  of  the  burthen  of  two 
hundred  tons  or  under,  with  the  necessary  apparel, 
and  receive  into  the  said  ships  such  mariners  and 
other  subjects  as  of  their  own  free  will  would  go  with 
him.*  The  thirteenth  year  of  the  reign  in  which  this 
license  issued,  commenced  on  the  22d  of  August 
1497,  and  ended  on  the  21st  of  August  1498.  The 
license,  therefore,  issued  on  the  3d  day  of  February 
next  after  August  1497,  and  next  before  August  1498. 
This  3d  day  of  February  was  in  1497,  merely  by  rea- 
son of  the  fact  that  the  year  then  ended  on  the  24th 
of  March :  the  May  following  was  May  1498.  Yet 
it  having  been  seen  that  the  license  issued  in  Febru- 


4 


% 


m 


© 


*  Vol.  3  of  Ilakluyt's  Voyages,  p.  6.    Biddlc'u  Memoir  of  Cabot,  p.  75. 


CHAP.  VIII.]     jf,    AMERICA    DISCOVERED    JUNE    1498. 


89 


% 


e 


ary  1497,  and  that  the  ships  sailed  the  May  following, 
the  error  has  constantly  been  committed,  of  stating 
that  they  sailed  in  May  1497. 

Thus  at  page  six  of  the  third  volume  of  Hakluyt, 
it  is  stated  that  in  the  year  1497,  John  Cabot  and  his 
son  Sebastian,  (with  an  English  fleet  set  out  from 
Bristol,)  discovered  that  land,  which  no  man  before 
that  time  had  attempted,  on  the  24th  of  June,  about 
five  of  the  clock,  early  in  the  morning.  The  ac- 
count proceeds :  "  This  land,  he  called  Prima  Vista, 
that  is  to  say,  first  seen,  because,  as  I  suppose,  it  was 
that  part  whereof  they  had  the  first  sight  from  sea. 
That  island  which  lieth  out  before  the  land,  he  called 
the  island  of  St.  John,  upon  this  occasion,  as  1  think, 
because  it  was  discovered  upon  the  day  of  John  the 
Baptist."  Although  the  matter  here  stated  is  men- 
tioned in  Hakluyt,  as  taken  out  of  the  map  of  Sebas- 
tian Cabot,  there  is  no  siifl[icient  ground  for  inferring 
that  Cabot  had  put  on  the  map  that  he  made  the  dis- 
covery the  24th  of  June  1497.  He  may  have  put  on  it 
in  one  place  Prima  Vista  and  in  another  St.  John ;  and 
he  may  in  some  way  have  communicated  the  fact  that 
the  discovery  was  on  the  24th  of  June,  at  five  A.  M. 
But  the  statement  that  the  discovery  was  in  1497,  is 
the  mistake,  probably,  of  some  other  person. 

Of  the  fact  that  the  discovery  was  not  in  1497  but 
in  1498,  there  is  farther  evidence.  The  time  of  the 
departure  from  Bristol  is  in  the  Chronicle  of  Robert 
Fabian  (referred  to  in  Hakluyt's  Voyages*  as  in  the 
custody  of  John  Stow,)  stated  to  be  in  the  beginning 
of  May,  in  the  thirteenth  year  of  King  Henry  the 


12 


♦  Vol.  3,  p.  9. 


90 


N.    AMERICA    DISCOVERED    JUNE    1498. 


[book  I. 


Seventh,  which  was  May  1498,  and  is  in  Stow's  An- 
nals (referred  to  by  Mr.  Biddle,  in  his  Memoir  of 
Cabot,*)  stated  to  be  in  1498,  in  the  mayoralty  of 
William  Purchas,  which  mayoralty  Mr.  Biddle  states 
to  have  extended  from  the  28th  of  October  1497,  to 
the  28th  of  October  1498. 

In  the  Chronicle  of  Fabian  there  is  mention  also 
in  the  time  of  William  Purchas  being  mayor,  of  three 
men  taken  in  the  new  found  island.  "These,"  he 
says,  "  were  clothed  in  beasts'  skins  and  did  eat  raw 
flesh  and  spake  such  speech  that  no  man  could  un- 
derstand them,  and  in  their  demeanor  hke  to  brute 
beasts,  whom  the  king  kept  a  time  after ;  of  the 
which,  upon  two  years  after,  I  saw  two  apparalled, 
after  the  manner  of  Englishmen  in  Westminster  pa- 
lace which  that  time,  I  could  not  discern  from  Eng- 
lishmen till  I  was  learned  what  they  were,  but  as  for 
speech,  I  heard  none  of  them  utter  one  word."f 
The  statement  in  Hakluyt  is  that  the  three  savages 
were  brought  home  by  Cabot,  and  presented  to  the 
king  in  the  fourteenth  year  of  the  reign,  that  is  du- 
ring the  year  ending  the  21st  day  of  August  1499. 
Mr.  Biddle  supposes  the  presentation  to  the  king  to 
have  been  in  the  seventeenth  year  of  the  reign.  But 
this  is  entirely  consistent  with  the  fact  that  they  were 
not  brought  to  England  till  in  or  after  1498.  .-- 

The  conclusion  that  the  first  discovery  of  land  by 
any  of  the  Cabots  was  on  the  24th  of  June  1498,  is 
sustained  by  Mr.  Hume.  His  History  of  England 
was  published  in  1761,  only  nine  years  after  the  com- 
mencement of  the  year  was  changed,  and  when  for 

*  p.  43.        t  Hakluyt,  vol.  3,  p.  9,  10. 


4 


6 


h 


CHAP.  Vlll.J     N.    AMERICA    DISCOVERED    JUNE    1498. 


91 


4 


o 


that  reason  the  effect  of  the  change  was  more  hkely 
to  occur  to  him  than  to  others  who  have  written  at  a 
later  period.  In  his  twenty-fifth  chapter,  after  refer- 
ring to  the  accident  by  which  England  was  deprived 
of  the  services  of  Columbus,  he  says : 

"  Henry  was  not  discouraged  by  this  disappointment. 
He  fitted  out  Sebastian  Cabot,  a  Venetian  settled  in  Bristol, 
and  sent  him  westward  in  1498  in  search  of  new  countries. 
Cabot  discovered  the  main  land  of  America  towards  the 
sixtieth  degree  of  northern  latitude :  he  sailed  southwards 
along  the  coast  and  discovered  Newfoundland  and  other 
countries,  but  returned  to  England  without  making  any 
conquest  or  settlement." 

This  conclusion  is  however  opposed  to  Mr.  Biddle's 
idea  as  to  the  purport  of  the  license  of  the  3d  of 
February  149i.  He  regards  this  license  as  reciting 
a  previous  discovery  of  land  and  isles  by  John  Cabot. 
In  reference  to  this  it  is  to  be  observed  that  at  the 
period  in  question  the  opinion  of  Columbus  was  uni- 
versally adopted  that  Cuba  was  the  end  of  the  Asiatic 
continent,  and  that  the  adjacent  islands  were  in  the 
Indian  seas.*  Cabot's  object  was,  by  a  different 
route,  that  northwest,  which  he  thought  would  be 
shorter,  to  come  to  the  same  land  and  isles  which 
Columbus  had  then  lately  found.  According  to  the 
account  in  Fabian's  Chronicle,  Cabot  made  himself 
"  very  expert  and  cunning  in  knowledge  of  the  cir- 
cuit of  the  world  and  islands  of  the  same,  as  by  a  sea 
card  and  other  reasonable  demonstrations  he  shewed ;" 
and  therefore  the  king,  in  the  thirteenth  year  of  his 


*  Irving's  Columbus,  vol.  1,  p.  18-^. 


92 


N.    AMERICA    DISCOVERED    JUNE    1498.  ["00*   '• 


reign,  caused  to  man  and  victual  a  ship  at  Bristol  to 
search  for  an  island  which  he  said  he  knew  well  was 
rich  and  replenished  with  great  commodities.  Yet  it 
is  not  to  be  inferred  that  he  had  seen  that  island. 
And  so  the  circumstance  of  the  license  of  the  3d  of 
February  ]49|,  authorizing  John  Cabot  to  take  ships 
with  their  apparel,  and  them  "  convey  and  lead  to  the 
land  and  isles  of  late  found ;  by  the  said  John,  in  our 
name  and  by  our  commandment,"  should  not  be  re- 
garded as  necessarily  importing  that  John  Cabot  had, 
before  the  date  of  that  license,  in  the  name  and  by 
the  commandment  of  the  king,  found  the  land  and 
isles,  but  rather  as  referring  to  the  land  and  isles  then 
of  late  found,  and  directing  John  Cabot,  in  the  name 
and  by  the  commandment  of  the  king,  to  convey  and 
lead  the  ships  and  men  to  the  said  land  and  isles. 

According  to  the  report  of  the  pope's  legate  it  was 
when  the  father  of  Sebastian  Cabot  died,  that  the  voy- 
age of  discovery  was  made.  So  far  as  this  statement 
goes,  it  furnishes  further  evidence  that  1498  was  the 
year  of  that  discovery ;  for  the  license  of  the  3d  of 
February  1491,  being  to  John  Cabot,  the  inference  is 
that  he  was  then  alive,  and  if  the  discovery  was  on 
the  24th  of  June  next  after  his  death,  it  could  not 
have  been  earlier  than  the  24th  of  June  1498. 

Of  the  Cabots,  Sebastian  appears  to  have  greatly 
excelled  his  father  in  genius  and  nautical  science. 
Their  place  of  residence  was  Bristol.  But  the  ac- 
counts do  not  concur  as  to  the  birth  place  of  Sebas- 
tian ;  sometimes  Venice  and  sometimes  Bristol  being 
mentioned  as  the  place.  From  folio  225  of  a  volume 
of  "  Decades  of  the  New  World,"  published  in  1555 


4 


0 


# 


CHAP.  VIII.]     N.    AMERICA   DISCOVERED    JUNE    1498. 


93 


4 


by  Richard  Eden,  Mr.  Biddle  has  extracted*  a  mar- 
ginal note  of  Eden,  to  this  effect :  "  Sebastian  Cabot 
told  me  that  he  was  born  in  Bristol,  and  that  at  four 
years  old,  he  was  carried  with  his  father  to  Venice, 
and  so  returned  again  into  England  with  his  father 
after  certain  years,  whereby  he  was  thought  to  have 
been  born  in  Venice." 

The  precise  day  of  the  birth  of  Sebastian  is  not 
ascertained.  But  1477  is  generally  set  down  as  the 
year,  which  would  make  him  about  twenty-one  at  the 
time  of  the  discovery  in  1498 :  he  appears  to  have 
been  early  instructed  in  the  knowledge  proper  for  a 
seaman.  In  a  life  of  Americus  Vespucius,  published 
at  New  York  in  1 846,  by  Messrs.  Lester  and  Foster,t 
it  is  stated  that  Sebastian  Cabot  was  born  in  1467  ; 
but  no  sufficient  authority  has  been  found  for  this 
statement ;  and  it  seems  improbable.  Cabot  died  in 
1557,  and  supposing  him  to  have  been  born  in  1477 
was  then  at  the  advanced  age  of  eighty.  It  will  be 
seen  hereafter  that  he  joined  in  the  dance  the  year 
before  his  death,  and  it  is  going  far  enough  to  sup- 
pose him  then  seventy-nine. 

The  part  of  America  first  seen  and  named  by  Ca- 
bot is  generally  considered  to  have  been  the  present 
Newfoundland.  Mr.  BiddleJ  adverting  to  this  matter 
states  that  in  regard  to  it,  an  important,  and  in  his 
opinion,  conclusive  piece  of  testimony  is  furnished  by 
Ortelius,  who  had  the  map  of  Cabot  before  him  and 
places  an  island  of  St.  John  in  the  latitude  of  fifty- 
six  degrees  immediately  on  the  coast  of  Labrador. 


*  Memoir  of  Cabot,  p.  68.       f  P.  44.       X  Memoir  of  Cabot,  p.  51. 


■■■'vfr^"- 


94 


S.    AMERICA    DISCOVERED    AUG.    1498. 


[book  I. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Of  the  discovery  of  the  continent  of  South  America  by  Columbus  in 
August  1498 ;  and  the  treatment  which  he  experienced  afterwards. 

There  is  no  foundation  for  the  statement  so  often 
made  that  the  voyage  of  Columbus  in  which  he  first 
saw  the  continent  of  America,  was  a  year  after  Ca- 
bot's discovery.  Notwithstanding  the  great  delays  in 
preparing  the  vessels  for  the  third  voyage  of  Colum- 
bus, he  sailed  from  the  port  of  St.  Lucar  de  Barra- 
meda,  on  the  30th  of  May  1498 ;  being  the  same 
month  that  Cabot  sailed  from  Bristol.  He  arrived  at 
Gomera  on  the  19th,  and  left  there  the  21st  of  June. 
Off  the  island  of  Ferro,  he  divided  his  squadron,  dis- 
patching three  of  the  ships  direct  for  Hispaniola,  to 
carry  supplies,  and  prosecuting  his  voyage  with  the 
three  remaining  vessels  towards  the  Cape  de  Verd 
islands.  As  he  advanced  within  the  tropics,  the  change 
of  climate  and  the  close  and  sultry  weather  which  pre- 
vailed, brought  on  a  severe  attack  of  the  gout  which 
was  followed  by  a  violent  fever.  Yet  he  continued 
to  keep  his  reckoning  and  make  his  observations. 
On  the  27th  he  arrived  among  the  Cape  de  Verd 
islands.  Leaving  Buena  Vista  on  the  5th  of  July,  and 
proceeding  southwest,  he  found  himself  on  the  13th, 
according  to  his  observations,  in  the  fifth  degree  of 
north  latitude.  Finding  the  heat  intolerable,  he  al- 
tered his  course  and  steered  westward.     Day  after 


4 


CHAP.  IX.]  g.    AMERICA    DISCOVERED    AUG.    1498. 


w 


% 


day  passed  without  reaching  land ;  and  the  necessities 
of  the  ships  became  urgent.  Wherefore,  supposing 
himself  in  the  longitude  of  the  Caribbee  islands,  he 
sailed  northward  in  search  of  them.  On  the  31st  of 
July,  three  mountains  were  seen,  which  as  the  ships 
drew  nearer,  appeared  united  at  the  base.  Colum- 
bus gave  to  this  island  the  name  of  La  Trinidad  (the 
Trinity)  which  it  continues  to  bear.* 

While  coasting  the  island  on  the  1st  of  August,  Co- 
lumbus beheld  land  to  the  south.  It  was  that  low 
tract  of  coast  intersected  by  the  numerous  branches 
of  the  Oronoco.  Columbus  supposing  it  to  be  an 
island,  gave  it  the  name  of  La  Isla  Santa ;  having  no 
idea  that  he  was  then  beholding  the  main  continent. 
On  the  2d  of  August  he  continued  on  to  the  south- 
west point  of  Trinidad,  which  he  called  Point  Arenal. 
It  stretched  towards  a  corresponding  point  of  Terra 
Firma,  making  a  narrow  pass,  with  a  high  rock  in 
the  centre,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  El  Gallo. 
Near  this  pass  the  ships  cast  anchor.  He  afterwards 
proceeded  through  the  strait  to  the  inner  side  of 
Trinidad.  To  his  left  spread  that  broad  gulf  since 
known  by  the  name  of  Paria.  He  continued  north- 
ward towards  a  mountain  at  the  northwest  point  of 
the  island,  about  fourteen  leagues  from  Point  Arenal. 
Here  he  beheld  two  lofty  capes  opposite  each  other ; 
one  on  the  island  .of  Trinidad,  the  other  to  the  west, 
on  the  long  promontory  of  Paria,  which  stretches 
from  the  main  land,  and  forms  the  northern  side  of 
the  gulf,  but  to  which  Colu tubus,  mistaking  it  for  an 
island,  gave  the  name  of  Isla  de  Gracia.     After  sail- 


*  Irving's  Columbus,  vol.  1,  p.  355  to  360. 


96 


S.    AMERICA    DISCOVERED    AUG.     1498. 


[book  I. 


ing  several  leagues  along  the  coast,  he  anchored  on 
Monday  the  6th  of  August,  but  seeing  no  person, 
continued  further  westward,  and  anchored  in  a  river 
where  he  had  friendly  intercourse  with  the  natives. 
Taking  some  of  them  as  guides,  he  proceeded  eight 
leagues  farther  westward  to  a  point  which  he  called 
AgQJa,  or  the  Needle.  On  the  neighbouring  coast, 
called  by  Columbus  the  Gardens,  the  attention  of  the 
Spaniards  was  aroused  by  the  strings  of  pearls  which 
they  saw  around  the  arms  of  the  natives.  Columbus 
left  the  Gardens  on  the  10th  of  August,  and  conti- 
nued to  coast  westward  somewhat  farther,  but  finding 
it  difficult  to  get  along  in  this  direction,  changed  his 
course,  and  on  the  11th  set  sail  eastward  until  he  got 
through  that  formidable  pass  called  the  Boca  del 
Dragon.  On  leaving  this  pass,  he  saw  to  the  north- 
east, many  leagues  distant,  two  islands,  which  he 
called  Assumption  and  Conception,  probably  those 
now  known  as  Tobago  and  Grenada.  On  the  15th 
he  discovered  the  islands  of  Margarita  and  Cabagua, 
afterwards  famous  for  their  pearl  fishery.  There  was 
great  temptation  to  linger  near  these  shores,  and  to 
visit  other  spots  which  the  Indians  mentioned  as 
abounding  in  pearls.  The  coast  of  Paria  also  con- 
tinued extending  westward  as  far  as  the  eye  could 
reach,  rising  into  a  range  of  mountains,  and  pro- 
voking examination  to  ascertain  whether,  as  he  con- 
jectured, it  was  a  part  of  the  Asiatic  continent.  Co- 
lumbus was  compelled,  by  a  disease  of  his  eyes,  to 
forego  this  investigation,  and  bear  away  for  His- 
paniola.  After  sailing  for  five  days  to  the  north- 
west, he  reached  that  island  on  the  19th  of  August, 


4 


• 


/ 


w 


CHAF.  IX.]  bOBADILLA's  treatment  op  COLUMBUS. 


vr 


fifty  leagues  to  the  westward  of  the  river  Ozema,  and 
anchored  on  the  following  morning  twenty  leagues 
nearer  that  river,  under  the  little  island  of  Beata. 
Here  he  procured  an  Indian  messenger  to  take  a 
letter  to  his  brother  Bartholomew,  who  was  supposed 
to  be  at  the  river  Ozema,  where  he  had  erected  a 
fortress  which  was  the  origin  of  the  City  of  St.  Do- 
mingo. Columbus  arrived  off  the  mouth  of  the  river 
the  30th  of  August,  but  was  met  on  the  way  by  a 
caravel,  on  board  of  which  was  his  brother,  who, 
having  received  his  letter,  had  hastened  to  welcome 
him.  The  meeting  of  the  brothers  was  a  joyful  one. 
Yet  attached  as  they  were  to  each  other,  Bartholo- 
mew could  not  but  be  deeply  concerned  to  see  his 
brother  so  much  worsted.  Columbus  arrived  almost 
the  wreck  of  himself;  haggard,  emaciated  and  nearly 
Wind.* 

It  is  not  proposed  here  to  give  any  relation  of  the 
occurrences  on  the  island  during  the  long  absence  of 
Columbus.  An  interesting  account  of  them  is  given 
by  Mr.  Irving,t  who  speaks  of  the  ability  shewn  by 
Bartholomew  Columbus,  in  the  course  of  his  transient 
government,  yet  remarks  that  his  good  intentions  and 
judicious  arrangements  (as  in  the  case  of  his  brother,) 
were  constantly  thwarted  by  the  bad  passions  and  im- 
proper conduct  of  others. 

Neither  is  it  designed  here  to  give  any  history  of 


the  government  of  Columbus,  after  his  arrival  at  His- 

paniola,  or  of  the  mission  on   ,  'hich  Bobadilla  was 

sent  from  Spain  in  July  1500,  or  of  the  proceedings 

of  this  commissioner.     These  are  narrated  by  Mr. 

*  Irving's  Columbus,  vol.  1,  p.  361  to  373.       t  «■  P-  379  to  411. 

13 

* 

98 


bobadilla's  treatment  or  coldmbus.      [>o<»  <• 


f 


Irving  in  a  manner  to  interest  every  reader.*    It  must 
suffice  here  to  state  that  Bobadilla  put  Columbus 
and  his  brothers  in  chains,  confined  the  former  in  a 
fortress  and  the  latter  on  board  the  caravels,  without 
permitting  any  communication  between  them,  and 
sent  all  three  in  the  vessels  which  sailed  for  Spain  in 
October.     Alonzo  de  Villeja,  who  was  appointed  to 
conduct  the  prisoners  to  Spain,  was  deeply  moved 
at  the  treatment  of  Columbus.     The  master  of  the 
caravel,  Andreas  Martin,  was  equally  grieved :  they 
both  treated  the  admiral  with  profound  respect  and 
assiduous  attention.     They  would  have  taken  off  his 
irons,  but  to  this  he  would  not  consent.     "  No !"  said 
he  proudly,  "  their  majesties  commanded  me  by  letter 
to  submit  to  whatever  Bobadilla  should  order  in  their 
name ;  by  their  authority  he  has  put  upon  me  these 
chains :  I  will  wear  them  until  they  shall  order  them 
to  be  taken  off,  and  I  will  preserve  them  afterwards 
as  relics  and  memorials  of  the  reward  of  my  ser- 
vices."— "  He  did  so,"  adds  his  son  Fernando,  "  I 
saw  them  always  hanging  in  his  cabinet,  and  he  re- 
quested that  when  he  died  they  might  be  buried  with 
him." 

The  arrival  of  Columbus  at  Cadiz,  a  prisoner  and 
in  chains,  produced  almost  as  great  a  sensation  as  his 
triumphant  return  from  his  first  voyage.  A  great  re- 
action in  the  public  mind  was  immediately  mani- 
fested :  the  heart  of  Isabella  was  filled  with  mingled 
sympathy  and  indignation  :  and  both  sovereigns  has- 
tened to  give  evidence  that  his  imprisonment  had 
been  without  their  authority  and  contrary  to  their 


*  Irvlng'8  Columbus,  vol.  3,  p.  3  to  56. 


CHAP.  H.]    bobadilla's  treatment  or  columbus. 


99 


wishes.  They  sent  orders  that  the  prisoners  should 
be  instantly  set  at  liberty  and  treated  with  all  distinc- 
tion :  they  wrote  a  letter  to  Columbus,  couched  in 
terms  of  gratitude  and  affection,  expressing  their  grief 
at  all  that  he  had  suffered,  and  inviting  him  to  court : 
they  ordered  that  two  thousand  ducats  should  be  ad- 
vanced to  defray  his  expenses.  Columbus  appeared  in 
court  in  Granada  on  the  17th  of  December,  and  was 
received  by  the  sovereigns  with  unqualified  favour 
and  distinction.  They  expressed  their  indignation  at 
the  proceedings  of  Bobadilla,  which  they  disavowed 
as  contrary  to  their  instructions,  and  promised  that  he 
should  be  immediately  dismissed  from  his  command.^ 
The  person  chosen  to  supersede  him  was  Don  Ni- 
cholas de  Ovando.  His  government  extended  over 
the  islands  and  Terra  Firma  of  which  Hispaniola  was 
to  be  the  metropolis.f 


•  Irving'*  Columbua,  vol.  3,  p.  57  to  60.       f  Id.  p.  87  to  CO. 


100 


AMERICUa    VESPUCIUS. 


[■OOE   I. 


CHAPTER  X. 

Of  tlie  voyage  of  Americus  Vespuciua  with  Alonzo  de  Ojeda  and  of 
other  voyages  from  Spain,  made  along  the  coast  of  South  America 
in  1499  and  1500. 

Americus  Vespucius  was  born  in  Florence  on  the 
9th  of  March  1451,  of  a  noble  but  not  at  that  time  a 
wealthy  family.  His  father's  name  was  Anastatio; 
his  mother's  was  Elizabetta  Mini.  He  was  the  third 
of  their  sons,  and  received  an  excellent  education  un- 
der his  uncle,  Georgio  Antonio  Vespucci,  a  learned 
friar  of  the  fraternity  of  San  Marco,  who  was  instruc- 
tor to  several  illustrious  personages  of  that  period. 
Americus  visited  Spain  and  took  up  his  residence  in 
Seville  to  attend  to  some  commercial  transactions  on 
account  of  the  family  of  the  Medici  of  Florence,  and 
to  repair,  by  his  ingenuity,  the  losses  and  misfortunes 
of  an  unskilful  brother.  The  date  of  his  arrival  in 
Spain  is  uncertain.*  In  the  Life  of  Americus  by 
Lester  and  Foster,  it  is  stated  that  his  departure  for 
Spain  took  place  some  time  in  1490.t  He  seems  to 
have  gone  to  Barcelona,!  and  to  have  been  there  en- 
gaged in  mercantile  business  before  the  30th  of  Janu- 
ary 1492.^     Soon  after  this  time  he  went  to  Seville.  || 

After  the  return  of  Columbus  from  his  first  voyage, 
Ferdinand  and  Isabella  contracted  with  Berardi  to 

*  Irring's  Columbus,  vol.  S,  p.  247,  Appendix  No.  10. 

t  Life  of  Vespucius,  p.  70.       X  U.  p.  7Q.       ( Id.  p.  74.       ||  Id.  p.  75. 


CHAP.  I.] 


AMCRICUS    VESPUCIUS. 


101 


furnish  and  equip  four  armaments  to  be  forwarded  at 
different  times  to  the  new  world,  and  Americus  is 
found  to  be  busily  occupied,  in  connexion  with  him, 
receiving  payments  and  entcri  ig  into  obligations  in 
his  behalf  and  nnitie.  Some  have  thought  that  he 
was  only  the  agent  of  Berardi  in  these  transactions ; 
but  there  is  ground  for  supposing  that  ho  may  have 
been  a  partner  in  the  house,  as  after  the  death  of 
Berardi,  Americus  continued  to  manage  the  affairs  of 
the  armaments  and  was  paid  large  sums  of  money  by 
the  government  for  equipments  previously  effected. 
It  has  been  suggested  by  some  historians  that  Ameri- 
cus accompanied  Columbus  upon  his  second  voyage, 
but  there  is  no  evidence  to  sustain  the  opinion,  and 
his  own  accounts  tend  to  contradict  it.^ 

While  providing  for  the  dispatch  of  the  four  cara- 
vels, Americus,  of  course,  had  occasional  opportunity 
of  conversing  with  Columbus ;  he  soon  became  anx- 
ious to  visit  the  newly  discovered  countries.  Hav- 
ing made  himself  well  acquainted  with  geographical 
and  nautical  science,  he  prepared  to  launch  in  the 
career  of  discovery,  and  soon  carried  thi|  design  into 
execution.t 

Mr.  Lester  argues  that  Americus  made  a  voyage  in 
1497,  but  says,  after  all,  it  is  unimportant  to  come  to 
any  decision  on  this  point.  Even  if  Americus  had 
discovered  the  main  land  before  Columbus,  by  a  few 
months,  he  admits  this  could  take  nothing  from  the 
name  and  fame  of  that  great  man.  "  He,  at  any  rate, 
arrived  at  the  continent,  without  assistance  from  any 
source  but  his  own  strength  of  mind,  and  to  him. 


*  Life  of  Veapucius,  p.  75.       f  Irving'H  Columbus,  vol.  3,  p.  348,  Appendix  No.  1. 


102 


VOVAGES    FROM    SPAIN    IN    1499. 


[book  I. 


whatever  may  have  been  the  good  fortune  of  any  of 
his  cotemporaries,  belongs  the  glory  of  the  grand  dis- 
covery of  a  new  world.  The  first  glimpse  that  he 
obtained  of  the  luxuriant  islands  of  the  Western  ocean 
rendered  him  immortal,  and  all  subsequent  discoveries 
followed  his  own  almost  as  a  matter  of  course."* 

There  is,  however,  no  evidence  that  Americus  pro- 
ceeded on  any  voyage  to  the  west  until  May  1499, 
when  he  accompanied  Alonzo  de  Ojeda  who  sailed 
from  Port  St.  Mary  opposite  Cadiz  with  four  vessels. 
Ojeda  pursued  the  route  of  Columbus  in  his  third 
voyage,  being  guided  by  the  chart  he  had  sent  home, 
as  well  as  by  the  mariners  who  had  been  with  him. 
The  part  of  the  continent  reached  by  Ojeda  was  south 
of  the  part  discovered  by  Columbus.  It  is  supposed 
to  have  been  the  coast  of  Surinam.  Hence  he  ran 
along  the  coast  of  the  gulf  of  Paria,  passing  the 
mouths  of  many  rivers,  but  especially  those  of  the 
Esquivo  and  the  Oronoco,  and  seeing  none  of  the  na- 
tives until  arriving  at  Trinidad.  He  passed  through 
the  strait  of  the  Boca  del  Drago,  and  then  steered 
along  Terr^Firma,  landing  occasionally,  until  he  ar- 
rived at  Curiana  or  the  gulf  of  Pearls.  Hence  he 
stood  to  the  opposite  island  of  Margarita.  This,  as 
well  as  several  adjacent  islands,  he  visited  and  ex- 
plored ;  after  which  he  returned  to  the  main  land  and 
touched  at  Cumana  and  Maracapana.  Saihng  again, 
he  touched  at  the  island  of  Curazao,  and  proceeding 
along  the  coast  he  arrived  at  a  vast  deep  gulf,  on  the 
eastern  side  of  which  was  a  village  of  peculiar  con- 
struction.    From   resemblances  to  the  Italian   city, 


*  Life  of  Americua  VegpuciuR,  p.  103. 


CHAP.   X.] 


VOYAGES    FBOM   SPAIN    IN    1499. 


103 


r      i 


Ojeda  gave  to  the  bay  the  name  of  the  gulf  of  Ve- 
nice, and  it  is  called  at  the  present  day  Venezuela  or 
Little  Venice.  Continuing  to  explore  this  gulf  Ojeda 
penetrated  to  a  port  or  harbour  to  which  he  gave  the 
name  of  St.  Bartholomew,  but  which  is  supposed  to  be 
the  same  at  present  known  by  the  original  Indian  name 
of  Maracaibo.  Proceeding  along  the  western  shores 
of  the  gulf  of  Venezuela  and  standing  out  to  sea  and 
doubling  Cape  Maracaibo,  Ojeda  pursued  his  coast- 
ing voyage  from  port  to  port  and  promontory  to  pro- 
montory of  this  unknown  continent  until  he  reached 
that  long  stretching  head  land  called  Cape  de  la 
Vela.  Then  he  changed  his  course  and  stood  across 
the  Caribbean  sea  for  Hispaniola.  After  stopping 
there,  he  resumed  his  voyage  and  visited  various 
islands,  whence  he  carried  off  numbers  of  the  natives. 
He  at  length  arrived  at  Cadiz  in  June  1500,  with  his 
ships  crowded  with  captives  whom  he  sold  as  slaves. 
Yet  when  all  the  expenses  of  the  expedition  were  de- 
ducted but  five  hundred  ducats  remained  to  be  di- 
vided between  fifty-five  adventurers.* 

Another  armament  which  departed  from  Spain,  a 
few  days  after  that  of  Ojeda,  had  a  better  pecuniary 
result.  Pedro  Alonzo  Nino  who  had  been  with  Co- 
lumbus to  Cuba  and  Paria,  sailed  from  the  little  port 
of  Palos  in  a  small  bark  about  the  beginning  of  June 
1499.  Guided  by  the  chart  of  Columbus,  Nino 
reached  the  southern  continent,  a  little  beyond  Paria, 
about  fifteen  days  after  the  same  coast  had  been  vi- 
sited by  Ojeda.     Proceeding  to  the  gulf  of  Paria,  he 


;  «,4 

-  t.n 


*  Irving's  Columbus,  vol.  9,  p.  25  to  30.    Id,  p.  214, 15,  Appendix  No.  2,  and  p.  248  to 
2G0,  Appendix  No.  10.    Voyages  of  Companions  of  Columbus,  p.  3  to  27. 


=  V' 


104 


VOYAGES    FROM    SPAIN    IN    1499. 


[book  I. 


landed  to  cut  dye-wood,  and  then  passing  by  the  Boca 
del  Drago,  steered  for  the  island  of  Margarita  where 
he  obtained  a  considerable  quantity  of  pearls  by  bar- 
ter. Nino  and  his  companions  skirted  the  opposite 
coast  of  Cumana,  trading  cautiously  and  shrewdly 
from  port  to  port :  they  were  convinced  that  this  was 
a  part  of  Terra  Firma.  After  proceeding  westward 
somewhat  farther,  they  returned  to  Cumana  and  sailed 
for  Spain.  The  little  bark  anchored  safely  at  Bayonne 
in  Gallicia  about  the  middle  of  April  1500;  after 
performing  the  richest  voyage  yet  made  to  the  new 
world.* 

Vicente  Yanez  Pinzon,  one  of  three  brave  bro- 
thers who  aided  Columbus  in  his  first  voyage,  sailed 
from  Palos  with  an  armament  of  four  caravels  in  the 
beginning  of  December  1499.  In  the  eighth  degree 
of  southern  latitude  he  beheld  land  afar  off  on  the 
28th  of  January,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of 
Santa  Maria  de  la  Consolacion,  from  the  sight  of  it 
having  consoled  him  in  the  midst  of  doubts  and  per- 
plexities. It  is  now  called  Cape  St.  Augustine,  and 
forms  the  most  prominent  part  of  the  empire  of 
Brazil.  After  taking  formal  possession  of  the  terri- 
tory fon  the  Castilian  crown,  Pinzon  sailed  to  the 
northwest  until  he  came  to  the  mouth  of  a  river  too 
shallow  to  receive  his  ships.  After  a  hostile  engage- 
ment here  with  the  natives,  he  stood  forty  leagues  to 
the  northwest  until  he  arrived  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  the  equinoctial  line,  where  ho  saw  a  number  of 
fresh  and  verdant  islands  in  the  mouth  of  an  immense 
river.     It  was  the  renowned  Muranon,  since  known 

♦  Voyages  of  Companions  of  Columbus,  p.  28  to  32.    Irving's  Columbus,  p.  01. 


CHAP.  X.]         VOYAGES    FROM    SPAIN    IN    1499,    1500. 


105 


to 

)d 
)f 

m 


as  the  Orellana  and  the  Amazon.  He  continued 
along  the  coast,  passing  the  mouths  of  the  Oronoco, 
and  entering  the  gulf  of  Paria,  where  he  landed  and 
cut  Brazil  wood.  Sallying  forth  by  the  Boca  del 
Drago,  he  reached  the  island  of  Hispaniola  about  the 
23d  of  June,  whence  he  sailed  for  the  Bahamas. 
Here,  in  a  hurricane  in  July,  two  of  the  caravels  with 
their  crews  were  swallowed  up.  The  other  two  made 
the  best  of  the  way  to  Hispaniola,  to  repair  damages 
sustained  in  the  gale.  Sailing  thence  for  Spain,  they 
anchored  in  the  river  before  Palos  about  the  end  of 
September.* 

Scarcely  had  Vicente  Yanez  Pinzon  departed  on 
the  voyage  just  mentioned,  when  his  townsman  Diego 
de  Lepe  likewise  set  sail  with  two  vessels  from  the 
busy  little  port  of  Palos  on  a  like  expedition.  No 
particulars  of  this  voyage  are  known,  except  that 
Lepe  doubled  Cape  St.  Augustine,  and  beheld  the 
southern  continent  stretching  far  to  the  southwest. f 

Another  contemporary  adventurer  was  Rodrigo  de 
Bastides,  a  wealthy  notary  of  Teraria,  a  suburb  of 
Seville,  who  associated  with  him  Juan  de  la  Cosa, 
a  veteran  pilot  who  had  sailed  with  Columbus  and 
Ojeda.  Their  voyage  extended  the  discoveries  of 
the  coast  of  Terra  Firma  from  Cape  de  Vela  quite 
to  the  port  of  Nombre  do  Dios.  The  vessels  of 
Bastides  being  nearly  destroyed  by  the  worm,  he  had 
great  difficulty  in  reaching  Xaragua  in  Hispaniola, 
where  he  lost  his  two  vessels,  and  proceeded  with  his 
crew  by  land  to  San  Domingo.     Here  he  was  seized 


*  Voyages  of  Companions  of  Columbus,  p.  33  to  41.    Irving's  Columbus,  vol.3,  p. 61,9. 
t  id.  p.  43, 3  of  former,  and  C3, 3  of  latter. 

14 


'^!i- 


im 


106 


VOYAGES    FROM    SPAIN    IN    1499,    1600.  [»00K  >■ 


and  imprisoned  by  Bobadilla,  under  pretext  that  he 
had  traded  for  gold  with  the  natives  of  Xaragua.* 

The  expeditions  mentioned  in  this  chapter  were 
undertaken  by  enterprising  individuals  under  a  ge- 
neral license  granted  by  the  Spanish  sovereigns,  who 
thus  had  their  territories  extended  free  of  cost,  and 
yet  had  their  treasury  benefitted  by  a  share  of  the 
proceeds  of  the  voyages,  which  was  reserved  as  a 
kind  of  duty  to  the  crown. 


*  Voyages  of  Compan  ions  of  Columbus,  p.  43, 3.     Irvine's  Columbus,  vol.  S,  p.  61 , 2. 


CHAP.  »I.]  VOYAGE    FROM    PORTUGAL    IN    1600. 


107 


CHAPTER  XI. 

Of  the  accidental  discovery  of  Brazil  by  the  Portuguese  iu  1500 ;  the 
voyage  of  Americus  Vespucius,  under  the  king  of  Portugal,  lo  that 
province  in  1501 ;  the  voyage  of  Cortereal  in  the  same  year  to  the 
northwest;  and  the  patents  obtained  from  Henry  the  Seventii  of 
England  in  1501  and  1503  by  Portuguese  to  enable  them  to  make 
discoveries. 

The  design,  which  Prince  Henry  of  Portugal  had, 
in  his  lifetime,  so  much  at  heart,  that  of  opening  a 
route  to  India  by  doubling  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope, 
had  been  accomplished  at  last  by  Vasco  de  Gama  in 
1497.  Soon  after  Gama's  return  a  fleet  of  thirteen 
sail  was  fitted  out  from  Portugal  to  visit  the  countries 
of  which  he  brought  accounts.  It  sailed  on  the  9th 
of  March  1500,  for  Calicut  under  the  command  of 
Pedro  Alvarez  de  Cabral.  Having  passed  the  Cape 
de  Verd  islands,  Cabral  sought  to  avoid  the  calms 
prevalent  on  the  coast  of  Guinea,  by  stretching  far 
to  the  west.  Suddenly,  on  the  25th  of  April,  he  came 
in  sight  of  land  unknown  to  any  one  in  his  squadron  ; 
for  as  yet  they  had  not  heard  of  the  discoveries  of 
Pinzon  and  Lepe.  After  coasting  it  for  some  time, 
he  became  persuaded  that  it  must  be  part  of  a  conti- 
nent. Having  ranged  along  it,  somewhat  beyond  the 
fifteenth  degree  of  southern  latitude,  he  landed  at  a 
harbour  which  he  called  Porto  Securo.    He  gave  ano- 


li 


,  *•  '••'A 


m 


:    6    1    . 

i'v- 


rn- 


108 


VOYAGE  FROM  PORTUGAL  IN  1600. 


[BOOK    I. 


ther  name  to  the  country.  Having  a  cross  placed  at 
the  top  of  a  tree,  with  great  solemnity,  and  blessed  by 
the  priests  that  he  had  with  him,  he  named  the  pro- 
vince Sancta  Cruz  (Sainte  Croix)  ;  for  it  was  the  3d 
of  May,  the  day  on  which  the  church  celebrates  the 
invention  of  the  Holy  Cross.  After  taking  possession 
for  the  crown  of  Portugal,  he  dispatched  a  ship  to 
Lisbon  with  the  important  tidings.  Subsequently  this 
province  received  the  name  of  Brazil,  because  the 
wood  brought  from  it  for  dying  was  red  and  resem- 
bled brass.  The  original  name  and  its  change  are 
mentioned  in  a  volume  entitled, 

"  Histoire  de  la  Provence  de  Sancta-Cruz  que  nous  nom- 
mons  ordinairement  Le  Brasil,  par  Pero  de  Magalhanes  de 
Gandavo  dediee  au  tres  illustre  seigneur  D.  Lionis  Pereirra 
ancien  gonverneur  de  Malacca  et  de  pinsicurs  parties  &.  I'inde 
meridionale,"  published  at  Lisbon  in  1576,  and  republished 
at  Paris  in  1837,  by  Henri  Ternaux  in  his  collection  of  ori- 
ginal voyages,  relations  and  memoirs. 

Dr.  Robertson,  in  recording  this  voyage  of  Cabral, 
concludes  with  one  of  his  just  and  elegant  remarks : 
"  Columbus'  discovery  of  the  new  world,"  he  ob- 
serves, "  was  the  effort  of  an  active  genius,  guided 
by  experience  and  acting  upon  a  regular  plan,  exe- 
cuted with  no  less  courage  than  perseverance.  But 
from  this  adventure  of  the  Portuguese,  it  appears  that 
chance  might  have  accomplished  that  great  design, 
which  it  is  now  the  pride  of  human  reason  to  have 
formed  and  perfected.  If  the  sagacity  of  Columbus 
had  not  conducted  mankind  to  America,  Cabrd,  by 
a  fortunate  accident,  might  have  led  them,  a  few 


r 


CHAP.  XI.]     VOYAGE  FROM  PORTUGAL  IN  1601. 


109 


years  after,  to  the  knowledge  of  that  extensive  conti- 
nent."* 

The  tidings  received  from  Cabral  were  followed  by 
a  voyage  of  Gonsalo  Coella,  who  was  sent  by  King 
Emanuel  with  three  caravels  to  explore  the  country. 
The  fleet  sailed  in  May  1501 ;  and  it  seems  that  Ame- 
ricus  Vespucius  who  had  left  Spain  went  in  it.f  His 
account  of  this  expedition  is  that  after  leaving  a  port 
of  Ethiopia  called  Beseneghe  in  the  fourteenth  de- 
gree of  north  latitude,  he  sailed  for  the  south  through 
the  Atlantic  ocean,  and  in  ninety-seven  days,  to  wit : 
on  the  17th  of  August,  made  land,  distant  seven  hun- 
dred leagues  from  said  port,  and  situated  five  degrees 
south  of  the  equinoctial  line,  of  which  possession  was 
thereupon  taken  in  the  name  of  the  king  of  Portu- 
gal ;  that  departing  from  this  place  he  sailed  along  in 
a  southeastern  direction,  on  a  line  parallel  with  the 
coast ;  that  he  found  at  length  that  the  line  of  the 
coast  made  a  turn  to  the  south  and  doubled  a  cape 
which  he  called  Cape  St.  Augustin,  which  was  one 
hundred  and  fifty  leagues  distant  easterly  from  the 
land  first  made,  and  eight  degrees  south  of  the  equi- 
noctial line ;  that  he  then  sailed  in  a  southerly  direc- 
tion and  went  so  far  south  that  he  was  beyond  the 
tropic  of  Capricorn,  where  the  south  pole  is  elevated 
thirty-two  degrees  above  the  horizon ;  that  he  ran  al- 
together on  this  coast  about  seven  hundred,  and  fifty 
leagues,  to  wit :  one  hundred  and  fifty  from  Cape  St. 
Augustin  towards  the  west  and  six  hundred  towards 


*  Irving's  Columbus,  vol.2,  p.  61  to  64. 
Robertsou'3  America,  book  3. 


t  Irving's  Columbus,  vol.  2,  p.  249,  Ap- 
pendix No.  10.  Preface  to  Uistoire  de  la 
Provence  de  Sancta  Cruz. 


m. 


:;fc-ti  ^ 


110 


VOTAOB    TROM    PORTUGAL    IN    1501. 


[BOOK    I. 


the  south;  that  on  the  15th  of  February,  having  con- 
cluded to  take  leave  of  the  country,  he  left  port,  when 
the  south  pole  was  elevated  fifty-two  degrees  above 
the  horizon,  and  on  the  3d  of  April  had  sailed  from 
that  port  five  hundred  leagues ;  that  on  the  7th  of 
April,  while  driven  by  a  storm,  he  came  in  sight  of 
new  land  and  ran  within  twenty  leagues  of  it ;  that 
being  in  great  danger  from  the  storm,  it  was  agreed 
to  steer  for  Portugal ;  that  they  ran  five  days,  making 
about  two  hundred  and  fifty  leagues,  continually  ap- 
proaching the  equinoctial  line ;  that  it  was  their  in- 
tention to  go  and  reconnoitre  the  coast  of  Ethiopia, 
distant  thirteen  hundred  leagues,  and  they  arrived  at 
it,  touching  at  Sierra  Leone  where  they  stayed  fifteen 
days;  that  they  steered  then  for  the  Azore  islands, 
about  seven  hundred  and  fifty  leagues  distant,  where 
they  arrived  the  latter  part  of  July,  and  staid  fifteen 
days ;  and  that  they  entered  Lisbon  on  the  7th  of 
September  1502.* 

Of  another  expedition,  about  this  time,  that  of 
Caspar  Cortereal,  an  account  is  preserved  in  a  letter 
from  the  Venetian  ambassador  in  Portugal  to  his  bro- 
thers, written  eleven  days  after  the  return  of  Corte- 
real, which  is  contained  in  a  volume  of  Voyages  and 
Travels  published  at  Vicenza  in  1507.  From  the 
letter  which  bears  date  the  19th  of  October  1501, 
the  following  is  extracted : 

"  On  the  8th  of  the  present  month,  one  of  the  two  ca- 
ravels which  her  most  serene  majesty  dispatched  last  year 
on  a  voyage  of  discovery  to  the  north,  under  the  command 


*  Life  of  VeopuciUB,  by  Lester  and  Foster,  ch.  14,  p.  223  to  333. 


CHAP.  XI.]        VOYAGE    TO    THE    NORTHWEST    IN    1601. 


Ill 


of  Caspar  Cortereal  arrived  here,  and  reports  the  finding  of 
a  country,  distant  hence  west  and  northwest  two  thousand 
miles,  heretofore  quite  unknown.  They  proceed^ ^  along 
the  coast  between  six  and  seven  hundred  miles,  without 
reaching  its  termination,  from  which  circumstance  they 
conclude  it  to  be  of  the  main  land  connected  with  another 
region,  which  last  year  was  discovered  in  the  north,  but 
which  the  caravel  could  not  reach  on  account  of  the  ice 
and  the  vast  quantity  of  snow ;  and  they  are  confirmed  in 
this  belief  by  the  multitude  of  great  rivers  they  found, 
which  certainly  could  not  proceed  from  an  island." 

This  letter  is  set  forth  in  the  Memoir  of  Sebastian 
Cabot,  by  Mr.  Biddle,  who  considers  it  clear  that 
the  country  farther  north,  which  Cortereal  could  not 
reach,  but  of  which  he  rightly  conjectured  he  had 
found  a  continuation,  was  that  discovered  by  Cabot; 
and  also  clear  that  Cortereal  began  his  course  to  the 
southward  of  the  St.  Lawrence.  Mr.  Biddle  sup- 
poses however  that  he  may  have  reached  the  gulf, 
and  perhaps  the  southern  extremity  of  Labrador.* 

Mr.  Alfred  Hawkins,  in  his  interesting  account 
of  Quebec,  at  page  23,  says,  that  "  He  reached 
the  northern  extremity  of  Newfoundland,  and  is  con- 
sidered to  have  discovered  the  gulf  of  St.  Lawrence. 
He  also  sailed  along  the  coast  of  Labrador  north- 
ward ;  and  appears  to  have  penetrated  nearly  to 
Hudson's  bay."  He  mentions  that  Caspar  Cortereal 
was  a  gentleman  who  had  been  educated  in  the 
household  of  the  King  of  Portugal,  and  represents 
him  as  a  man  of  enterprising  and  determined  cha- 

*  Memoir  of  Cabot,  p.  235  to  241. 


life 


rfc/i 


r 


112 


VOYAGE    TO    THE    NORTHWEST    IN    1601.  [BOOK  I. 


racter,  ardently  thirsting  after  glory.  Yet  he  men- 
tions that  the  character  of  this  voyage  was  sullied  by 
his  bringing  back  to  Portugal  no  less  than  fifty-seven 
of  the  natives,  of  whom,  in  the  letter  of  the  Vene- 
tian ambassador,  it  is  said,  "  they  are  extremely  fitted 
to  endure  labour,  and  will  probably  turn  out  the  best 
slaves  which  have  been  discovered  up  to  this  time." 
Hawkins  adds : 


"  It  has,  indeed,  been  conjectured  that  the  name,  Terra 
de  Laborador,  was  given  to  this  coast  by  the  Portuguese 
slave  merchants,  in  consequence  of  the  admirable  qualities 
of  the  natives  as  labourers,  and  in  full  anticipation  of  the 
future  advantages  to  be  derived  from  this  unchristian  tralfic. 

"  These  cruel  designs  were,  however,  frustrated  by  accu- 
mulated distress  and  disaster.  In  a  second  voyage,  in  1501, 
Cortereal  was  lost  at  sea;  and  a  third,  undertaken  by  his 
brother  Michael,  in  search  of  him,  was  alike  unfortunate. 
Neither  of  the  brothers  was  ever  afterwards  heard  of.  The 
King  of  Portugal,  feeling  a  great  affection  for  these  gentle- 
men, is  stated  to  have  fitted  out  at  his  own  expense  an  ex- 
pedition, consisting  of  three  armed  vessels,  v.  hich  returned 
without  any  information  as  to  the  manner  or  place  of  their 
death.  One  brother  still  remained,  who  was  anxious  to 
renew  the  attempt  to  discover  their  fate,  but  was  overruled 
by  the  persuasion  of  the  king.  In  an  old  map  published 
in  1508,  the  Labrador  coast  is  called  Terra  Corterealis; 
and  the  entrance  into  the  gulf  of  St.  Lawrence  was  long 
known  to  the  Portuguese  by  the  name  of  the  gulf  of  the 
Two  Brothers.  On  the  strength  of  the  voyage  of  Corte- 
real, the  Portuguese  claimed  the  first  discovery  of  New- 
foundland, and  of  the  adjacent  coast  of  America ;  and 
maps  were  actually  forged  to  support  these  unfair  pre- 
tensions." 


/■ 


CHAP.  XI.]       VOYAGE    TO   THE    NORTHWEST    IN    1501. 


113 


These  voyages  of  the  Portuguese  are  Uic  more 
remarkable,  because  by  the  treaty  of  1494  between 
Spain  and  Portugal,  the  Spaniards  seem  to  have  sup- 
posed they  were  secured  in  the  exclusive  right  of 
navigation  and  discovery  in  the  western  ocean.  How- 
ever, notwithstanding  the  treaty,  Portugal  was  not 
without  ground  of  claim  to  Brazil,  since  by  the  treaty 
the  papal  line  of  demarcation,  instead  of  remaining 
one  hundred,  was  removed  three  hundred  and  seventy 
leagues  west  of  the  Cape  de  Verd  island ;  and  it  was 
only  discoveries  beyond  this  line  that  Portugal  agreed 
should  appertain  to  the  Spanish  nation.* 

Still  the  King  of  Portugal  was  a  good  deal  tram- 
melled by  the  treaty,  and  it  may  have  been  for  this 
reason  that  his  subjects  resorted  to  the  King  of  Eng- 
land to  give  them  powers  of  discovery.  Mr.  Biddle 
has  published,  in  an  Appendixf  to  his  Memoir  of 
Cabot,  letters  patent  granted  by  Henry  the  Seventh 
on  the  19th  of  March,  in  the  sixteenth  year  of  his 
reign,  (to  wit,  March  150y,)  to  Richard  Warde,  Tho- 
mas Ashhurst  and  John  Thomas  of  Bristol,  and  John 
Fernandus,  Francis  Fernandus  and  John  Gunsolus  of 
Portugal,  authorizing  discoveries  to  all  parts,  regions 
and  ends  of  the  sea,  east,  west,  south  and  north.  And 
he  mentions!  a  subsequent  patent,  with  very  similar 
powers,  granted  on  the  9th  of  December,  in  the  eigh- 
teenth year  of  Henry  the  Seventh,  (1502,)  to  three 
of  the  previous  patentees,  to  wit,  Thomas  Ashhurst, 
John  Gunsolus  and  Francis  Fernandus,  with  the  ad- 
dition of  Hugh  Elliott. 

*  History  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  vol.  3,  p.  181.       t  See  p.  306,  aUo  p.  222.       t  P-  ^4. 

15 


i'ji 


MI 


■Ml 


114 


VOYAGE    TO    THE    NORTHWEST    IN    1501.  [BOOK  I. 


English  history  is  rather  barren  of  information  as 
to  what  was  done  under  these  patents.  Mr.  Hume, 
in  the  26th  chapter  of  his  History  of  England,  after 
mentioning  the  discovery  by  Cabot  in  1498,  says, 
«  Elliott  and  others  made  a  Uke  attempt  in  1502," 
and  cites  Rymer,  vol.  xiii.  p.  37.  Discoveries  in 
which  Hugh  Eliot  w  ^j  instrumental,  are  also  alluded 
to  by  Robert  Thorne,  in  a  letter  written  by  him  whilst 
at  Seville  in  1527,  to  Dr.  Lee,  the  ambassador  from 
England  to  Spain.^ 

In  this  letter  Thorne  says : 

"  If  I  had  the  faculty  to  my  will,  it  should  be  the  first 
thing  that  I  would  understand,  even  to  attempt,  if  our  seas 
northward  be  navigable  to  the  pole  or  no.  I  reason  that 
as  some  sicknesses  are  hereditarious,  and  come  from  the 
father  to  the  son,  so  this  inclination  or  desire  of  this  dis- 
covery, I  inherited  of  my  father  which  with  another  mer- 
chant of  Bristol  named  Hugh  Eliot  were  the  discoverers  of 
the  New  found-lands  of  the  which,  there  is  no  doubt  (as 
now  plainly  appeareth)  if  the  mariners  would  then  have 
been  ruled  and  followed  their  pilot's  mind,  the  lands  of  the 
West  Indias  (from  whence  all  the  gold  cometh)  had  been 
ours.     For  all  is  one  coast." 

This  letter  of  Robert  Thorne,  it  is  to  be  observed, 
was  written  after  the  conquest  of  Mexico  by  the 
Spaniards. 

From  the  following  entries  in  the  account  of  the 
privy  purse  expenses  of  Henry  the  Seventh,t  it  ap- 
pears there  was  for  a  while  some  intercourse  with  the 
newly  discovered  region : 


*  In  Hakluyt'B  Collection,  vol.  1,  p.  219.  t  In  Biddlc'a  Memoir  of  Cabot,  p.  230,31. 


CHAP.  »!.]       VOYAGE   TO   THB    NORTHWEST    IN    1601. 


116 


"  17  November  1503.  To  one  that  brought  hawks  from 
the  New  founded  island  £  1. 

"8  April  1604.  To  a  preste*  that  goeth  to  the  new 
island  £  2. 

"  25  August  1505.  To  Clay's  going  to  Richmond  with 
wild  cats  and  popinjays  of  the  New  found  island  for  his 
costs  V:is.  Ad. 

"  To  Portuguese  that  brought  popinjays  and  cats  of  the 
mountain  with  other  stutt'  to  the  king's  grace  £  6." 


*  Mr.  Biddle  suppoiei  tlili  to  mean  prietf. 


116 


DEPARTURE  OF  OVANDO  IN  1502. 


[book  I. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

Of  the  fleet  and  orders  sent  out  with  Ovando  to  Hispaniola  in  1503; 
the  voyage  made  the  same  year  to  the  northern  coast  of  South  Ame- 
rica by  Alonzo  de  Ojeda;  the  last  voyage  of  Columbus;  and  his 
wearisome  detention  at  Jamaica. 

Isabella  urged  the  speedy  departure  of  Ovando,  to 
put  a  stop  to  the  abuses  of  Bobadilla's  government. 
She  was  particularly  careful  in  providing  for  the  kind 
treatment  of  the  Indians.  Ovando  was  ordered  to 
assemble  the  caciques,  and  declare  to  them  that  the 
sovereigns  took  them  and  their  people  under  their 
especial  protection.  They  were  merely  to  pay  tribute 
Hke  other  subjects  of  the  crown,  and  it  was  to  be 
collected  with  mildness.  Yet  for  the  royal  service, 
they  might  be  compelled  to  work  in  the  mines  and 
in  other  employments.  This  (though  they  were  to 
be  paid  as  hired  labourers,)  led  to  great  abuses  and 
oppressions,  and  was  ultimately  as  fatal  to  the  natives 
as  would  have  been  the  most  absolute  slavery.  Ano- 
ther decree  was  made,  which  it  may  be  proper  to 
notice  in  this  connection.  It  was  permitted  to  carry 
to  the  colonies  negro  slaves  born  in  Spain,  the  de- 
scendants of  natives  of  Africa,  with  which  a  traffic 
of  the  kind  had  for  some  time  been  carried  on  by  the 
Spaniards  and  Portuguese.  This  is  the  first  trace  of 
negro  slavery  in  the  new  world.* 


, 


*  Irving's  Columbus,  vol.  9,  p.  69  to  71. 


CHAP.    XII.] 


VOYAGE    OF    OJEDA    IN    1502. 


117 


Ovando's  fleet  was  the  largest  that  had  yet  sailed 
to  the  new  world.  It  consisted  of  thirty  sail,  five  of 
them  from  ninety  to  one  hundred  and  fifty  tons  bur- 
then, twenty-four  caravels  of  from  thirty  to  ninety, 
and  one  bark  of  twenty-five  tons.  The  number  of 
souls  that  embarked  was  about  two  thousand  five 
hundred.  The  fleet  put  to  sea  on  the  13th  of  Feb- 
ruary 1502.  In  the  early  part  of  the  voyage  it  en- 
countered a  terrible  storm :  one  of  the  ships  foun- 
dered with  one  hundred  and  twenty  passengers ;  the 
others  were  obliged  to  throw  overboard  every  thing 
that  was  on  deck,  and  were  completely  scattered. 
Yet  only  one  ship  was  lost.  The  others  arrived  at 
San  Domingo  on  the  15th  of  April.* 

Ojeda  had  reported  that  in  his  voyage  in  1499  he 
met  with  English  adventurers  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  Venezuela.  The  Spanish  sovereigns  were  anxious 
to  establish  a  resolute  and  fighting  commander  like 
Ojeda  upon  this  outpost.  And  he  found  it  easy  to 
obtain  authority  to  prosecute  at  his  own  expense  the 
discovery  of  the  coast  of  Terra  Firma.  He  was  in- 
structed to  set  up  the  arms  of  Castile  and  Leon  in 
every  place  he  visited,  as  a  signal  of  discovery  and 
possession,  and  to  put  a  stop  to  the  intrusions  of  the 
English.  Ojeda  and  his  associates  fitted  out  four 
ships,  and  sailed  in  1502.  Arriving  at  the  port  des- 
tined for  his  seat  of  government,  Ojeda  found  the 
country  so  poor  and  sterile  that  he  proceeded  along 
the  coast  to  a  bay  which  he  named  Santa  Cruz,  but 
which  is  supposed  to  be  the  same  at  present  called 
Bahia  Honda,  where  he  found  a  Spaniard  who  had 


*  Irving's  Columbus,  vol.  3,  p.  71, 2. 


■  -  T 


■f    t 


118 


VOYAGE    OF    OJEDA    IN    1602. 


[nooK  I. 


been  left  in  Citarma  by  Bastides  about  thirteen 
months  before.  At  this  place  Ojeda  erected  a  for- 
tress, which  contained  the  magazine  of  provisions 
and  a  strong  box  in  which  was  deposited  the  treasure 
amassed  in  the  expedition.  Vergara  and  Ocampo, 
two  of  Ojeda's  partners,  becoming  dissatisfied  vath 
him,  informed  him  of  their  intention  to  convey  him  a 
prisoner  to  Hispaniola,  to  answer  for  offences  which 
they  alleged  against  him.  He  attempted  to  escape, 
but  was  seized,  thrown  in  irons  and  conveyed  on 
board  of  Vergara's  caravel.  The  two  partners  then 
set  sail,  bearing  off  the  whole  community,  its  captive 
governor,  and  the  strong  box  which  was  at  the  bot- 
tom of  all  these  feuds.  They  arrived  at  the  western 
part  of  the  island  of  Hispaniola.  While  at  anchor 
within  a  stone's  throw  of  the  land,  Ojeda,  confident 
in  his  strength  and  skill  as  a  swimmer,  let  himself 
down  the  side  of  the  ship  in  the  night,  and  his  arms 
being  free,  attempted  to  swim  to  the  shore.  But 
his  feet  were  shackled,  and  the  weight  of  his  irons 
threatened  to  sink  him.  He  was  obliged  to  shout  for 
help.  A  boat  was  sent  from  the  vessel  to  his  relief, 
and  the  unfortunate  governor  was  brought  back  half 
drowned.  He  was  delivered  to  the  commander  of 
the  place,  while  Vergara  and  Ocampo  (as  he  said) 
were  taking  from  the  strong  box  whatever  they 
thought  proper.  All  parties  were  in  Saint  Domingo 
about  the  end  of  September  1502,  when  the  chief 
judge  of  the  island  gave  a  decision  against  Ojeda. 
He  appealed  to  the  sovereign,  and  after  some  time 
was  honourably  acquitted  by  the  royal  council;  his 
property  was  ordered  to  be  restored ;  and  he  ordered 


CBAP.    XII.] 


VOYAGE    OF    COLUMBUS    IN    1502. 


119 


to  be  liberated.*  Nothing  is  known  of  him  after- 
wards until  1505,  when  he  is  said  to  have  made 
another  voyage.f 

In  the  mean  time,  Columbus  had  conceived  the 
idea  of  a  voyage  in  which  he  hoped  to  surpass  all 
previous  expeditions.  His  idea  was  that  the  Terra 
Firma  on  which  he  landed  in  his  voyage  to  Paria 
stretched  far  to  the  west ;  that  the  southern  coast  of 
Cuba,  which  he  considered  a  part  of  the  Asiatic  con- 
tinent, stretched  onwards  towards  the  same  point; 
that  the  currents  of  the  Caribbean  sea  passed  be- 
tween these  lands;  and  that  there  must  be  a  strait 
thereabout,  opening  into  the  Indian  sea.  When  Co- 
lumbus unfolded  his  plan  for  a  voyage  to  discover 
such  a  passage,  and  thus  link  the  new  world  with  the 
opulent  oriental  regions  of  the  old,  it  was  promptly 
acceded  to.  He  was  authorized  to  fit  out  an  arma- 
ment immediately,  and  for  this  purpose  repaired  to 
Seville  in  the  autumn  of  1501.  When  Columbus 
undertook  this,  his  fourth  and  last  voyage  of  disco- 
very, he  already  numbered  sixty-six  years.  His  squad- 
ron consisted  of  four  caravels,  from  fifty  to  seventy 
tons  each ;  the  crews  amounting  in  all  to  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty  men.  He  had  the  comfort  of  his  bro- 
ther Bartholomew  and  his  son  Fernando  as  compa- 
nions. The  squadron  sailed  from  Cadiz  in  May  1502, 
and  arrived  on  the  15th  of  June  at  one  of  the  Carib- 
bee  islands,  called  by  the  natives  Mantinino.  Then 
it  passed  to  the  west  of  the  island  and  sailed  to  Do- 
minica, about  ten  leagues  distant.  Columbus  conti- 
nued along  the  inside  of  the  Antilles,  to  Santa  Cruz, 

*  Voyages  of  Companions  of  Columbus,  p.  46  to  53.        t  W-  P-  S*- 


m 


11]^' 


120 


VOYAGE    OF    COLUMBUS    IN    1502. 


[book  I. 


then  along  the  south  side  of  Porto  Rico.  His  prin- 
cipal vessel  sailing  badly,  he  steered  for  San  Domingo, 
to  exchange  it  for  one  of  the  fleet  which  had  recently 
conveyed  Ovando  to  his  government.* 

Columbus  arrived  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  the 
29th  of  June.  The  fleet  which  brought  out  Ovando 
was  now  ready  to  return  to  Spain,  with  many  delin- 
quents and  others  on  board.  Bobadilla  was  to  em- 
bark in  the  principal  ship,  on  board  of  which  he  had 
put  an  immense  amount  of  gold  collected  for  the 
crown  during  his  government.  Roldan  and  other  ad- 
venturers likewise  shipped  large  quantities  of  gold. 
This  was  wealth  gained  from  the  sufferings  of  the  un- 
happy natives.  In  one  of  the  ships  Alonzo  Sanchez 
de  Carvajal,  the  agent  of  Columbus,  had  put  four 
thousand  pieces  of  gold  to  be  remitted  to  him ;  being 
part  of  his  property  which  had  either  been  recently 
collected,  or  recovered  from  the  hands  of  Bobadilla.f 

Columbus  apprehending  an  approaching  storm  re- 
quested permission  to  shelter  his  squadron  in  the  har- 
bour, but  this  was  not  granted.  He  then  sent  to  the 
governor  not  to  permit  the  fleet  for  Spain  to  put  to 
sea  for  several  days,  as  there  were  signs  of  an  impen- 
ding tempest.  This  admonition  was  not  heeded. 
The  fleet  set  sail,  but  had  scarcely  reached  the  eas- 
tern point  of  Hispaniola,  when  the  tempest  burst  over 
it  with  awful  fury.  The  ship  on  board  of  which  were 
Bobadilla,  Roldan  and  a  number  of  the  most  invete- 
rate enemies  of  Columbus,  was  swallowed  up  with  all 
its  crew,  and  with  the  principal  part  of  the  ill-gotten 
treasure,  gained  by  the  miseries  of  the  Indians.    Many 


♦  Irvlng'a  Columbus,  vol.  2,  p.  76  to  63.       t  '<!■  P-  83,  4. 


CHAP.    XII.] 


VOYAGE    OP    COLUMBUS    IN    1503. 


121 


of  the  ships  were  entirely  lost :  some  returned  to  San 
Domingo  in  shattered  condition,  and  only  one  was 
enabled  to  continue  her  voyage  to  Spain.  That  one, 
the  weakest  of  the  fleet  (it  is  said)  had  on  board  the 
four  thousand  pieces  of  gold,  the  property  of  the  ad- 
miral.* Bastides  also  returned  in  her  to  Spain,  where 
he  was  rewarded  by  his  sovereigns.f 

During  the  early  part  of  this  storm,  the  little  squad- 
ron of  Columbus  was  tolerably  well  sheltered.  On 
the  second  day,  the  tempest  increased  in  violence ;  at 
night,  it  being  dark,  the  ships  were  separated.  The 
admiral,  keeping  close  to  the  shore,  sustained  no  da- 
mage :  the  others,  fearful  of  the  land,  ran  out  to  sea 
and  were  in  great  hazard.  After  various  vicissitudes, 
all  arrived  safe  at  Port  Hermoso,  to  the  west  of  San 
Domingo.J 

Columbus  remained  for  several  days  in  Port  Her- 
moso to  repair  his  vessels  and  permit  his  crews  to  re- 
pose. Soon  after  leaving  this  harbour,  he  had  to 
take  shelter  from  another  storm  in  Jacquemel,  or,  as 
it  was  called  by  the  Spaniards,  Port  Brazil.  Thence 
he  sailed  on  the  14th  of  July,  steering  for  Terra  Firma. 
He  was  borne  by  the  currents  in  the  vicinity  of  some 
little  islands  near  Jamaica ;  then  swept  away  to  those 
on  the  southern  coast  of  Cuba,  to  which  in  1494,  he 
had  given  the  name  of  The  Gardens.  He  now  stood 
to  the  southwest,  and,  after  a  few  days,  discovered  on 
the  30th  of  July,  a  small  but  elevated  island,  to  which, 
from  its  number  of  pines,  he  gave  the  name  of  Isla 
de  Pinos ;  it  has,  however,  retained  the  Indian  name 
of  Guanaja,  which  has  been  extended  to  a  number  of 

*  Irving'8  Columbus,  vol.  3,  p.  84,  5.       t  Id-  P>  103-        t  Id.  p.  85,  6. 

16 


I .,' 


'if^ 


122 


VOYAGE    OF    COLUMBUS    IN    1502. 


[book  I. 


smaller  islands  that  surround  it.  This  groupe  is 
within  a  few  leagues  of  the  coast  of  Honduras,  to 
the  east  of  the  great  bay  of  that  name.  Bartholo- 
mew landed  with  some  of  the  men  on  the  principal 
island,  and  saw  a  canoe  arriving  as  from  a  distant 
voyage ;  he  gathered  from  the  Indians  in  it  that  they 
came  from  a  country  rich,  cultivated  and  industrious, 
situated  to  the  west,  and  was  urged  by  them  to  steer 
in  that  direction.  "  Well  would  it  have  been  for  Co- 
lumbus," Mr.  Irving  remarks,  "  had  he  followed  their 
advice.  Within  a  day  or  two,  he  would  have  arrived 
at  Yucatan ;  the  discovery  of  Mexico  and  the  other 
opulent  countries  of  New  Spain  would  have  necessa- 
rily followed ;  the  Southern  ocean  would  have  been 
disclosed  to  him,  and  a  succession  of  splendid  disco- 
veries would  have  shed  fresh  glory  on  his  declining 
age,  instead  of  its  sinking  amidst  gloom,  neglect  and 
disappointment."* 

The  admiral,  however,  was,  at  present  intent  upon 
discovering  the  strait.  He  stood  southwardly  for  the 
main  land,  and  after  sailing  a  few  leagues  discovered 
the  cape  now  known  as  Cape  Honduras.  Proceed- 
ing along  what  is  at  present  called  the  coast  of  Hon- 
duras, he  arrived  on  the  14th  of  September  at  a  cape 
where  the  coast,  making  an  angle,  turned  directly 
south,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  Gracias  a  Dios, 
or  Thanks  to  God.  After  doubling  this  cape,  Co- 
lumbus sailed  south  along  what  is  now  called  the 
Musquito  shore.  After  sailing  about  sixty-two  leagues 
along  this  coast,  the  squadron  anchored  on  the  16th, 
where  a  boat  sent  to  the  shore  was,  in  returning. 


I 


*  Irving'^  Columbus,  vol.  S,  p.  B7,  8. 


CHAP.    XII.] 


VOYAGE    OF    COLUMBUS    IN    1502. 


123 


swallowed  up  by  a  sudden  swelling  of  the  sea,  with 
all  on  board :  to  this  stream  was  given  the  name  of 
The  River  of  Disaster.  On  the  25th,  they  cast  an- 
chor between  a  small  island  and  the  main  land,  where 
they  remained  for  several  days,  during  which  they 
were  kindly  treated  by  the  natives.  Departing  on 
the  5th  of  October,  the  squadron  sailed  along  what  is 
now  called  Costa  Rica,  (or  the  Rich  Coast,)  from  the 
mines  found  in  after  years  among  its  mountains. 
After  sailing  about  twenty-two  leagues,  the  ships  an- 
chored in  a  great  bay  about  six  leagues  in  length  and 
three  in  breadth,  called  by  the  natives  Caribaro. 
Sailing  on  the  17th,  he  proceeded  along  what  has 
been  since  called  the  coast  of  Veragua,  and  after 
sailing  about  twelve  leagues,  arrived  at  a  large  river 
which  his  son  Fernando  calls  the  Guaig.  He  an- 
chored afterwards  in  the  mouth  of  another  river 
called  the  Catiba,  where  nineteen  plates  of  pure  gold 
were  procured.  Here,  for  the  first  time  in  the  new 
world  the  Spaniards  met  with  signs  of  solid  architec- 
ture, finding  a  great  mass  of  stone  and  lime ;  an  in- 
dication that  they  were  in  or  near  countries  where 
the  arts  were  in  a  higher  state  of  cultivation  than  in 
those  before  discovered.  Columbus  hurried  along 
this  coast,  where  wealth  was  to  be  gathered  at  every 
step,  for  the  purpose  of  seeking  a  strait,  which  how- 
ever it  might  produce  vast  benefit  to  mankind,  could 
yield  little  else  to  himself  than  the  glory  of  the  dis- 
covery.* 

On  the  2d  of  November,  the  squadron  anchored 
in  a  spacious  and  commodious  harbour,  to  which 
Columbus  gave  the  name  of  Puerto  Bello;  this  it 

*  Irving'8  Columbua,  vol.  3,  p.  88  to  99. 


n 


124 


VOYAGE    OF    COLUMBUS    IN    1502. 


[book  I. 


has  retained.     Sailing  on  the  9th,  they  proceeded  to 
the  point  since  known  as  JNombre  de  Dios,  but  being 
driven  back,  anchored  in  a  harbour  in  the  vicinity  of 
three  small  islands,  where  they  remained  till  the  23d, 
and  then  proceeded  to  another  port  called  Guiga. 
He  next  stopped  in  a  small  harbour,  to  which  he  gave 
the  name  of  El  Retrete,  or  The  Cabinet,  where  the 
squadron  was  detained  nine   days  by  tempestuous 
weather.     The  companions  of  Columbus  now  mur- 
mured against  any  further  prosecution  of  the  voyage ; 
they  looked  back  with  regret  on  the  rich  coast  they 
had  left  behind.     Bastides,  in  his  recent  voyage,  had 
arrived  from  an  opposite  quarter  to  about  where  Co- 
lumbus had  now  reached.     If  Columbus  knew  the 
details  of  this  voyage,  he  must  now  have  seen  there 
was  but  little  probability  of  the  existence  of  the  strait 
he  had  imagined.     But  it  is  doubtful,  at  least,  whe- 
ther Columbus  was  then  acquainted  with  the  particu- 
lars of  the  voyage  of  Bastides.     They  could  scarcely 
have  reached   Spain  previous  to  his  sailing.     For 
though   some  of  the   seamen  of  Bastides   had   got 
thither  before  that  time,  we  have  no  evidence  that 
the  papers  and  charts  pertaining  to  the  voyage  had 
then  been  transmitted.     And  though  Bastides  was  on 
board  the  fleet  which  was  wrecked  at  the  time  Co- 
lumbus was  off"  San  Domingo,  Columbus  had  no  op- 
portunity of  obtaining  any   information   from   him. 
However  this  may  be,  Columbus  rehnquished  the  fur- 
ther prosecution  of  his  voyage  eastward  for  the  pre- 
sent, and  on  the  5th  of  December  sailed  from  £1  Re- 
trete westward,  in  search  of  the  gold  mines  of  Ve- 
ragua.* 


*  Irving'a  Columbus,  vol.  3,  p.  100  to  103. 


CHAP.    XII.] 


VOYAGE    OF    COLUMBUS    IN    1502. 


125 


Bartholomew  Columbus  went  into  the  interior  to 
explore  the  country.  No  port  was  found  equal  to  the 
river  of  Belen,  nor  was  gold  to  be  met  with  in  such 
abundance  as  iri  the  district  of  V^eragua.  The  ad- 
miral was  convinced  that  he  had  reached  one  of  the 
most  favoured  parts  of  the  Asiatic  continent.  He 
resolved  to  commence  an  establishment  here  for  the 
purpose  of  securing  possession  of  the  country,  and 
of  exploring  and  working  the  mines.  It  was  agreed 
that  Bartholomew  should  remain  with  eighty  men, 
while  the  admiral  would  return  to  Spain  for  rein- 
forcements and  supplies.  But  the  serious  hot  ilities 
which  quickly  occurred,  caused  this  purpose  to  be 
abandoned,  even  after  Columbus  was  aboard  and 
about  to  proceed  on  his  voyage.  There  appeared  no 
alternative  but  to  embark  all  the  people,  abandon  the 
settlement  for  the  present,  and  return  at  some  future 
day  with  a  force  competent  to  secure  the  possession 
of  the  country.* 

Towards  the  end  of  April  1503,  Columbus  sailed 
from  the  coast  of  Veragua.  He  continued  eastward 
as  far  as  Porto  Bello,  where  he  was  obliged  to  leave 
one  of  the  caravels,  which  was  so  pierced  by  the 
worms  that  it  was  impossible  to  keep  her  afloat.  All 
the  crews  were  now  crowded  into  two  caravels ;  one 
having  been  left  stranded  in  the  river  near  Belen. 
Columbus  passed  Port  Retrete  and  a  number  of 
islands,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  Las  Barbas, 
now  termed  the  Mulatas,  a  little  beyond  Point  Bias. 
Continuing  about  ten  leagues  further,  he  approached 
the  entrance  of  what  is  at  present  called  the  gulf  of 


*  Irving's  Columbua,  vol.  3,  p.  103  io  1-2& 


'    -N 


m' 


126 


DETENTION  OF  COLUMBUS  AT  JAMAICA. 


[BOOK    I. 


Darion.  On  the  1st  of  May,  he  stood  northward,  in 
quest  of  Hispaniola.  On  the  10th,  he  came  in  sight 
of  two  small  islands  now  known  as  the  Caymans. 
Continuing  north,  he  found  himself,  on  the  30th, 
among  the  islands  south  of  Cuba,  which  he  had 
named  the  Queen's  Gardens.  Here  the  vessels  were 
greatly  injured  by  a  tempest.  At  the  end  of  six  days, 
he  took  an  eastward  course.  Reaching  Cape  Cruz, 
he  anchored  at  a  village  where  he  had  touched  in 
1494.  Being  prevented  by  adverse  winds  from  beat- 
ing up  to  Hispaniola,  he  stood,  in  despair,  for  the 
island  of  Jamaica,  to  seek  some  secure  port;  for 
there  was  great  danger  of  foundering  at  sea.  On 
the  eve  of  St.  John,  the  23d  of  June,  he  put  into  Pu- 
erto Bueno,  now  called  Dry  Harbour,  but  meeting 
none  of  the  native^s  and  suffering  from  hunger,  they 
sailed  eastward  next  day  to  another  harbour,  to  which 
the  admiral,  on  his  first  visit  to  the  island,  had  given 
the  name  of  Port  Santa  Gloria.  Here  the  vessels, 
reduced  to  mere  wrecks,  had  to  be  run  aground : 
thatched  cabins  were  erected  at  the  prow  and  stern, 
for  the  accommodation  of  the  crews.* 

Arrangements  bemg  made  with  the  natives  for  sup- 
plying the  immediate  wants  of  the  Spaniards,  Colum- 
bus next  revolved  in  his  mind  the  means  of  getting 
from  the  island.  The  most  likely  measure  appeared 
to  be,  to  send  to  San  Don^ingo  and  entreat  Ovando 
to  dispatch  a  vessel.  But  mere  was  no  way  of  trans- 
porting a  messenger,  except  in  a  light  canoe ;  and 
the  distance  being  forty  leagues  across  a  gulf,  every 
one  drew  back  at  tue  thoughts  of  it.     Diego  Mendez 


*  Irving'8  Columbus,  vol.  3,  p.  IQG  to  129. 


CHAP.    XII.] 


DIEGO    MRNDEZ. 


127 


ventured  his  life  on  this  occasion.  With  him  went  a 
Spanish  comrade  and  six  Indians.  Once  they  were 
taken  hy  Indians  roving  in  canoes,  but  made  their  es- 
cape, and  at  length  arrived  at  the  end  of  the  island, 
distant  thirty-four  leagues  from  the  harbour.  While 
waiting  here  for  calm  weather,  they  were  taken  pri- 
soners by  hostile  Indians,  who  carried  them  off  three 
leagues,  intending  to  kill  them.  During  a  dispute 
about  the  division  of  the  spoils,  Diego  escaped,  got 
to  his  canoe,  embarked  in  it  and  returned  alone  to  the 
harbour,  after  fifteen  days  absence.  Nothing  daunted 
by  what  he  had  undergone,  Diego  offered  to  depart 
again,  provided  he  could  have  persons  to  accompany 
him  to  the  end  of  the  island  and  protect  him  from  the 
natives.  This  was  done,  and  two  canoes  started,  in 
one  of  which  was  Diego,  and  in  the  other  Bartholo- 
mew Fiesco,  a  Genoese ;  each  having  six  Spaniards 
f  nd  ten  Indians.* 

A  long  time  elapsed  without  any  tidings  of  Men- 
dez  and  Fiesco.  Yet  after  a  trying  voyage,  they 
had  reached  Cape  Tiburon  in  four  days  from  their 
quitting  Jamaica.  Mendez  took  six  Indians  of  the 
island  and  set  off  to  coast  in  his  canoe,  one  hun- 
dred and  thirty  leagues  to  San  Domingo.  After 
proceeding  for  eighty  leagues,  he  was  informed  that 
the  governor  had  departed  for  Xaragua,  fifty  leagues 
distant.  He  abandoned  his  canoe  and  proceeded 
alone  and  on  foot,  through  forests  and  over  moun- 
taii-  until  he  arrived  at  Xaragua,  achieving  one 
of  the  most  perilous  expeditions  ever  undertaken 
by  i\  devoted   follower,  for  the  safety  of  his  com- 


♦  Irving's  Columbus,  vol.  2,  p.  130  to  136. 


v\ 


W- 


128 


DIEGO    MENDEZ. 


[book  I. 


mander.     Ovando  made  many  promises  of  sending 
immediate  relief,  but  sufTcrcd   day  after  day,  week 
after  week,  and  even  month  after  month  to  elapse 
without  carrying  his  promises  into  eflbct.     Mendez 
remained   for  seven   months  in   Xaragua,  detained 
there  under  various  pretexts  by  Ovando.     At  length, 
by  importunity,  obtaining  permission  to  go  to  San 
Domingo,  he  set  out  on  loot  for  that  place,  distant 
seventy  leagues,  to  await  the  arrival  of  certain  ships 
which  were  expected,  of  which  he  proposed  to  pur- 
chase one  on  account  of  the  admiral.     It  was  not 
until  after  his  departure,  that  Ovando  dispatched  a 
small  vessel  with  a  message  to  Columbus,  expressing 
regret  at  not  having  in  port  a  vessel  of  sufficient  size 
to  bring  off'  him  and  his  people,  and  promising  to 
send  one  as  soon  as  possible.     This  message  was  re- 
ceived eight  months  after  the  departure  of  Mendez. 
In  the  mean  time,  the  men  left  behind  with  Colum- 
bus had  become  impatient.     There  had  been  a  mu- 
tiny, and  most  of  those  in  health,  taking  ten  canoes 
which  he  had  purchased  from  the  Indians,  had  em- 
barked in  them,  but  after  going  to  sea,  had  returned 
to  the  island  and  lived  fit  large  about  it.     In  a  ren- 
contre with  Bartholomew  Columbus,  their  ringleader 
Parras  was  taken  and  the  rest  submitted.     Two  ves- 
sels were  afterwards  seen  standing  in  the  harbour ; 
one  of  which  had  been  hired  and  furnished  at  the  ex- 
pense of  the  admiral,  by  the  faithful  Mendez :  the 
other  had  been  fitted  out  by  Ovando.     On  the  28th 
of  June  150i,  just  one  year  after  Mendez  had  ar- 
rived at  Hispaniola,  Columbus  and  his  men  sailed  thi- 
ther from  Jamaica.* 


*  Irving'g  Columbus,  vol.  2,  p.  136  to  158. 


ciiAr.  XII. J 


DIEGO    MENDEZ. 


129 


Mcndcz  having  seen  the  ships  depart,  proceeded 
to  Spain  on  the  further  concerns  of  the  admiral. 
When  King  Ferdinand  heard  of  the  faithful  services 
of  Mcndez,  he  bestowed  rewards  upon  him,  and  per- 
mitted him  to  bear  a  canoe  on  his  coat  of  arms.  He 
continued  devotedly  attached  to  the  admiral,  serving 
him  zealously  ader  his  return  to  Spain,  and  during 
his  last  illness.  Columbus  retained  the  most  grateful 
and  affectionate  sense  of  his  fidelity.  Mcndez  after- 
wards engaged  in  voyages  of  discovery  in  vessels  of 
his  own,  but  met  with  many  vicissitudes,  and  appears 
to  have  died  in  impoverished  circumstances.  In  his 
will  he  desired  that  a  large  stone  should  be  placed 
upon  his  sepulchre,  on  which  should  be  engraved 
certain  words  which  he  directed,  and  on  the  model 
of  which  there  should  be  carved  an  Indian  canoe, 
with  the  word  canoa  engraved  above  it  in  large  let- 
ters.* 

*  Irving'*  Columbui,  vol.  3,  p.  1S8,  9. 


17 


k» 


130 


VOyAGE    OF    VESPUCIUS    IN    1603. 


[book  I. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

Of  the  voyage  of  Americus  Vespucius  to  Brazil  in  1503 ;  and  the  name 
of  America  given  to  tliis  part  of  the  world. 

In  the  preface  of  the  French  editor  to  the  History 
of  the  Province  of  Santa  Cruz,  referred  to  on  page 
108,  it  is  stated  that  after  the  voyage  in  1501,  under 
Gonsaloe  Coella,  the  coast  of  that  province  was,  in 
the  succeeding  years,  visited  several  times  by  Portu- 
guese navigators  who  went  to  the  Indias ;  among 
others,  by  Alfonso  d' Albuquerque  in  1503. 

The  letter  of  the  4th  of  September  1504,  from 
Americus  Vespucius  to  Piero  Soderini,  giving  an  ac- 
count of  his  last  voyage  under  the  King  of  Portugal, 
states  that  six  ships  sailed  from  Lisbon  on  the  10th  of 
May  1503  to  make  discoveries  with  regard  to  an 
island  in  the  east,  called  Malacca  ;  that  after  stopping 
three  days  at  the  Cape  de  Verd  islands,  they  sailed  in 
a  southerly  direction ;  that  the  superior  captain  went 
to  reconnoitre  Sierra  Leone,  without  there  being  any 
necessity  for  it;  that  they  sailed  from  there  to  the 
south,  and  bore  southwest;  that  after  sailing  three 
hundred  leagues  through  the  great  sea,  being  then 
three  degrees  south  of  the  equinoctial  line,  an  island 
was  discovered  about  twenty-two  leagues  distant,  very 
high,  and  not  more  than  two  leagues  in  length  and  one 
in  width,  and  the  superior  captain  there  lost  his  ship 
upon  a  rock,  and  went  himself  to  the  bottom  ;  that  his 
(Vespucius')  ship  and  one  other  arrived  in  seventeen 


CHAP.    XIII.] 


NAME    OF    AMERICA. 


131 


days  at  the  Bay  of  All  Saints,  distant  three  hundred 
leagues  from  the  island  they  had  left,  and  after  waiting 
two  months  and  four  days  in  this  harbour,  without 
being  joined  by  any  other  ship,  proceeded  along  the 
coast  two  hundred  and  sixty  leagues,  where  they  built 
a  fortress ;  that  they  were  in  this  port  five  months, 
building  the  fortress  and  loading  the  ships  with  dye 
wood ;  and  during  this  time  some  of  the  men  went 
forty  leagues  inland ;  that  being  unable  to  proceed 
farther  for  want  of  men  and  equipments,  they  deter- 
mined to  return  to  Portugal,  leaving  twenty-four  men 
in  the  fortress  with  provisions  for  six  months,  twelve 
pieces  of  cannon  and  many  other  arms;  that  this 
country  was  situated  eighteen  degrees  south  of  the 
equinoctial  line,  and  fifty-seven  degrees  farther  west 
than  Lisbon ;  that  in  seventy-seven  days  the  two  ships 
entered  Lisbon,  to  wit,  on  the  15th  of  June  1504, 
the  other  ships  of  the  fleet  having  been  lost.* 

Tht;  name  of  America  was  first  given  to  the  pro- 
vince explored  by  Americus  in  his  two  voyages  of 
1501  and  1503.  Next  it  embraced  the  whole  southern 
continent.  And  afterwards  it  became  the  appellation 
of  the  whole  of  the  new  world.f  More  than  two 
centuries  ago  it  was  said  that  it  "  most  justly  should 
have  been  called  Columbina,  and  a  great  dccil  better 
might  have  been  styled  Cabotiana  than  America."! 
A  few  years  ago  it  was  attempted  to  give  to  the 
British  provinces  of  the  northern  continent  the  name 
of  Cabotia. 


*  Irving's  Columbus,  vol.  2,  p.  950,51, 
Appendix  No.  10.  Lifo  of  Americus  Vcs- 
puciuH,  hy  Lcsicr  and  Foster,  p.  338  to  -343. 

tN.  A.  Review  April  1821,  p.  339,  340. 
Irving'3  Columbus,  vol.3,  p.  250,  Appen- 


dix No.  10.    liife  of  Americus  Vespiicius, 
p.  248  to  255. 

i  Purchas'a  Pilgrimf,  vol.  4,  book  C,  ch. 
4, p.  177. 


i 

m 
ll 

m 


i\ 


p  ,1 


132 


RETURN    OF    COLUMBUS    TO    SPAIN    1504.  [BOOK  I. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

Of  the  return  of  Columbus  from  the  West  Indias  to  Spain  in  1504,  and 
his  death  in  150G :  observations  on  his  character. 

Though  Coiumbus  and  his  men  left  Jamaica  on  the 
28th  of  June  1304,  adverse  winds  delayed  his  arrival 
at  San  Domingo  till  the  13th  of  August.  The  sojourn 
of  Columbus  at  San  Domingo  was  but  little  calculated 
to  yield  him  satisfaction.  He  was  grieved  at  the  de- 
solation of  the  island  by  the  oppressive  treatment  of 
the  natives  and  the  horrible  massacres  which  had  been 
perpetrated.  The  sanguinary  acts  of  Ovando  awa- 
kened equal  horror  and  indignation  in  Isabella.  With 
her  dying  breath,  she  exacted  a  promise  from  Ferdi- 
nand that  Ovando  should  immediately  be  recalled 
from  his  government.* 

On  the  12th  of  September,  Columbus  sailed  with 
his  son  and  brother.  They  had  a  tedious  voyage  ;  it 
was  the  7th  of  November  that  his  shattered  bark  an- 
chored in  the  harbour  of  San  Lucar.  Hence  Cohim- 
bus  had  himself  conveyed  to  Seville.  Soon  after- 
wards he  lost  the  friend  on  whom  he  most  relied. 
After  four  months  of  illness,  Isabella  died  on  the  26th 
of  November  1504,  at  Medina  del  Campo.  During  the 
winter  and  a  part  of  the  spring,  Columbus  continued 
at  Seville,  detained  by  painful  illness.    He  had  to  rely 

*  Irving's  Columbus,  vol.  3,  p.  160  to  189. 


CHAP.  XIV.]     KETCRN    OF    COLUMBUS    TO    SPAIN    1604. 


133 


upon  others  to  support  his  appUcations  to  the  court. 
One  of  these  was  Americus  Vespucius,  who  being  at 
Seville  early  in  1 605,  on  his  way  to  the  Spanish  court, 
in  quest  of  employment,  became  the  bearer  of  the 
following  letter  from  Columbus  to  his  son  Diego ;  it 
is  dated  February  5.* 

"  My  dear  son, — Diego  Mendez  departed  from  hence  on 
Monday,  the  third  of  this  month.  After  his  departure  I 
conversed  with  Amerigo  Vespucci,  the  bearer  of  this,  who 
goes  there  (to  court)  summoned  on  affairs  of  navigation. 
Fortune  has  been  adverse  to  him  as  to  many  others.  His 
labours  have  not  profited  him  as  much  as  they  reasonably 
should  have  done.  He  goes  on  my  account,  and  with 
much  desire  to  do  something  that  may  result  to  my  advan- 
tage, if  within  his  power.  I  cannot  ascertain  here  in  what 
I  can  employ  him,  that  will  be  serviceable  to  me,  foi  I  do 
rot  know  what  may  be  there  required.  He  goes  with  the 
'^termination  to  do  all  that  is  possible  for  me.  See  in  what 
he  may  be  of  advantage  and  co-operate  with  him,  that  he 
may  say  and  do  every  thing,  and  put  his  plans  in  operation  ; 
and  let  all  be  done  secretly,  that  he  may  not  be  suspected. 
I  have  said  every  thing  to  him  that  I  can  say  touching  the 
business,  and  have  informed  him  of  the  pay  I  have  received, 
and  what  is  due,  &c."t 

Mr.  Lester  argues  that  Columbus  would  not  have 
written  a  letter  like  this  if  Vespucius  had  been  en- 
gaged in  injuring  his  reputation.!  This  argument 
would  be  very  proper  if  it  could  be  shewn  that  Ves- 
pucius had  before  the  date  of  this  letter,  asserted  to 
Columbus,  or  in  any  public  manner,  the  pretension  of 


♦  Frving's  Coliimlms,  vol.  2,  p.  190  ;  also  p.  951,  Appendix  No.  10. 
t  Nuvurrcto,  Cullec.  Viag.  T.  1,  p.  331,        X  Lift)  of  Vespucius,  p.  105. 


! 


Ml 


1* 


aii 


134 


DEATH    OF    COLUMBUS    IN    1506. 


[boor  I. 


his  discovering  the  continent  of  South  America  in 
1497,  but  we  have  no  evidence  that  any  such  preten- 
sion had  been  so  asserted.  The  accounts  of  such  a 
voyage,  purporting  to  have  been  written  to  Lorenzo 
de  Pier  Francisco  de  Medici  of  Florence,  and  to 
others,  remained  unpubhshed  till  after  the  death  of 
Columbus.* 

It  was  not  until  May  1505,  that  Columbus  was  able, 
in  company  with  his  brother  Bartholomew,  to  accom- 
plish his  journey  to  court,  which  was  at  that  time  held 
at  Segovia.  Many  months  were  exhausted  by  him  in 
unavaihng  attendance.  Life  was  now  drawing  to  a 
close.  He  was  again  confined  to  the  bed,  l)y  a  tor- 
menting attack  of  the  gout,  aggravated  by  sorrow  and 
disappointment.  One  of  his  last  acts  was  to  send  his 
brother  to  King  Philip  and  Queen  Juana,  who  had 
just  arrived  from  Flanders  to  take  possession  of  the 
throne  of  Castile ;  in  the  daughter  of  Isabella,  he 
trusted  to  find  a  patroness  and  friend.  After  the  de- 
parture of  Bartholomew,  his  maladies  increased  in 
violence.  He  died  on  the  20th  of  May  1506,  being 
seventy  years  old,  a  little  more  or  less.  His  last  words 
were  "/«  manus  tuas,  Domine,  commendo  spiritum 
mevm:^^  into  thy  hands,  O  Lord,  I  commend  my 
spirit  If 

His  body  was  deposited  in  the  convent  of  St.  Fran- 
cisco, but  was  transported  in  1513  to  the  Carthusian 
monastery  of  Las  Cuevas  of  Seville  to  the  chapel  of 
St.  Ann,  or  of  Santo  Christo,  in  which  chapel  was 
likewise  deposited  that  of  his  son  Diego  who  died 


*  Irving'a  Columbus,  vol.  3,  p.  349,  Appendix  No.  lU.  ] 
t  Id.  p.  191  to  108,  and  229,  Appendix  No.  1. 


CHAP.  XIV.] 


OBSERVATIONS    ON    COLUMBUS. 


135 


in  the  village  of  Montalban  on  the  23d  of  February 
1526.  In  1336  the  bodies  of  both  were  removed  to 
Hispaniola  and  interred  in  the  principal  chapel  of  the 
cathedral  of  the  City  of  San  Domingo.  More  than 
two  centuries  afterwards,  when  by  the  treaty  of  1795 
between  France  and  Spain,  all  the  Spanish  posses- 
sions in  the  island  of  Hispaniola  were  ceded  to 
France,  the  remains  of  Columbus  were  carried  to 
Havana  and  deposited  with  great  reverence,  in  the 
cathedral,  in  the  wall  on  the  right  side  of  the  grand 
altar.* 
>^  About  the  same  period  the  new  world  gave  birth 
to  an  historian  who  has  by  his  writings  perpetuated 
the  fame  of  Columbus,  and  erected  to  his  memory  a 
monument  far  more  lasting  than  that  ordered  by  Fer- 
dinand. This  chapter  cannot  be  better  concluded 
than  with  the  following  beautiful  tribute  from  Mr.  Ir- 
ving :t 


((i 


Columbus  was  a  man  of  great  and  inventive  genius. 
The  operations  of  his  mind  were  energetic  but  irregular ; 
bursting  forth  at  times  with  that  irresistible  force  which 
characterizes  intellects  of  such  an  order.  His  mind  had 
grasped  all  kinds  of  knowledge  connected  with  his  pur- 
suits ;  and  though  his  information  may  appear  limited  at 
the  present  day,  and  some  of  his  errors  palpable,  it  is  be- 
cause that  knowledge,  in  his  peculiar  department  of  sci- 
ence, was  but  scantily  developed  in  his  time.  His  own 
discoveries  enlightened  the  ignorance  of  that  age  ;  guided 
conjecture  to  certainty  ;  and  dispelled  numercTus  errors  with 
which  he  himself  had  been  obliged  to  struggle. 


"•Irving'sCnlumbus,  vol.  2,  p.  198;  also  p.  S09  to  219,  Appendix  No.  1. 
t  Id.  p.  SOO  to  205. 


136 


OBSERVATIONS    ON    COLUMBUS. 


[book  I. 


"His  ambition  was  lofty  and  noble.  He  was  full  of 
high  thoughts,  and  anxious  to  distinguish  himself  by  great 
achievements.  It  has  been  said  that  a  mercenary  feeling 
mingled  with  his  views,  and  that  his  stipulations  with  the 
Spanish  court  were  selfish  and  avaracious.  The  charge  is 
inconsiderate  and  unjust.  He  aimed  at  dignity  and  wealth 
in  the  same  lofty  spirit  in  which  he  sought  renown ;  but 
they  were  to  arise  from  the  territories  he  should  discover, 
and  be  commensurate  in  importance.  No  condition  could 
be  more  just.  He  asked  nothing  of  the  sovereigns  but  a 
command  of  the  countries  he  hoped  to  give  them,  and  a 
share  of  the  profits  to  support  the  dignity  of  his  command. 
If  there  should  be  no  country  discovered,  his  stipulated 
viceroyalty  would  be  of  no  avail ;  and  if  no  revenues  should 
be  produced,  his  labour  and  peril  would  produce  no  gain. 
If  his  command  and  revenues  ultimately  proved  magnifi- 
cent, it  was  from  the  magnificence  of  the  regions  he  had 
attached  to  the  Castilian  crown.  What  monarch  would 
not  rejoice  to  gain  empire  on  such  conditions  ? 

"  But  he  did  not  merely  risk  a  loss  of  labour  and  a  dis- 
appointment of  ambition  in  the  enterprise  :  on  hjs  motives 
being  questioned,  he  voluntarily  undertook,  and,  with  the 
assistance  of  his  coadjutors,  actually  defrayed  one  eighth  of 
the  whole  charge  of  the  first  expedition. 

"  The  gains  that  promised  to  arise  from  his  discoveries 
were  intended  to  be  appropriated  in  the  same  princely  spi- 
rit in  which  they  were  demanded.  He  contemplated  works 
and  achievements  of  benevolence  and  piety ;  vast  contri- 
butions for  the  relief  of  the  poor  of  his  native  city ;  the 
foundation  of  churches  where  masses  should  be  said  for  the 
souls  of  the  departed ;  and  armies  for  the  recovery  of  the 
holy  sepulchre  in  Palestine. 

"  In  the  discharge  of  his  office  he  maintained  the  state 
and  ceremonial  of  a  viceroy,  and  was  tenacious  of  his  rank 
and  privileges :  not  from  a  mere  v  ulgar  love  of  titles,  but 


CFAP.   XIV.] 


OBSERVATIONS    ON    COLUMBUS. 


137 


because  he  prized  them  as  testimonials  and  trophies  of  his 
achievements.  These  he  jealously  cherished  as  his  great 
rewards.  In  his  repeated  applications  to  the  king,  he  in- 
sisted merely  on  the  restitution  of  his  dignities.  As  to  his 
pecuniary  dues  and  all  questions  relative  to  mere  revenue, 
he  offered  to  leave  them  to  arbitration,  or  even  to  the  abso- 
lute disposition  of  the  king ;  but  not  so  his  official  digni- 
ties; "  these  things,"  said  he  nobly,  "affect  my  honour." 
in  his  testament,  he  enjoined  on  his  son  Diego,  and  who- 
ever after  him  should  inherit  his  estates,  whatever  di^Tiities 
and  titles  might  afterwards  be  granted  by  the  king,  auvays 
to  sign  himself  simply  *  The  Admiral,'  by  way  of  perpetu- 
ating in  the  family  its  real  source  of  greatness. 

"  His  conduct  as  a  discoverer  was  characterized  by  the 
grandeur  of  his  views,  and  the  magnanimity  of  his  spirit. 
Instead  of  scouring  the  newly  found  countries,  like  a  grasp- 
ing adventurer  eager  only  for  immediate  gain,  as  was  too 
generally  the  case  with  contemporary  discoverers,  he  sought 
to  ascertain  their  soil  and  productions,  ?'  3ir  rivers  and  har- 
bours. He  was  desirous  of  colonizing  and  cultivating  them, 
of  conciliating  and  civilizing  the  natives,  of  building  ci- 
ties, introducing  the  useful  arts,  subjecting  every  thing  to 
the  control  of  law,  order  and  religion,  and  thus  of  found- 
ing regular  and  prosperous  empires.  In  this  glorious  plan, 
he  was  constantly  defeated  by  the  dissolute  rabble  which  it 
was  his  misfortune  to  command ;  with  whom  all  law  was 
tyranny,  and  all  order  restraint.  They  interrupted  all  use- 
ful works  by  their  seditions ;  provoked  the  peaceful  Indians 
to  hostility;  and  after  they  had  thus  drawn  down  misery 
and  warfare  upon  their  own  heads,  and  overwhelmed  Co- 
lumbus with  the  ruins  of  the  edifice  he  was  building,  they 
charged  him  with  being  the  cause  of  the  confusion. 

"Well  would  it  have  been  for  Spain,  had  her  discoverers 
who  followed  in  the  track  of  Columbus  possessed  his  sound 
policy  and  liberal  views.     The  new  world,  in  such  case, 
18 


■:' 


138 


OBSEHVATIONS    ON    COLUMBUS. 


[book  I. 


would  have  been  settled  by  peaceful  colonists,  and  civilized 
by  enlightened  legislators,  instead  of  being  overrun  by  des- 
perate adventurers,  and  desolated  ')y  avaricious  conquerors. 

"  Columbus  was  a  man  of  quick  sensibility,  liable  to  great 
excitement,  to  sudden  and  strong  impressions,  and  powerful 
impulses.  He  was  naturally  irritable  and  impetuous,  and 
keenly  sensible  to  injury  or  injustice ;  yet  the  quickness  of 
his  temper  was  counteracted  by  the  benevolence  and  gene- 
rosity of  his  heart.  The  magnanimity  of  his  nature  shone 
forth  through  all  the  troubles  of  his  stormy  career.  Though 
continually  outraged  in  his  dignity,  and  braved  in  the  exer- 
cise of  his  command ;  though  foiled  in  his  plans,  and  en- 
dangered in  his  person  by  the  seditions  of  turbulent  and 
worthless  men :  and  that  too  at  times  when  suffering  under 
anxiety  of  mind  and  anguish  of  body,  sufficient  to  exas- 
perate the  most  patient ;  yet  he  restrained  his  valiant  and 
indignant  spirit;  and  by  the  strong  power  of  his  mind, 
brought  himself  to  forbear,  and  reason,  and  even  to  suppli- 
cate :  nor  should  we  fail  to  notice  how  free  he  was  from 
all  feeling  of  revenge ;  how  ready  to  forgive  and  forget, 
on  the  least  signs  of  repentance  and  atonement.  He  has 
been  extolled  for  his  skill  in  controlling  others,  but  far 
greater  praise  is  due  to  him  for  the  firmness  he  displayed 
in  governing  himself. 

"  His  natural  benignity  made  him  accessible  to  all  kinds 
of  pleasurable  influences  from  external  objects.  In  his  let- 
ters and  journals,  instead  of  detailing  circumstances  with 
the  technical  precision  of  a  mere  navigator,  he  notices  the 
beauties  of  nature  with  the  enthusiasm  of  a  poet  or  a  painter. 
As  he  coasts  the  shores  of  the  New  World,  the  reader  parti- 
cipates in  the  enjoyment  with  which  he  describes,  in  his 
imperfect  but  picturesque  Spanish,  the  varied  objects  around 
him ;  the  blandness  of  the  temperature,  the  purity  of  the 
atmosphere,  the  fragrance  of  the  air,  '  full  of  dew  and 
sweetness,'  the  verdure  of  the  forests,  the  magnificence  of 


'^^TTf'f*'^'' 


CHAP.    XIV.] 


OBSERVATIONS    ON    COLUMBUS. 


139 


the  trees,  the  grandeur  of  the  mountains,  and  the  limpidity 
and  freshness  of  the  running  streams.  New  delight  springs 
up  for  him  in  every  scene.  He  extols  each  new  discovery 
as  more  beautiful  than  the  last,  and  each  as  the  most  beau- 
tiful in  the  world ;  until  with  his  simple  earnestness,  he 
tells  the  sovereigns,  that  having  spoken  so  highly  of  the 
preceding  islands,  he  fears  they  will  not  eredit  him  when 
he  declares  that  the  one  he  is  actually  describing  surpasses 
them  all  in  excellence. 

"  In  the  same  ardent  and  unstudied  way  he  expresses  his 
emotions  on  various  occasions,  readily  affected  by  impulses 
of  joy  or  grief,  of  pleasure  or  indignation.  When  sur- 
rounded and  overwhelmed  by  the  ingratitude  and  violence 
of  worthless  men,  he  often,  in  the  retirement  of  his  cabin, 
gave  way  to  gushes  of  sorrow,  and  relieved  his  overladen 
heart  by  sighs  and  groans.  When  he  returned  in  chains 
to  Spain,  and  came  in  the  presence  of  Isabella,  instead  of 
continuing  the  lofty  pride  with  which  he  had  hitherto  sus- 
tained his  injuries,  he  was  touched  with  grief  and  tender- 
ness at  her  sympathy,  and  burst  forth  into  sobs  and  tears. 

"He  was  devoutly  pious:  religion  mingled  with  the 
whole  course  of  his  thoughts  and  ;ctions,  and  shone  forth 
in  all  his  most  private  and  unstudied  writings.  Whenever 
he  made  any  great  discovery,  he  celebrated  it  by  solemn 
thanks  to  God.  The  voice  of  prayer,  and  the  melody  of 
praise,  rose  from  his  ships  when  they  first  beheld  the  New 
World,  and  his  first  action  on  landing,  was  to  prostrate  him- 
self upon  the  earth  and  render  up  thanksgivings.  Every 
evening  the  Salve  Regina  and  other  vesper  hymns  were 
chanted  by  his  crew,  and  masses  were  performed  in  the 
beautiful  groves  that  bordered  the  wild  shores  of  this  hea- 
then land.  The  religion  thus  deeply  seated  in  his  soul 
diffused  a  sober  dignity  and  a  benign  composure  over  his 
whole  demeanour.  His  language  was  pure  and  guarded, 
free  from  all  imprecations,  oaths  and  other  irreverent  ex- 


I 


140 


OBSERVATIONS    ON    COLUMBUS. 


[book  I. 


pressions.  All  his  great  enterprises  were  undertaken  'in 
the  name  of  the  Holy  Trinity,'  and  he  partook  of  the  holy 
sacrament  previous  to  embarkation.  He  observed  the  fes- 
tivals of  the  church  in  the  wildest  situations.  The  Sab- 
bath was  with  him  a  day  of  sacred  rest,  on  which  he  would 
never  set  sail  from  a  port,  unless  in  a  case  of  extreme  ne- 
cessity. He  was  a  firm  believer  in  the  efficacy  of  vows 
and  penances  and  pilgrimages,  and  resorted  to  them  in  times 
of  difficulty  and  danger;  but  he  carried  his  religion  still 
farther,  and  his  piety  was  darkened  by  the  bigotry  of  the 
age.  He  evidently  concurred  in  the  opinion  that  all  na- 
tions who  did  not  acknowledge  the  Christian  faith  were 
destitute  of  natural  rights ;  that  the  sternest  means  might 
be  used  for  their  conversion,  and  the  severest  punishments 
inflicted  upon  their  obstinacy  in  unbelief.  In  this  spirit  of 
bigotry  he  considered  himself  justified  in  making  captives 
of  the  Indians,  and  transporting  them  to  Spain  to  have 
them  taught  the  doctrines  of  Christianity,  and  in  selling 
them  for  slaves,  if  they  pretended  to  resist  his  invasions. 
In  doing  the  latter,  he  sinned  against  the  natural  goodness 
of  his  character,  and  against  the  feelings  which  he  had 
originally  entertained  and  expressed  towards  this  gentle 
and  hospitable  people ;  but  he  was  goaded  on  by  the  mer- 
cenary impatience  of  the  crown,  and  by  the  sneers  of  his 
enemies  at  the  unprofilable  result  of  his  enterprises.  It  is 
but  justice  to  his  character  to  observe,  that  the  enslave- 
ment of  the  Indian  •  thus  taken  in  battle  was  at  first  openly 
countenanced  by  thu  crown,  and  that  when  the  question 
of  right  came  to  be  discussed  at  the  instance  of  the  queen, 
several  of  the  most  distinguished  jurists  and  theologians 
advocated  the  prnctice,  so  that  the  question  was  finally  set- 
tled in  favour  of  the  Indians  by  the  humanity  of  Isabella. 
As  the  venerable  Bishop  Las  Casas  observes,  where  the 
most  learned  men  have  doubted,  it  is  not  surprising  that  an 
unlearned  mariner  should  err. 


CHAP.    XIV.] 


OBSERVATIONS    ON    COLUMBUS. 


141 


"  These  remarks  in  palliation  of  the  conduct  of  Colum- 
bus are  required  by  candour.  It  is  proper  to  show  him  in 
connexion  with  the  age  in  which  he  lived,  lest  the  errors 
of  the  time  should  be  considered  his  individual  faults.  It 
is  not  the  intention  of  the  author,  however,  to  justify  Co- 
lumbus on  a  point  where  it  is  inexcusable  to  err.  Let  it 
remain  a  blot  on  his  illustrious  name,  and  let  others  derive 
a  lesson  from  it. 

"A  peculiar  trait  in  his  rich  and  varied  character  remains 
to  be  noticed ;  that  ardent  and  enthusiastic  imagination 
which   threw  a   magnificence   over   his  whole  course  of 
thought.     Herrera  intimates  that  he  had  a  talent  for  poetry, 
and  some  slight  traces  of  it  are  on  record,  in  the  book  of 
prophecies  which  he  presented  to  the  Catholic  sovereigns. 
But  his  poetical  temperament  is  discernible  throughout  all 
his  writings,  and  in  all  his  actions.     It  spread  a  golden  and 
glorious  world  around  him,  and  tinged  every  thing  with  its 
own  gorgeous  colours.     It  betrayed  him  into  visionary  spe- 
culations, which  subjected  him  to  the  sneers  and  cavillings 
of  men  of  cooler  and  safer,  but  more  grovelling  minds. 
Such  were  the  conjectures  formed  on  the  coast  of  Paria 
about  the  form  of  the  earth  and  the  situation  of  the  terres- 
trial paradise  ;  about  the  mines  of  Ophir  in  Hispaniola,  and 
of  the  Aurea  Chersonesus  in  Veragua;  and  such  was  the 
heroic  scheme  of  a  crusade  for  the  recovery  of  the  holy 
sepulchre.     It  mingled  with  his  religion,  and  filled  his  mind 
with  solemn  and  visionary  meditations  on  mystic  passages 
of  the  scriptures,  and  the  shadowy  portents  of  the  prophe- 
cies.    It  exalted  his  office  in  his  eyes,  and  made  him  con- 
ceive himself  an  agent  sent  forth  upon  a  sublime  and  awful 
mission,  subject  to  impulses  and  supernatural  intimations 
from  the  deity  ;  such  as  the  voice  which  he  imagined  spoke 
to  him  in  comfort,  amidst  the  troubles  of  Hispaniola,  and 
in  the  silence  of  the  night  on  the  disastrous  coast  of  Ve- 
ragua. 


142 


OBBBRVATIONS    ON    COLUMBUS. 


[book  I. 


"  He  was  decidedly  a  visionary ;  but  a  visionary  of  an 
uncommon  and  successful  kind.  The  manner  in  which  his 
ardent,  imaginative  and  mercurial  nature  was  controlled 
by  a  powerful  judgment,  and  directed  by  an  acute  sagacity, 
is  the  most  extraordinary  feature  in  his  character.  Thus 
governed,  his  imagination,  instead  of  exhausting  itself  in 
idle  flights,  lent  aid  to  his  judgment,  and  enabled  him  to 
form  conclusions,  at  which  common  minds  could  never 
have  arrived,  nay,  which  they  could  not  perceive  when 
pointed  out. 

"  To  his  intellectual  vision  it  was  given  to  read  in  the 
signs  of  the  times,  and  to  trace  in  the  conjectures  and  re- 
veries of  past  ages,  the  indications  of  an  unknown  world ; 
as  soothsayers  were  said  to  read  predictions  in  the  stars, 
and  to  foretel  events  from  the  visions  of  the  night.  <  His 
soul,'  observes  a  Spanish  writer,  '  was  superior  to  the  age 
in  which  he  lived.  For  him  was  reserved  the  great  enter- 
prise of  traversing  a  sea  which  had  given  rise  to  so  many 
fables,  and  of  deciphering  the  mystery  of  his  time.'* 

"  With  all  the  visionary  fervour  of  his  imagination,  its 
fondest  dreams  fell  short  of  the  reality.  He  died  in  igno- 
rance of  the  real  grandeur  of  his  discovery.  Until  his  last 
breath,  he  entertained  the  idea  that  he  had  merely  opened 
a  new  way  to  the  old  resorts  of  opulent  commerce,  and 
had  discovered  some  of  the  wild  regions  of  the  east.  He 
supposed  Hispaniola  to  be  the  ancient  Ophir,  which  had 
been  visited  by  the  ships  of  Solomon,  and  that  Cuba  and 
Terra  Firma  were  but  remote  parts  of  Asia.  What  visions 
of  glory  would  have  broken  upon  his  mind,  could  he  have 
known  that  he  had  indeed  discovered  a  new  continent, 
equal  to  the  whole  of  the  old  world  in  magnitude,  and 
separated  by  two  vast  oceans  from  all  the  earth  hitherto 
known  by  civilized  man  !     And  how  would  his  magnani- 


*  Cladera,  Investigaciones  Historicaii,  p.  43. 


CHAP.    XIV.] 


OBSERVATIONS    ON    COLU>IBUS. 


143 


mous  spirit  have  been  consoled,  amidst  the  afflictions  of 
age,  and  the  cares  of  penury,  the  neglect  of  a  fickle  public, 
and  the  injustice  of  an  ungrateful  king,  could  he  have  anti- 
cipated the  splendid  empires  which  were  to  spread  over  the 
beautiful  world  he  had  discovered,  and  the  nations,  and 
tongues,  and  languages,  which  were  to  fill  its  lands  with 
his  renown,  and  to  revere  and  bless  his  name  to  the  latest 
posterity !" 


1 


144 


THE    LITTLE    PORT    OF    PALOS. 


[book  I. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

Of  the  little  port  of  Pulos,  where  Columbus  fitted  out  his  ships:  a 
pilgrimage  to  it  by  an  American. 

The  following  narrative  was  commenced  by  Mr. 
Irving  as  a  letter  to  a  friend.  It  was  inserted  by  him 
in  the  Appendix  to  his  volume  of  Voyages  and  Dis- 
coveries of  the  Companions  of  Columbus,  from  an 
idea  (justly  entertained,)  that  many  would  feel  the 
same  sort  of  curiosity  to  know  something  of  the 
condition  of  Palos  and  its  inhabitants  that  led  him  to 
make  a  journey  thither. 

"Seville,  1828. 

"  Since  I  last  wrote  to  you  1  have  made,  what  I  may 
term,  an  American  Pilgrimage,  to  visit  the  little  port  of 
Palos  in  Andalusia,  where  Columbus  fitted  out  his  ships, 
and  whence  he  sailed  for  the  discovery  of  the  New  World. 
Need  I  tell  you  how  deeply  interesting  and  gratifying  it  has 
been  to  me  ?  I  had  long  meditated  this  excursion  as  a 
kind  of  pious,  and  if  I  may  so  say,  filial  duty  of  an  Ame- 
rican, and  my  intention  was  quickened  when  I  learnt  that 
many  of  the  edifices  mentioned  in  the  history  of  Columbus 
still  remained  in  nearly  the  same  state  in  which  they  ex- 
isted at  the  time  of  his  sojourn  at  Palos,  and  that  the  de- 
scendants of  the  intrepid  Pinions,  who  aided  him  with 
ships  and  money,  and  sailed  with  him  in  the  great  voyage 
of  discovery,  still  flourished  in  the  neighbourhood. 


CHAP.    XV.] 


THE    LITTLE    PORT    OF    PALOS. 


145 


"  The  very  evening  before  my  departure  from  Seville 
on  the  excursion,  I  heard  that  there  was  a  young  gentle- 
man of  the  Pinzon  family  studying  law  in  the  city.  I  got 
introduced  to  him,  and  found  him  of  most  prepossessing 
appearance  and  manners.  He  gave  me  a  letter  of  intro- 
duction to  his  father,  Don  Juan  Fernandez  Pinzon,  resident 
of  Moguer,  and  the  present  head  of  the  family. 

"  As  it  was  in  the  middle  of  August,  and  the  weather 
intensely  hot,  I  hired  a  calesa  for  the  journey.  This  is  a 
two-wheeled  carriage,  resembling  a  cabriolet,  but  of  the 
most  primitive  and  rude  construction ;  the  harness  is  pro- 
fusely ornamented  with  brass,  and  the  horse's  head  deco- 
rated with  tufts  and  tassels  and  dangling  bobs  of  scarlet 
and  yellow  worsted.  I  had,  for  calasero,  a  tall,  long-leg- 
ged Andalusian,  in  short  jacket,  little  round-crowned  hat, 
breeches  decorated  with  juttons  from  the  hip  to  the  knees, 
and  a  pair  of  russet  leather  bottinas  or  spatterdashes.  He 
was  an  active  fellow,  though  uncommonly  taciturn  for  an 
Andalusian,  and  strode  along  beside  his  horse,  rousing  him 
occasionally  to  greater  speed  by  a  loud  malediction  or  a 
hearty  thwack  of  his  cudgel. 

"  If)  this  style  I  set  off  late  in  the  day  to  avoid  the  noon- 
tide heat,  and  after  ascending  the  lofty  range  of  hills  that 
borders  the  great  valley  of  the  Guadalquiver,  and  having  a 
rough  ride  among  their  heights,  I  descended  about  twilight 
into  one  of  those  vast,  silent,  melancholy  plains,  frequent 
in  Spain,  where  I  beheld  no  other  signs  of  life  than  a 
roaming  flock  of  bustards,  an*a  distant  herd  of  cattle, 
guarded  by  a  solitary  herdsman,  who,  with  a  long  pike 
planted  in  the  earth,  stood  motionless  in  the  midst  of  the 
dreary  landscape,  resembling  an  Arab  of  the  desert.  The 
night  had  somewhat  advanced  when  we  stopped  to  repose 
for  a  few  hours  at  a  solitary  venta  or  inn,  if  it  might  so  be 
called,  being  nothing  more  than  a  vast  low-roofed  stable, 
divided  into  several  compartments  for  the  reception  of  the 
19 


/  !l 


146 


THE    LITTLE    FORT    OF    FALOS. 


[book  I. 


troops  of  mules  and  arrieros  (or  carriers)  who  carry  on  the 
internal  trade  of  Spain.  Accommodation  for  the  traveller 
there  was  none — not  even  for  a  traveller  so  easily  accom- 
modated as  myself.  The  landlord  had  no  food  to  give  me, 
and  as  to  a  bed,  he  had  none  but  a  horse  cloth,  on  which 
his  only  child,  a  boy  of  eight  years  old,  lay  naked  on  the 
earthen  floor.  Indeed  the  heat  of  the  weather  and  the 
fumes  from  the  stables  made  the  interior  of  the  hovel  in- 
supportable, so  I  was  fain  to  bivouac  on  my  cloak  on  the 
pavement  at  the  door  of  the  venta,  where,  on  waking  after 
two  or  three  hours  of  sound  sleep,  I  found  a  contrabandista 
(or  smuggler)  snoring  beside  me,  with  his  blunderbuss  on 
his  arm. 

"  I  resumed  my  journey  before  break  of  day,  and  had 
made  several  leagues  by  ten  o'clock,  when  we  stopped  to 
breakfast,  and  to  pass  the  sultry  hours  of  midday  in  a  large 
village,  from  whence  we  departed  about  four  o'clock,  and, 
after  passing  through  the  same  kind  of  solitary  country,  ar- 
rived just  after  sunset  at  Moguer.  This  little  city  (for  at 
present  it  is  a  city)  is  situated  about  a  league  from  Palos, 
of  which  place  it  has  gradually  absorbed  all  the  respectable 
inhabitants,  and,  among  the  number,  the  whole  family  of 
the  Pinzons. 

"  So  remote  is  this  little  place  from  the  stir  and  bustle  of 
travel,  and  so  destitute  of  the  show  and  vainglory  of  this 
world,  that  my  calesa  as  it  rattled  and  jingled  along  the 
narrow  and  ill-paved  streets  caused  a  great  sensation ;  the 
children  shouted  and  scampered  along  by  its  side,  admiring 
its  splendid  trappings  of  brass  and  worsted,  and  gazing 
with  reverence  at  the  important  stranger  who  came  in  so 
gorgeous  an  e  jiiipage. 

"I  drove  up  to  the  prii  cipal  posada,  the  landlord  of 
which  was  at  the  door.  He  was  one  of  the  very  civilest 
men  in  the  world,  and  disposed  to  do  every  thing  in  his 
power  to  make  me  comfortable ;  there  was  only  one  difll- 


-.-   ">!    p-- 


CHAP.    XV.] 


THE    LITTLE    PORT    OF    PAL09. 


U7 


culty,  he  had  neither  bed  nor  bed-room  in  his  house.  In 
fact,  it  was  a  mere  venta  for  muleteers,  who  are  accus- 
tomed tc  t-'v-i-ep  on  the  ground  with  their  mule  cloths  for 
beds  and  i:acK-saddles  for  pillows.  It  was  a  hard  case,  but 
there  was  no  better  posada  in  the  place.  Few  people  tra- 
vel for  pleasure  or  curiosity  in  these  out-of-the-way  parts  of 
Spain,  and  those  of  any  note  are  generally  received  into 
private  houses.  I  had  travelled  sufficiently  in  Spain  to 
find  out  that  a  bed,  after  all,  is  not  an  article  of  indispensa- 
ble necessity,  and  was  about  to  bespeak  some  quiet  corner 
where  I  might  spread  my  cloak,  when  fortunately  the  land- 
lord's wife  came  forth.  She  could  not  have  a  more  oblig- 
ing disposition  than  her  husband,  but  then — God  bless  the 
women  ! — they  always  know  how  to  carry  their  good 
wishes  into  effect.  In  a  little  while  a  small  room  about 
ten  feet  .square,  that  had  formed  a  thoroughfare  between 
the  stables  and  a  kind  of  shop  or  bar  room,  was  cleared  of 
a  variety  of  lumber,  and  I  was  assured  ihat  a  bed  should 
be  put  up  there  for  me.  From  the  consultations  I  saw  my 
hostess  holding  with  some  of  her  neighbour  gossips,  I  fan- 
cied the  bed  was  to  be  a  kind  of  piece-meal  contribution 
among  them  for  the  credit  of  the  house. 

"  As  soon  as  I  could  change  my  dress,  I  commenced  the 
historical  researches  which  were  the  object  of  my  journey, 
and  inquired  for  the  abode  of  Don  Juan  Fernandez  Pinzon. 
My  obliging  landlord  himself  volunteered  to  conduct  me 
thither,  and  I  set  off  full  of  animation  at  the  thoughts  of 
meeting  with  the  lineal  representative  of  one  of  the  coad- 
jutors of  Columbus. 

"  A  short  walk  brought  us  to  the  house,  which  was  most 
respectable  in  its  appearance,  indicating  easy,  if  not  affluent 
circumstances.  The  door,  as  is  customary  in  Spanish  vil- 
lages, during  summer,  stood  wide  open.  We  entered  with 
the  usual  salutation  or  rather  summons,  '  Ave  Maria !'  A 
trim  Andahisian  handmaid  answered  to  the  call,  and,  on 


m 


p\ 


t48 


THE    LITTLE    PORT    OF    PALOS. 


[book  I. 


our  inquiring  for  the  master  of  the  house,  led  the  way 
across  a  little  patio  or  court,  in  the  centre  of  the  edifice, 
cooled  by  a  fountain  surrounded  by  shrubs  and  flowers,  to 
a  back  court  or  terrace,  likewise  set  out  with  flowers,  where 
Don  Juan  Fernandez -was  seated  with  his  family,  enjoying 
the  serene  evening  in  the  open  air. 

"  I  was  much  pleased  with  his  appearance.  He  was  a 
venerable  old  gentleman,  tall  and  somewhat  thin,  with  fair 
complexion  and  grey  hair.  He  received  me  with  great 
urbanity,  and  on  reading  the  letter  from  his  son,  appeared 
struck  with  surprise  to  find  I  had  come  quite  to  Moguer, 
merely  to  visit  the  scene  of  the  embarkation  of  Columbus  ; 
and  still  more  so  on  my  telling  him,  that  one  of  ray  lead- 
ing objects  of  curiosity  was  his  own  family  connexion  ;  for 
it  would  seem  that  the  worthy  cavalier  had  troubled  his 
head  but  little  about  the  enterprises  of  his  ancestors. 

"  I  now  took  my  seat  in  the  domestic  circle  and  soon  felt 
myself  quite  at  home,  for  there  is  generally  a  frankness  in 
the  hospitality  of  Spaniards  that  soon  puts  a  stranger  at  his 
ease  beneath  their  roof.  The  wife  of  Don  Juan  Fernandez 
was  extremely  amiable  and  affable,  possessing  much  of  that 
natural  aptness  for  which  the  Spanish  women  are  remarka- 
ble. In  the  course  of  conversation  with  them,  I  learnt  that 
Don  Juan  Fernandez,  who  is  seventy-two  years  of  age,  is 
the  eldest  of  five  brothers,  all  of  whom  are  married,  have 
numerous  offspring,  and  live  in  Moguer  and  its  vicinity,  in 
nearly  the  same  condition  and  rank  of  life  as  at  the  time  of 
the  discovery.  This  agreed  with  what  I  had  previously 
heard,  respecting  the  families  of  the  discoverers.  Of  Co- 
lumbus no  lineal  and  direct  descendant  exists ;  his  was  an 
exotic  stock  that  never  took  deep  and  lasting  root  in  the 
country ;  but  the  race  of  the  Pinzons  continues  to  .thrive 
and  multiply  in  its  native  soil. 

"  While  I  was  yet  conversing,  a  gentleman  entered,  who 
was  introduced  to  me  as  Don  Luis  Fernandez  Pinzon,  the 


CHAP.    XV.] 


THE    LITTLE    PORT    OF    PALOS. 


149 


youngest  of  the  brothers.  He  appeared  to  be  between  fifty 
and  sixty  years  of  age,  somewhat  robust,  with  fair  com- 
plexion and  grey  hair,  and  a  frank  and  manly  deportment. 
He  is  the  only  one  of  the  present  generation  that  has  fol- 
lowed the  ancient  profession  of  the  family;  having  served 
with  great  applause  as  an  officer  of  the  royal  navy,  from 
which  he  retired,  on  his  marriage,  about  twenty-two  years 
since.  He  is  the  one,  also,  who  takes  the  greatest  interest 
and  pride  in  the  historical  hono'irs  of  his  house,  carefully 
preserving  all  the  legends  and  documents  of  the  achieve- 
ments and  distinctions  of  his  family,  a  manuscript  volume 
of  which  he  lent  me  for  my  inspection. 

"  Don  Juan  now  expressed  a  wish  that,  during  my  resi- 
dence in  Moguer,  I  would  make  his  house  my  home.  I 
endeavoured  to  excuse  myself,  alleging,  that  the  good  peo- 
ple at  the  posada  had  been  at  such  extraordinary  trouble  in 
preparing  quarters  for  me,  that  I  did  not  like  to  disappoint 
them.  The  worthy  old  gentleman  undertook  to  arrange 
all  this,  and,  while  supper  was  preparing,  we  walked  toge- 
ther to  the  posada.  I  found  that  my  obliging  host  and 
hostess  had  indeed  exerted  themselves  to  an  uncommon  de- 
gree. An  old  ricketty  table  had  been  spread  out  in  a  cor- 
ner of  the  little  room  as  a  bedstead,  on  top  of  which  was 
propped  up  a  grand  cama  de  luxo,  or  state  bed,  which  ap- 
peared to  be  the  admiration  of  the  house.  I  could  not,  for 
the  soul  of  me,  appear  to  undervalue  what  the  poor  people 
had  prepared  with  such  hearty  good  will,  and  considered 
such  a  triumph  of  art  and  luxury ;  so  I  again  entreated 
Don  Juan  to  dispense  with  my  sleeping  at  his  house,  pro- 
mising most  faithfully  to  make  my  meals  there,  while  I 
should  stay  at  Moguer,  and  as  the  old  gentleman  under- 
stood my  motives  for  declining  his  invitation,  and  felt  a 
good  humoured  sympathy  in  them,  we  readily  arranged  the 
matter.  I  returned  therefore  with  Don  Juan  to  his  house, 
and  supped  with  his  family.     During  the  repast,  a  plan  was 


150 


THE    lilTTLE    PORT    OF    PALOS. 


[book  I. 


agreed  upon  for  my  visit  to  Palos,  and  to  the  convent  La 
Rabida,  in  which  Don  Juan  volunteered  to  accompany  me 
and  be  my  guide,  and  the  following  day  was  allotted  to  the 
expedition.  We  were  t<>  breakfast  at  a  hacienda,  or  coun- 
try seat,  which  he  posseisrd  in  the  vicinity  of  Palos,  in  the 
midst  of  his  vineyards,  and  were  to  dine  there  on  our  re- 
turn from  the  convent.  These  arrangements  being  made, 
we  parted  for  the  night ;  I  returned  to  the  posada  highly 
gratified  with  my  visit,  and  slept  soundly  in  the  extraordi- 
nary bed  which,  I  may  almost  say,  had  been  invented  for 
my  accommodation. 

"  On  the  following  morning,  bright  and  early,  Don  Juan 
Fernandez  and  myself  set  off  in  the  calesa  for  Palos.  I 
felt  apprehensive  at  first,  that  the  kind-hearted  old  gentle- 
man, in  his  anxiety  to  oblige,  had  left  his  bed  at  too  early 
an  hour,  and  was  exposing  himself  to  fatigues  unsuited  to 
his  age.  He  laughed  at  the  idea,  and  assured  me  that  he 
was  an  early  riser,  and  accustomed  to  all  kinds  of  exercise 
on  horse  and  foot,  being  a  keen  sportsman,  and  frequently 
passing  days  together  among  the  mountains  on  shooting  ex- 
peditions, taking  with  him  servants,  horses  and  provisions, 
and  living  in  a  tent.  He  appeared,  in  fact,  to  be  of  an  ac- 
tive habit,  and  to  possess  a  youthful  vivacity  of  spirit.  His 
cheerful  disposition  rendered  our  morning  drive  extremely 
agreeable ;  his  urbanity  was  shown  to  every  one  whom  we 
met  on  the  road ;  even  the  common  peasant  was  saluted  by 
him  with  the  appellation  of  cahallero,  a  mark  of  respect 
ever  gratifying  to  the  poor,  but  proud  Spaniard,  when 
yielded  by  a  superior. 

"  As  the  tide  was  out,  we  drove  along  the  flat  grounds 
bordering  the  Tinto.  The  river  was  on  our  right,  while 
on  our  left  was  a  range  of  hills,  jutting  out  into  promonto- 
ries, one  beyond  the  other,  and  covered  with  vineyards  and 
fig  trees.  The  weather  was  serene,  the  air  soft  and  balmy, 
and  the  landscape  of  that  gentle  kind  calculated  to  put  one 


iv 


CHAP.    XV.] 


THE    LITTLE    PORT   OF    FALOS. 


151 


r 


in  a  quiet  and  happy  humour.  We  passed  close  by  the 
skirts  of  Palos,  and  drove  to  the  hacienda,  which  is  situa- 
ted at  some  little  distance  from  the  village,  between  it  and 
the  river.  The  house  is  a  low  stone  building,  well  white- 
washed, p.nd  of  great  length  ;  one  end  being  fitted  up  as  a 
summer  residence,  with  saloons,  bed-rooms,  and  a  domestic 
chapel ;  and  the  other  as  a  bodega  or  magazine  for  the  re- 
ception of  the  wine  produced  on  the  estate. 

"  The  house  stands  tn  a  hill,  amidst  vineyards,  which  are 
supposed  to  cover  a  pc  t  of  the  scite  of  the  ancient  town  of 
Palos,  now  shrunk  to  a  miserable  village.  Beyond  these 
vineyards,  on  the  crest  of  a  distant  hill,  are  seen  the  white 
walls  of  the  convent  of  La  Rabida  rising  above  a  dark 
wood  of  pine  trees. 

"  Below  the  hacienda  flows  the  river  Tinto,  on  which 
Columbus  embarked.  It  is  divided  by  a  low  tongue  of 
land,  or  rather  the  sand  bar  of  Saltes,  from  the  river  Odiel, 
with  which  it  soon  mingles  its  waters,  and  flows  on  to  the 
ocean.  Beside  this  sand  bar,  where  the  channel  of  the 
river  runs  deep,  the  squadron  of  Columbus  was  anchored, 
and  from  hence  he  made  sail  on  the  morning  of  his  depar- 
ture. 

"  The  soft  breeze  that  was  blowing  scarcely  ruflled  the 
surface  of  this  beautiful  river ;  two  or  three  picturesque 
barks,  called  mysticks,  with  long  latine  sails,  were  gliding 
down  it.  A  little  aid  of  the  imagination  might  suflice  to 
picture  them  as  the  light  caravels  of  Columbus,  sallying 
forth  on  their  eventful  expedition,  while  the  distant  bells 
of  the  town  of  Huelva,  which  were  ringing  melodiously, 
might  be  supposed  as  cheering  the  voyagers  with  a  fare- 
well peal. 

"I  cannot  express  to  you  what  were  my  feelings  on 
treading  the  shore  which  had  once  been  animated  by  the 
bustle  of  departure,  and  whose  sands  had  been  printed  by 
the  last  footstep  of  Columbus.     The  solemn  and  sublime 


152 


THE    LITTLE    PORT    OF    FALOS. 


[BOOE    I. 


nature  of  the  event  that  had  followed,  together  with  the 
fate  and  fortunes  of  those  concerned  in  it,  filled  the  mind 
with  vague  yet  melancholy  ideas.  It  was  like  viewing  the 
silent  and  empty  stage  of  some  great  drama  when  all  the 
actors  had  departed.  The  very  aspect  of  the  landscape,  so 
tranquilly  beautiful,  had  an  effect  upon  me,  and  as  I  paced 
the  deserted  shore  by  the  side  of  a  descendant  of  one  of 
the  discoverers,  I  felt  my  heart  swelling  with  emotions  and 
my  eyes  filling  with  tears. 

"  What  surprised  me  was  to  find  no  semblance  of  a  sea- 
port; there  was  neither  wharf  nor  landing-place — nothing 
but  a  naked  river  bank,  with  the  hulk  of  a  ferry-boat, 
which  I  was  told  carried  passengers  to  Huelva,  lying  high 
and  dry  on  the  sands,  deserted  by  the  tide.  Palos,  though 
it  has  doubtless  dwindled  away  from  its  former  size,  can 
never  have  been  important  as  to  extent  and  population.  If 
it  possessed  warehouses  on  the  beach,  they  have  disap- 
peared. It  is  at  present  a  mere  village  of  the  poorest  kind, 
and  lies  nearly  a  quarter  of  a  mile  from  the  river,  in  a  hol- 
low among  hills.  It  contains  a  few  hundred  inhabitants, 
who  subsist  principally  by  labouring  in  the  fields  and  vine- 
yards. Its  race  of  merchants  and  mariners  are  extinct. 
There  are  no  vessels  belonging  to  the  place,  nor  any  show 
of  traffic,  excepting  at  the  season  of  fruit  and  wine,  when 
a  few  mysticks  and  other  light  barks  anchor  in  the  river  to 
collect  the  produce  of  the  neighbourhood.  The  people  are 
totally  ignorant,  and  it  is  probable  that  the  greater  part  of 
them  scarce  know  even  the  name  of  America.  Such  is  the 
place  from  whence  sallied  forth  the  enterprise  for  the  disco- 
very of  the  western  world ! 

"  We  were  now  summoned  to  breakfast  in  a  little  saloon 
of  the  hacienda.  The  table  was  covered  with  natural  lux- 
uries produced  upon  the  spot — fine  purple  and  muscatel 
grapes  from  the  adjacent  vineyard,  delicious  melons  from 
the  garden,  and  generous  wines  made  on  the  estate.     The 


c 
f 

h 


CHAP.   IV.] 


THE    LITTLE    PORT   OF    PALOS. 


153 


repast  was  heightened  by  the  genial  manners  of  my  hos- 
pitable host,  who  appeared  to  possess  the  most  enviable 
cheerfulness  of  spirit  and  simplicity  of  heart. 

"  After  breakfast  we  set  off  in  the  calesa  to  visit  the  con- 
vent of  La  Rabida,  which  is  about  half  a  league  distant. 
The  road,  for  a  part  of  the  way,  lay  through  the  vineyards, 
and  was  deep  and  sandy.  The  calasero  had  been  at  his 
wit's  end  to  conceive  what  motive  a  stranger  like  myself, 
apparently  travelling  for  mere  amusement,  could  have  in 
coming  so  far  to  see  so  miserable  a  place  as  Palos,  which 
he  set  down  as  one  of  the  very  poorest  places  in  the  whole 
world ;  but  this  additional  toil  and  struggle  through  deep 
sand,  to  visit  the  old  convent  of  La  Rabida,  completed  his 
confusion — '  Hombre !'  exclaimed  he,  '  es  una  ruina !  no 
hay  mas  que  dos  frailes !' — '  Zounds !  why  it's  a  ruin ! 
there  are  only  two  friars  there !'  Don  Juan  laughed,  and 
told  him  that  I  had  come  all  the  way  from  Seville  precisely 
to  see  that  old  ruin  and  those  two  friars.  The  calasero 
made  the  Spaniard's  last  reply  when  he  is  perplexed — he 
shrugged  his  shoulders  and  crossed  himself. 

"  After  ascending  a  hill  and  passing  through  the  skirts  of 
a  straggling  pine  wood,  we  arrived  in  front  of  the  convent. 
It  stands  in  a  bleak  and  solitary  situation,  on  the  brow  of  a 
rocky  height  or  promontory,  overlooking  to  the  west  a  wide 
range  of  sea  and  land,  bounded  by  the  frontier  mountains 
of  Portugal,  about  eight  leagues  distant.  The  convent  is 
shut  out  from  a  view  of  the  vineyard  of  Palos  by  the 
gloomy  forest  of  pines  which  I  have  mentioned,  which 
cover  the  promontory  to  the  east,  and  darken  the  whole 
landscape  in  that  direction. 

"  There  is  nothing  remarkable  in  the  architecture  of  the 
convent ;  part  of  it  is  Gothic,  but  the  edifice  having  been 
frequently  repaired,  and  being  whitewashed,  according  to  a 
universal  custom  in  Andalusia,  inherited  from  the  Moors,  it 
has  not  that  venerable  aspect  which  might  be  expected  from 
its  antiquity. 

20 


154 


THE    LITTLE    PORT    OF    PALOS. 


[book  I. 


«  We  alighted  at  the  gate  where  Columbus,  when  a  poor 
pedestrian,  a  stranger  in  the  land,  asked  bread  and  water  for 
his  child !  As  long  as  the  convent  stands,  this  must  be  a 
spot  calculated  to  awaken  the  most  thrilling  interest.  The 
gate  remains  apparently  in  nearly  the  same  state  as  at  the 
time  of  his  visit,  but  there  is  no  longer  a  porter  at  hand  to 
administer  to  the  wants  of  the  wayfarer.  The  door  stood 
wide  open,  and  admitted  us  into  a  small  court  yard.  From 
thence  we  passed  through  a  Gothic  portal  into  the  chapel, 
without  seeing  a  human  being.  Wo  then  traversed  two 
interior  cloisters,  equally  vacant  and  silent,  and  bearing  a 
look  of  neglect  and  dilapidation.  From  an  open  window 
we  had  a  peep  at  what  had  once  been  a  garden,  but  that 
had  also  gone  to  ruin  ;  the  walls  were  broken  and  thrown 
down  ]  a  few  shrubs,  and  a  scattered  fig  tree  or  two,  were 
all  the  traces  of  cultivation  that  remained.  We  passed 
through  the  long  dormitories,  but  the  cells  were  shut  up 
and  abandoned  ;  we  saw  no  living  thing  except  a  solitary 
cat  stealing  across  a  distant  corridor,  which  fled  in  a  panic 
at  the  unusual  sight  of  strangers.  At  length,  after  patrol- 
ling nearly  the  whole  of  the  empty  building  to  the  echo  of 
our  own  footsteps,  we  came  to  where  the  door  of  a  cell,  be- 
ing partly  open,  gave  us  the  sight  of  a  monk  within,  seated 
at  a  table  writing.  He  rose  and  received  us  with  much  ci- 
vility, and  conducted  us  to  the  superior,  who  was  reading 
in  an  adjacent  cell.  They  were  both  rather  young  men, 
and,  together  with  a  noviciate  and  a  lay-brother,  who  offi- 
ciated as  cook,  formed  the  whole  community  of  the  con- 
vent. 

"  Don  Juan  Fernandez  communicated  to  them  the  object 
of  my  visit,  and  my  desire  also  to  inspect  the  archives  of 
the  convent  to  find  if  there  was  any  record  of  the  sojourn 
of  Columbus.  They  informed  us  that  the  archives  had 
been  entirely  destroyed  by  the  French.  The  younger 
monk,  however,  who  had  perused  them,  had  a  vague  recol- 


CHAP.   XT.] 


THE    LITTLE    PORT    OF    PALOS. 


165 


lection  of  various  particulars  concerning  the  transactions  of 
Columbus  at  Palos,  his  visit  to  the  convent,  and  the  sailing 
of  his  expedition.  From  all  that  he  cited,  however,  it  ap- 
peared to  me  that  all  the  information  on  the  subject  con- 
tained in  the  archives,  had  been  extracted  from  Herrera  and 
other  well  known  authors.  The  monk  was  talkative  and 
eloquent,  and  soon  diverged  from  the  subject  of  Columbus, 
to  one  which  he  considered  of  infinitely  greater  impor- 
tance ; — the  miraculous  image  of  the  Virgin  possessed  by 
their  convent,  and  known  by  the  name  of  '  Our  Lady  of 
La  Rabida.'  He  gave  us  a  history  of  the  wonderful  way 
in  which  the  image  had  been  fonnd  buried  in  the  earth, 
where  it  had  lain  hidden  for  -«g<?s,  since  the  time  of  the 
conquest  of  Spain  by  the  Moors;  the  disputes  between  the 
convent  and  different  places  in  the  neighbourhood  for  the 
possession  of  it ;  the  marvellous  protection  it  extended  to 
the  adjacent  country,  especially  in  preventing  all  madness, 
either  in  man  or  dog,  for  this  malady  was  anciently  so  pre- 
valent in  this  place  as  to  gain  it  the  appellation  of  La  Ra- 
bia,  by  which  it  was  originally  called;  a  name  which, 
thanks  to  the  beneficent  influence  of  the  Virgin,  it  no  longer 
merited  or  retained.  Such  are  the  legends  and  reliques 
with  which  every  convent  in  Spain  is  enriched,  which  are 
zealously  cried  up  by  the  monks,  and  devoutly  credited  by 
the  populace. 

"  Twice  a  year  on  the  festival  of  our  Lady  of  La  Rabida, 
and  on  that  of  the  patron  saint  of  the  order,  the  solitude 
and  silence  of  the  convent  are  interrupted  by  the  intrusion 
of  a  swarming  multitude,  composed  of  the  inhabitants  of 
Moguer,  of  Huelva,  and  the  neighbouring  plains  and  moun- 
tains. The  open  esplanade  in  front  of  the  edifice  resembles 
a  fair,  the  adjacent  forest  teems  with  the  motley  throng, 
and  the  image  of  our  Lady  of  La  Rabida  is  borne  forth  in 
triumphant  procession. 


*;^?frs^--j^=^i'' 


156 


THE    LITTLE    PORT   OF    PALOS. 


[book  I. 


"  While  the  friar  was  thus  dilating  upon  the  n^<*rif  mA 
renown  of  the  image,  I  amused  myself  with  th(.";  <!,  r 
dreams,  or  conjurings  of  the  imagination  to  which  1  am  a 
little  given.  As  the  internal  arrangements  of  convents  are 
apt  to  be  the  same  from  age  to  age,  I  pictured  to  myself 
this  chamber  as  the  same  inhabited  by  the  guardian,  Juan 
Perez  de  Marchena  at  the  time  of  the  visit  of  Columbus. 
Why  might  not  the  old  and  ponderous  table  before  me  be 
the  very  one  on  which  he  displayed  his  conjectural  maps, 
and  expounded  his  theory  of  a  western  route  to  India  ?  It 
required  but  another  stretch  of  the  imagination  to  assemble 
the  little  conclave  around  the  table ;  Juan  Perez  the  friar, 
Garci  Fernandez  the  physician,  and  Martin  Alonzo  Pinzon 
the  bold  navigator,  all  listening  with  wrapped  attention  to 
Columbus,  or  to  the  tale  of  some  old  seaman  of  Palos, 
about  islands  seen  in  the  western  parts  of  the  ocean. 

"  The  friars,  as  far  as  their  poor  means  and  scanty  know- 
ledge extended,  were  disposed  to  do  every  thing  to  promote 
the  object  of  my  visit.  They  showed  us  all  parts  of  the 
convent,  which,  however,  has  little  to  boast  of,  excepting 
the  historical  associations  connected  with  it.  The  library 
was  reduced  to  a  few  volumes,  chiefly  on  ecclesiastical  sub- 
jects, piled  promiscuously  in  the  corner  of  a  vaulted  cham- 
ber, and  covered  with  dust.  The  chamber  itself  was  cu- 
rious, being  the  most  ancient  part  of  the  edifice,  and  sup- 
posed to  have  formed  part  of  a  temple  in  the  time  of  the 
Romans. 

"  We  ascended  to  the  roof  of  the  convent  to  enjoy  the 
extensive  prospect  it  commands.  Immediately  below  the 
promontory  on  which  it  is  situated,  runs  a  narrow  but  tole- 
rably deep  river,  called  the  Domingo  Rubio,  which  empties 
itself  into  the  Tinto.  It  is  the  opinion  of  Don  Luis  Fer- 
nandez Pinzon,  that  the  ships  of  Columbus  were  careened 
and  fitted  out  in  this  river,  as  it  affords  better  shelter  than 
the  Tinto,  and  its  shores  are  not  so  shallow.     A  lonely 


CHAP.  XT.] 


THE    LITTLE    PORT   OF    PALOS. 


157 


bark  of  a  fisherman  was  lying  in  this  stream,  and  not  far 
off,  on  a  sandy  point,  were  the  ruins  of  an  ancient  watch- 
tower.  From  the  roof  of  the  convent,  all  the  windings  of 
the  Odiel  and  the  Tinto  were  to  be  seen,  and  their  junc- 
tion into  the  main  stream,  by  which  Columbus  sallied  forth 
to  sea.  In  fact  the  convent  serves  as  a  landmark,  being, 
from  its  lofty  and  solitary  situation,  visible  for  a  considera- 
ble distance  to  vessels  coming  on  the  coast.  On  the  oppo- 
site side  I  looked  down  upon  the  lonely  road,  through  the 
wood  of  pine  trees,  by  which  the  zealous  guardian  of  the 
convent.  Fray  Juan  Perez  departed  at  midnight  on  his  mule, 
when  he  sought  the  camp  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  in  the 
Vega  of  Granada,  to  plead  the  project  of  Columbus  before 
the  queen. 

"  Having  finished  our  inspection  of  the  convent,  we  pre- 
pared to  depart,  and  were  accompanied  to  the  outward  por- 
tal by  the  two  friars.  Our  calasero  brought  his  rattling 
and  ricketty  vehicle  for  us  to  mount;  at  sight  of  which 
one  of  the  monks  exclaimed,  with  a  smile,  <  Santa  Maria ! 
only  to  think !  A  calesa  before  the  gate  of  the  convent  of 
La  Rabida!'  And,  indeed,  so  solitary  and  remote  is  this 
ancient  edifice,  and  so  simple  is  the  mode  of  living  of  the 
people  in  this  bye-corner  of  Spain,  that  the  appearance  of 
even  a  sorry  calesa  might  well  cause  astonishment.  It  is 
only  singular  that  in  such  a  bye-corner  the  scheme  of  Co- 
lumbus should  have  found  intelligent  listeners  and  coadju- 
tors, after  it  had  been  discarded,  almost  with  scoffing  and 
contempt,  from  learned  universities  and  splendid  courts. 

"  On  our  way  back  to  the  hacienda,  we  met  Don  Rafael, 
a  younger  son  of  Don  Juan  Fernandez,  a  fine  young  man 
about  twenty-one  years  of  age,  and  who,  his  father  in- 
formed me,  was  at  present  studying  French  and  mathe- 
matics. He  was  well  mounted  on  a  spirited  grey  horse, 
and  dressed  in  the  Adalusian  style,  with  the  little  round 
hat  and  jacket.     He  sat  his  horse  gracefully,  and  managed 


m 


s^ 


158 


THE    LITTLE    PORT    OF    PALOS. 


[book  I. 


him  well.  I  was  pleased  with  the  frank  and  easy  terms  on 
which  Don  Jiian  appeared  to  live  with  his  children.  This  I 
was  inclined  to  think  his  favourite  son,  as  I  understood  he 
was  the  only  one  that  partook  of  the  old  gentleman's  fond- 
ness for  the  chase,  and  that  accompanied  him  in  his  hunt- 
ing excursions. 

"  A  dinner  had  been  prepared  for  us  at  the  hacienda,  by 
the  wife  of  the  capitaz,  or  overseer,  who,  with  her  husband, 
seemed  to  be  well  pleased  with  this  visit  from  Don  Juan, 
and  to  be  confident  of  receiving  a  pleasant  answer  from  the 
good  humoured  old  gentleman  whenever  they  addressed 
him.  The  dinner  was  served  up  about  two  o'clock,  and 
was  a  most  agreeable  meal.  The  fruits  and  wines  were 
from  the  estate,  and  were  excellent ;  the  rest  of  the  provi- 
sions were  from  Moguer,  for  the  adjacent  village  of  Palos 
is  too  poor  to  furnish  any  thing.  A  gentle  breeze  from  the 
sea  played  through  the  hall,  and  tempered  the  summer  heat. 
Indeed  I  do  not  know  when  I  have  seen  a  more  enviable 
spot  than  this  country  retreat  of  the  Pinzons.  Its  situation 
on  a  breezy  hill,  at  no  great  distance  from  the  sea,  and  in  a 
southern  climate,  produces  a  happy  temperature,  neither  hot 
in  summer  nor  cold  in  v/inter.  It  commands  a  beautiful 
prospect,  and  is  surrounded  by  natural  luxuries.  The 
country  abounds  with  game,  the  adjacent  river  aflfords 
abundant  sport  in  fishing,  both  by  day  and  night,  and  de- 
lightful excursions  for  those  fond  of  sailing.  During  the 
busy  seasons  of  rural  life,  and  especially  at  the  joyous  pe- 
riod of  vintage,  the  family  pass  some  time  here,  accompa- 
nied by  numerous  guests,  at  which  times,  Don  Juan  as- 
si^red  me,  there  was  no  lack  of  amusements,  both  by  land 
and  water. 

"  When  we  had  dined,  and  taken  the  siesta,  or  afternoon 
nap,  according  to  the  Spanish  custom  in  summer  time,  we 
set  out  on  our  return  to  Moguer,  visiting  the  village  of  Pa- 
los in  the  way.     Don  Gabriel  had  been  sent  in  advance  to 


-'«   p' 


'■-v^Ti-    —-.rryi^'i^ 


CHAP.   XV.] 


THE    LITTLE    PORT    01    PALOS. 


159 


procure  the  key"  of  the  village  church,  and  to  apprise  the 
curate  of  our  wish  to  inspect  the  archives.  The  village 
consists  principally  of  two  streets  of  low  white-washed 
houses.  Many  of  the  inhabitants  have  very  dark  complex- 
ions, betraying  a  mixture  of  African  blood. 

"  On  entering  the  village,  we  repaired  to  the  lowly  man- 
sion of  the  curate.  I  had  hoped  to  find  him  some  such  per- 
sonage as  the  curate  in  Don  Quixotte,  possessed  of  shrewd- 
ness and  information  in  his  limited  sphere,  and  that  I  might 
gain  some  anecdotes  from  him  concerning  his  parish,  its 
worthies,  its  antiquities,  and  its  historical  events.  Perhaps 
I  might  have  done  so  at  any  other  time,  but,  unfortunately, 
the  curate  was  something  of  a  sportsman,  and  had  heard  of 
some  game  among  the  neighbouring  hills.  We  met  him 
just  sallying  forth  from  his  house,  and,  I  must  confess,  his 
appearance  was  picturesque.  He  was  a  short,  broad,  stur- 
dy, little  man,  and  had  doffed  his  cassock  and  broad  cleri- 
cal beaver,  for  a  short  jacket  and  a  little  round  Andalusian 
hat;  he  had  his  gun  in  hand,  and  was  on  the  point  of 
mounting  a  donkey  which  had  been  led  forth  by  an  ancient 
withered  handmaid.  Fearful  of  being  detained  from  his 
foray,  he  accosted  my  companion  the  moment  he  came  in 
sight.  '  God  preserve  you,  Senor  Don  Juan !  I  have  re- 
ceived your  message,  and  have  but  one  anwer  to  make. 
The«rchives  have  all  been  destroyed.  We  have  no  trace 
of  any  thing  you  seek  for — nothing — nothing.  Don  Ra- 
fael has  the  keys  of  the  church.  You  can  examine  it  at 
at  your  leisure — Adios,  caballero !'  With  these  words  the 
galliard  little  curate  mounted  his  donkey,  thumped  his  ribs 
with  the  butt  end  of  his  gun,  and  trotted  off  to  the  hills. 

"  In  our  way  to  the  church  we  passed  by  the  ruins  of 
what  had  once  been  a  fair  and  spacious  dwelling,  greatly 
superior  to  the  other  houses  of  the  village.  This,  Don 
Juan  informed  me,  was  an  old  family  possession,  but  since 
they  had  removed  from  Palos  it  had  fallen  to  decay  for 


II 


jtiii 


160 


THE    LITTLE    PORT    OF    PALOS. 


[book  I. 


r 


want  of  a  tenant.  It  was  probably  the  family  residence  of 
Martin  Alonzo  or  Vicente  Yanez  Pinzon,  in  the  time  of 
Columbus. 

"  We  now  arrived  at  the  church  of  St.  George,  in  the 
porch  of  which,  Columbus  fir  >t  proclaimed  to  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Palos  the  order  of  *!.6  sovereigns,  that  they  should 
furnish  him  with  ships  for  his  great  voyage  of  discovery. 
This  edifice  has  lately  been  thoroughly  repaired,  and,  being 
of  solid  mason  work,  promises  to  stand  for  ages,  a  monu- 
ment of  the  discoverers.  It  stands  outside  of  the  village,  on 
the  brow  of  a  hill,  looking  along  a  little  valley  toward  the 
river.  The  remains  of  a  Moorish  arch  prove  it  to  have 
been  a  mosque  in  former  times ;  just  above  it,  on  the  crest 
of  the  hill,  is  the  ruin  of  a  Moorish  castle. 

"  I  paused  in  the  porch  and  endeavoured  to  recall  the  in- 
teresting scene  that  had  taken  place  there,  when  Columbus, 
accompanied  by  the  zealous  friar,  Juan  Perez,  caused  the 
public  notary  to  read  the  royal  order  in  presence  of  the 
astonished  alcaldes,  regidors  and  alguazils  ;  but  it  is  difficult 
to  conceive  the  consternation  that  must  have  been  struck 
into  so  remote  a  little  community,  by  this  sudden  apparition 
of  an  entire  stranger  among  them,  bearing  a  command  that 
they  should  put  their  persons  and  ships  at  his  disposal,  and 
sail  with  him  away  into  the  unknown  wilderness  of  the 
ocean.  • 

"  The  interior  of  the  church  has  notliing  remarkable, 
excepting  a  wooden  image  of  St.  George  vanquishing  the 
Dragon,  which  is  erected  over  the  high  altar,  and  is  the  ad- 
miration of  the  good  people  of  Palos,  who  bear  it  about 
the  streets  in  grand  procession  on  the  anniversary  of  the 
saint.  This  group  existed  in  the  time  of  ColumbuS;  and 
now  flourishes  in  ranovated  youth  and  splendour,  having 
been  newly  painted  and  gilded,  and  the  countenance  of  the 
saint  rendered  peculiarly  blooming  and  lustrous. 


CHAP.   XV.] 


THE    LITTLE    PORT    OF    PALOS. 


161 


"  Having  finished  the  examination  of  the  church,  we  re- 
sumed our  seats  iu  the  calesa  and  returned  to  Moguer.  One 
thing  only  ren^ained  to  fulfil  the  object  of  my  pilgrimage. 
This  was  to  visit  the  chapel  of  the  convent  of  Santa  Clara. 
When  Columbus  was  in  danger  of  being  lost  in  a  tempest 
on  his  way  home  from  his  great  voyage  of  discovery,  he 
made  a  vow,  that  should  he  be  spared,  he  would  watch  and 
pray  one  whole  night  in  this  chapel ;  a  vow  which  he  doubt- 
less fulfilled  immediately  after  his  arrival. 

"My  kind  and  attentive  friend,  Don  Juan,  conducted  me 
to  the  convent.     It  is  the  wealthiest  in  Moguer,  and  be- 
longs to  a  sisterhood  of  Franciscan  nuns.     The  chapel  is 
large,  and  ornamented  with  some  degree  of  richness,  parti- 
cularly the  part  about  the  high  altar,  which  is  embellis'.ied 
by  magnificent  monuments  of  the  brave  family  of  the  Puerto 
Carreros,  the  ancient  lords  of  Moguer,  and  renowned  in 
Moorish  warfare.     The  alabaster  effigies  of  distinguished 
warriors  of  that  house,  and  of  their  wives  and  sisters,  lie 
side  by  side,  with  folded  hands,  on  tombs  immediately  be- 
fore the  altar,  while  others  recline  in  deep  niches  on  either 
side.     The  night  had  closed  in  by  the  time  I  entered  the 
church,  which  made  the  scene  more   impressive.     A  few 
votive  lamps  shed  a  dim  light  about  the  interior;  their 
beams  were  feebly  reflected  by  the  gilded  work  of  the 
high  altar,  and  the  frames  of  the  surrounding  paintings, 
and  rested  upon  the   marble   figures  of  the   vvarriors  and 
dames  lying  in  the  monumental  repose  of  ages.     The  so- 
lemn pile  must  have  presented  much  the  same  appearance 
when  the  pious  discoverer  performed  his  vigil,  kneeling  be- 
fore this  very  altar,  and  praying  and  watching  throughout 
the  night,  and  pouring  forth  heartfelt  praises  for  having 
been  spared  to  Accomplish  his  sublime  discovery. 

"I  had  now  completed  the  main  purpose  of  my  journey, 
having  visited  the  various  places  connected  with  the  story 
of  Columbus.     It  was  highly  gratifying  to  find  some  of 
21 


ifl 


162 


THK    LITTLE    PORT    OF    PALOS. 


[BOOK  I. 


them  so  little  changed  though  so  great  a  space  of  time  had 
intervened ;  but  in  this  quiet  nook  of  Spain,  so  far  removed 
from  the  main  thoroughfares,  the  lapse  of  time  produces 
but  few  violent  revolutions.     Nothing,  however,  had  sur- 
prised and  gratified  me  more  than  the  continued  stability  of 
the  Pinzon  family.     On  the  morning  after  my  excursion  to 
Palos,  chance  gave  me  an  opportunity  of  seeing  something 
of  the  interior  of  most  of  their  households.     Having  a  cu- 
riosity to  visit  the  remains  of  a  Moorish  castle,  once  the 
citadel  of  Moguer,  Don  Fernandez  undertook  to  show  me 
a  tower  which  served  as  a  magazine  of  wine  to  one  of  the 
Pinzon  family.     In  seeking  for  the  key  we  were  sent  from 
house  to  house  of  nearly  the  whole  connexion.     All  ap- 
peared to  be  living  in  that  golden  mean  equally  removed 
from  the  wants  and  superfluities  of  life,  and  all  to  be  hap- 
pily interwoven  by  kind  and  cordial  habits  of  intimacy. 
We  found  the  females  of  the  family  generally  seated  in  the 
patios,  or  central  courts  of  their  dwellings,  beneath  the 
shade  of  awnings  and  among  shrubs  and  flowers.     Here 
the  Andalusian  ladies  are  accustomed  to  pass  their  mornings 
at  work,  surrounded  by  their  handmaids,  in  the  primitive, 
or  rather,  oriental  style.     In  the  porches  of  some  of  the 
houses  I  observed  the  coat  of  arms,  granted  to  the  family 
by  Charles  V.  hung  up  like  a  picture  in  a  frame.     Over  the 
door  of  Don  Luis,  the  naval  ofllcer,  it  was  carved  on  an 
escutcheon  of  stone,  and  coloured.     I  had  gathered  many 
particulars  of  tho  family  also  from  conversation  with  Don 
Juan,  and  from  the  family  legend  lent  me  by  Don  Luis. 
From  all  that  I  could  learn,  it  would  appear  that  the  lapse 
of  nearly  three  centuries  and  a  half  has  made  but  little 
change  in  the  condition  of  the  Pinzons.     From  generation 
to  generation  they  have  retained  the  same  fair  standing  and 
reputable  name  throughout  the  neighbourhood,  filling  offi- 
ces of  public  trust  and  dignity,  and  possessing  great  influ- 
ence over  their  fellow  citizens  by  their  good  sense  and 


CHAP.    XV.] 


THE    LITTLE    PORT    OF    PALOS. 


163 


good  conduct.  How  rare  is  it  to  see  such  an  instance  of 
stability  of  fortune  in  this  fluctuating  world,  and  how  truly 
honourable  is  this  hereditary  respectability,  which  has  been 
secured  by  no  titles  or  entails,  but  perpetuated  merely  by 
the  innate  worth  of  the  race !  I  declare  to  you  that  the 
most  illustrious  descents  of  mere  titled  rank  could  never 
command  the  sincere  respect  and  cordial  regard  with  which 
I  contemplated  this  staunch  and  enduring  family,  which  for 
three  centuries  and  a  half  has  stood  merely  upon  its  virtues. 

"  As  I  was  to  set  off  on  my  return  to  Seville  before  two 
o'clock,  I  partook  of  a  farewell  repast  at  the  house  of  Don 
Juan,  between  twelve  and  one,  and  then  took  leave  of  his 
household  with  sincere  regret.  The  good  old  gentleman, 
with  the  courtesy,  or  rather  the  cordiality  of  a  true  Spa- 
niard, accompanied  me  to  the  posada  to  see  me  of!'.  I  had 
dispensed  but  little  money  in  the  posada — thanks  to  the 
hospitality  of  the  Pinzons — yet  the  Spanish  pride  of  my 
host  and  hostess  seemed  pleased  that  I  had  preferred  their 
humble  chamber,  and  the  scanty  bed  they  had  provided  me, 
to  the  spacious  mansion  of  Don  Juan  ;  and  when  I  expres- 
sed my  thanks  for  their  kindness  and  attention,  and  regaled 
mine  host  with  a  few  choice  cigars,  the  heart  of  the  poor 
man  was  overcome.  Ho  seized  me  by  both  hands  and 
gave  me  a  parting  benediction,  and  then  ran  after  the  cala- 
sero  to  enjoin  him  to  take  particular  care  of  me  during  my 
journey. 

'  Taking  a  hearty  leave  of  my  excellent  friend  Don  Juan, 
who  had  been  unremitting  in  his  attentions  to  me  to  the 
last  moment,  I  now  set  off  in  my  wayfaring,  gratified  to 
the  utmost  with  my  visit,  and  full  of  kind  and  grateful 
feelings  towards  Moguer  and  its  hospitable  inhabitants."* 


*  Voyages  of  Companions  of  Columbus,  p.  39^  to  346. 


164  AMERICUS    VESPUCIUS    FROM    1606   TO    1608.     [BOOK  I. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

Of  Americus  Vespucius  from  1505  to  1508 ;  his  appointment  then  as 
chief  pilot  of  Spain ;  and  the  expeditions  of  Vicente  Yaiiez  Pinzon 
and  Juan  Diaz  de  Solis  in  1506  and  1508. 

On  the  11th  of  April  1506,  Ferdinand  made  Ves- 
pucius a  grant  of  twelve  thousand  maravedis;  and 
on  the  24th  of  the  same  month,  letters  of  naturaliza- 
tion were  issued  in  his  behalf,  in  consideration,  as 
they  recite,  of  his  fidelity  and  many  valuable  services 
to  the  crown.  Shortly  afterwards,  he  and  Vicente 
Yaiiez  Pinzon  were  named  captains  of  an  armada 
then  contemplated  from  Spain.  For  this  voyage  ves- 
sels were  procured  and  fitted  out,  and  other  prepara- 
tions made,  but  it  was  eventually  abandoned.  There 
are  memoranda  existing  concerning  it  dated  in  1505, 
1507  and  1508,  from  which  it  appears  that  Vespucius 
remained  at  Seville  attending  to  the  fluctuating  con- 
cerns of  this  squadron,  until  the  change  of  its  desti- 
nation, the  sale  of  the  equipments,  and  settlement  of 
the  accounts.  During  this  time  he  had  a  salary  of 
thirty  thousand  maravedis.  On  the  22d  of  March 
1508,  he  receiv<"d  the  appointment  of  chief  pilot, 
with  a  salary  of  seventy-fiv-;  thousand  maravedis. 
Seville  was  now  the  place  of  his  residence.  His 
chief  duties  were  to  prepare  charts,  examine  pilots, 
superintend  the  fitting  out  of  expeditions,  and  pre- 


ii.  .y 


CHAP.  XVl]  EXPEDITIONS    IN    1506    AND    1508. 


165 


scribe  the  route  that  vessels  were  to  pursue  in  their 
voyages  to  the  new  world.* 

Mr.   Irving  states  that  in   1606,  Vicente   Yanoz 
Pinzon  undertook  an  expedition  in  company  with 
Juan  Diaz  de  Solis,  a  native  of  Lebrija,  the  object  of 
which  was  to  find  the  strait  or  passage  supposed  by 
Columbus  to  lead  from  the  Atlantic  to  a  southern 
ocean ;  but  that  no  such  passage  existing,  this  voy- 
age was  necessarily  without  success,  as  was  also  ano- 
ther made  by  them  for  the  same  purpose  in  1508.t 
In  the  preface  of  the  French  editor  to  the  History  of 
the  Province  of  Sancta  Cruz,  mentioned  on  page  108, 
after  referring  to  the  visits  of  the  Portuguese  naviga- 
tors to  this  province,  amongst  others  to  one  by  Al- 
fonso d'Albuquesque  in  1503,  and  to  another  three 
years  later,  by  Tustan  d'Acunha,  he  says,  "  In  1508, 
the  King  of  Spain,  jealous  of  preserving  the  exclusive 
possession   of  America,  dispatched   to   this  country 
Vicente  Yanez  Pinzon  and  Juan  Diaz  de  Solis."     It 
may  be  that  the  object  of  the  expedition  of  1508  was 
two  fold,  to  find  a  passage  by  a  strait  from  the  Atlan- 
tic to  the  Pacific  ocean,  and  also  to  take  possession 
of  Brazil,  as  far  as  practicable,  so  as  to  check  the 
Portuguese  in  their  endeavours  to  enlarge  their  pos- 
sessions in  that  country. 


*  Irving's  Columbus,  vol.  2,  p.  252.  Ap- 
pendix No.  10.  Life  of  Vespuciua,  p.  256 
to264,  also  p.  395,396. 


t  Voyages  of  Companions  of  Columbus, 
p.  40,  41. 


166 


JUAN    PONCE    DG    LEON, 


[BOOK    I. 


CHAPTER    XVII. 

Of  the  subjugation  of  Hispaniola,  and  its  government  under  Diego  Co- 
lumbus ;  also  of  the  subjugation  of  Porto  Rico  in  1509,  while  Juan 
Ponce  de  Leon  was  commander  in  that  island. 

After  four  other  Indian  sovereignties  of  Hispaniola 
had  been  subjugated,  the  downfall  of  Higuey,  the  last 
of  those  independent  districts,  was  accomplished  un- 
der the  administration  of  Ovando.  Juan  Ponce,  a 
native  of  Leon,  generally  called  Juan  Ponce  de  Leon, 
was  commander  of  part  of  the  troops.  He  had 
served  against  the  Moors  of  Granada,  had  accompa- 
nied Columbus  in  his  second  voyage  in  1493,  and 
had  distinguished  himself  in  various  battles  with  the 
Indians.  In  the  campaign  against  Higuey,  he  se- 
conded his  chief,  Juan  de  Esquibel,  so  valiantly,  that 
after  the  subjugation  of  the  province,  he  was  ap- 
pointed to  the  command  of  it  as  lieutenant  of  the 
governor  of  Hispaniola.* 

The  province  of  Higuey  lay  at  the  eastern  end  of 
Hayti.  The  isle  of  Boriquen  was  directly  opposite, 
and  but  twelve  or  fourteen  leagues  distant.  The  In- 
dians of  the  two  islands  frequently  visited  each  other ; 
and  in  the  transparent  atmosphere  of  the  tropics  Juan 
Ponce  could  see  Boriquen  from  his  province.  He 
obtained  permission  from  governor  Ovando  to  visit  it, 


*  Voyages  of  Companions  of  Columbus,  p.  393,  3. 


CHAP,  xrii.] 


DIEGO    COLUMBUS. 


167 


and  brought  back  such  specimens  of  gold  that  the 
governor  determined  on  the  subjugation  of  the  island: 
it  was  proposed  to  confide  the  enterprise  to  Juan 
Ponce.  He  made  another,  and  as  it  were  a  prepara- 
tory visit,  to  make  himself  acquainted  with  the  coun- 
try, and  with  the  nature  and  resources  of  the  inhabi- 
tants. After  remaining  some  time  on  the  island,  he 
returned  to  San  Domingo,  but  found  the  whole  face 
of  affairs  had  changed  in  his  absence.  His  patron, 
the  governor  Ovando,  had  been  recalled  to  Spain.* 

This  was  afler  the  law  suit  of  Diego  Columbus, 
son  of  the  renowned  discoverer,  was  determined  in 
his  favour.  According  to  the  capitulations  between 
the  sovereign  and  his  father,  Diego  was  to  be  viceroy 
and  governor  of  the  new  world.  Ferdinand  withheld 
the  title  of  viceroy,  but  ceded  to  Diego  the  dignities 
and  powers  that  had  been  enjoyed  by  Ovando.  Even 
this  cession  was  not  made  until  the  power  of  Diego 
was  increased  by  his  connexion  in  marriage.  He 
married  Donna  Maria  de  Toledo,  daughter  of  Fer- 
nando de  Toledo,  grand  commander  of  Leon,  and 
niece  of  the  celebrated  duke  of  Alva,  chief  favourite 
of  the  king.f 

"  The  new  admiral  embarked  at  St.  Lucar,  June  9,  1509, 
with  his  w'.fe,  his  brother  Don  Fernando,  who  was  now 
grown  */j  man's  estate,  and  had  been  well  educated,  and 
his  two  uncles  Don  Bartholomew  and  Don  Diego.  They 
were  accompanied  by  a  numerous  retinue  of  cavaliers,  with 
their  wives,  and  of  young  ladies  of  rank  and  family,  more 
distinguished,  it  is  hinted,  for  high  blood  than  large  for- 


*  Voyages  of  Companions  of  Columhua,  p.  296. 

t  Irving's  Columbus,  vol.  2,  p.  213  to  218.    Voyages  of  Companions  of  Columbus,  p.  296. 


fc- 


168 


PORTO    RICO    SUBDUED    IN    1509. 


[book  I. 


tune,  and  who  were  sent  out  to  find  wealthy  husbands  in 
the  new  world.* 

"  Though  the  king  had  not  granted  Don  Diego  the  dig- 
nity of  viceroy,  the  title  was  generally  given  to  him  by 
courtesy,  and  his  wife  was  universally  addressed  by  that  of 
vice-queen. 

"  Don  Diego  commenced  his  rule  with  a  degree  of  splen- 
dour hitherto  unknown  in  the  colony.  The  vice-queen, 
who  was  a  lady  of  great  desert,  surrounded  by  the  noble 
cavaliers  and  the  young  ladies  of  family  who  had  come  in 
her  retinue,  established  a  sort  of  court,  which  threw  a  de- 
gree of  lustre  over  the  half  savage  island.  The  young  la- 
dies were  soon  married  to  the  wealthiest  colonists,  and  con- 
tributed greatly  to  soften  those  rude  manners  which  had 
grown  up  in  a  state  of  society  hitherto  destitute  of  the  salu- 
tary restraint  and  pleasing  decorum  produced  by  female  in- 
fluence. 

"  Don  Diego  had  considered  his  appointment  in  the  light 
of  a  vice-royalty,  but  the  king  soon  took  measures  which 
showed  that  he  admitted  of  no  such  pretension."! 

A  cavalier  arrived  from  Spain,  empowered  by  the 
king  to  form  a  settlement  and  build  a  fortress  on  the 
island  of  Forto  Rico.  His  name  was  Christoval  de 
Sotoma)ipr ;  he  was  brother  to  the  Count  of  Camina, 
and  had  been  secretary  to  Philip  the  First,  King  of 
Castile,  and  father  of  Charles  the  Fifth.  Diego  Co- 
lumbus considered  this  in  disregard  of  his  prerogative 
as  viceroy,  and  refused  to  put  Sotomayor  in  posses- 
sion. He  paid  as  little  respect  to  the  claims  of  Juan 
Ponce.  Choosing  officers  to  suit  himself,  he  ap- 
pointed one  Juan  Ceron  to  the  government  of  Porto 
Rico,  and   Miguel    Diaz  as  his  lieutenant.     Juan 


*  Las  Casas,  L.  3,  cap.  49,  MS.       f  Irving'a  Columbus,  vol.  S,  p.  216,  Appendix  No.  9. 


CHAP,  xvii.]  PORTO    RICO    SUBDUED    IN    1609. 


169 


Ponce  and  Sotomayor  bore  their  disappointment  with 
a  good  grace :  they  joined  the  crowd  of  adventurcTS 
that  accompanied  the  newly  appointed  governor.* 

Afterwards  the  king  appointed  Juan  Ponce  go- 
vernor of  the  island,  and  signified  that  Diego  Co- 
lumbus was  not  to  presume  to  displace  him.  The 
first  step  of  Juan  Ponce  was  to  quarrel  with  Juan 
Ceron  and  Miguel  Diaz,  the  ex-governor  and  his 
lieutenant,  and  send  them  prisoners  to  Spain.  To 
Sotomayor  he  was  more  favourable;  making  him 
lieutenant  and  alcalde  mayor.  But  the  cavalier  was 
so  ridiculed  for  accepting  th'  ibaltern  situation,  that 
he  had  to  resign ;  he  remaiiiL  J  in  the  island  as  a  pri- 
vate individual  until  upon  an  insurrection  by  the  na- 
tives he  was  massacred.f 

Juan  Ponce  fixed  his  seat  of  government  in  a  town 
called  Caparra,  which  he  founded  on  the  northern 
side  of  the  island  about  a  league  from  the  sea ;  it  was 
in  front  of  the  port  called  Rico,  which  subsequently 
gave  its  name  to  the  island.  After  the  insurrection, 
he  might  almost  be  considered  a  governor  without 
territories  and  a  general  without  soldiers.  His  vil- 
lages were  in  ruins,  and  his  whole  force  did  not 
amount  to  a  hundred  men,  several  of  whom  were 
disabled  by  their  wounds.  One  of  his  most  efficient 
warriors  was  a  dog  named  Berezillo,  for  whom  his 
master  received  the  pay,  allowance  and  share  of  booty 
assigned  to  a  cross-bow  man ;  and  perhaps  the  pay 
should  have  been  higher,  for  it  is  said  he  did  more 
than  could  have  been  done  by  several  soldiers.  Juan 
Ponce  occasionally  made  assaults  upon  the  Indians 


No.  i2. 


*  Voyages  of  Companions  of  Columbus,  p.  296  to  S98. 

22 


t  Id.  p.  298  to  306. 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
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iro 


PORTO   RICO    SURDUED   IN    1509. 


[book  I. 


with  small  bodies  of  his  men,  but  he  would  not  ven- 
ture much  until  he  had  reinforcements  from  His- 
paniola.  While  fighting  hard  to  maintain  his  sway, 
his  dignity  was  terminated.  King  Ferdinand  became 
convinced  that  in  superseding  the  governor  and  Ueu- 
tenant  governor  appointed  by  Diego  Columbus,  he 
had  infringed  the  rights  of  the  admiral.  When  there- 
fore Juan  Ceron  and  Miguel  Diaz  came  prisoners  to 
Spain,  the  king  sent  them  back  empowered  to  resume 
command.  By  the  time  they  reached  the  island,  Juan 
Ponce  had  completed  its  subjugation.  The  fate  of 
the  natives  of  Boriquen  was  like  that  of  their  neigh- 
bours of  Hayti.* 


*  Voyagei  of  CompanionB  of  Columbas,  p.  300  to  313. 


■ 


CBAr.  XTIII.] 


COLONIES    AT    DABIEN. 


171 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

Of  the  subjugation  of  Jamaica  in  1509,  and  the  armaments  in  the  same 
year  to  found  colonies  along  the  isthmus  of  Darien ;  the  attempts  of 
Alonzo  de  Ojeda  to  plant  his  colony ;  his  conflicts  with  the  Indians ; 
and  the  formula  read  to  ihem  as  an  excuse  for  killing  them. 

King  Ferdinand,  having  resolved  to  found  regular 
colonies  along  the  isthmus  of  Darien,  had,  without 
any  reference  to  Diego  Columbus,  divided  this  part 
of  the  continent  into  two  provinces,  separated  by  an 
imaginary  line  running  through  the  gulf  of  Uraba. 
The  eastern  part,  extending  to  Cape  de  la  Vela,  was 
called  New  Andalusia,  and  the  government  of  it  given 
to  Alonzo  de  Ojeda.  The  other  to  the  west,  including 
Veragua,  and  reaching  to  Cape  Gracios  k  Dios,  was 
assigned  to  Diego  de  Nicuesa.* 

"  Had  the  monarch  been  swayed  by  principles  of  justice 
and  gratitude,  the  settlement  of  this  coast  would  have  been 
given  to  the  Adelantado,  Don  Bartholomew  Columbus,  who 
had  assisted  in  the  discovery  of  the  country,  and,  together 
with  his  brother  the  admiral,  had  suffered  so  greatly  in  the 
enterprise.  Even  his  superior  abilities  for  the  task  should 
have  pointed  him  out  to  the  policy  of  the  monarch ;  but 
the  cautious  and  calculating  Ferdinand  knew  the  lofty  spirit 
of  the  Adelantado,  and  that  he  would  be  disposed  to  de- 
mand high  and  dignified  terms.     He  passed  him  by,  there- 

*  Voyagei  of  Companions  of  Columbua,  p.  54  to  58.    Irving'a  Columbui,  p.  916. 


!  i  ' 


i' 


172 


JAMAICA   SUBDUED   IN    1609. 


[BOOK   I. 


fore,  and  preferred  more  eager  and  accommodating  adven- 
turers."* 

Each  of  the  governors  was  to  erect  two  fortresses, 
and  to  enjoy  for  ten  years  the  profits  of  the  mines  he 
should  discover ;  paying  to  the  crown  one  tenth  part 
the  first  year,  one  ninth  the  second,  one  eighth  the 
third,  one  seventh  the  fourth,  and  one  fifth  part  in 
each  of  the  remaining  years.  Diego  Columbus  con- 
sidered the  measures  thus  taken  for  founding  these 
colonies,  without  his  participation  or  knowledge,  an 
infi-ingement  of 'what  had  been  granted  and  con- 
firmed to  his  father  and  his  heirs.t 

Ojeda's  lieutenant,  Juan  de  la  Cosa,  embarked  with 
about  two  hundred  men  in  a  ship  and  two  brigantines; 
Nicuesa  went  with  a  greater  force  in  four  large  ves- 
sels and  two  brigantines.  He  met  Ojeda  at  Saint 
Domingo.  Each  claimed  the  province  of  Darien  to 
be  within  his  jurisdiction ;  the  dispute  as  to  this  ended 
in  an  agreement  that  the  river  Darien  should  be  the 
boundary  line  between  them.  Another  ground  of 
contention  arose,  from  the  island  of  Jamaica  being 
given  to  the  two  governors  in  common,  as  a  place 
fi-om  which  to  draw  supplies  of  provisions.  Diego 
Columbus  settled  the  dispute  as  to  this.  Under  his 
orders  a  brave  officer,  Juan  de  Esquibel,  who  had  be- 
fore subjugated  the  province  of  Higuey,  took  posses- 
sion of  Jamaica,  and  held  it  subject  to  his  command.! 

It  was  on  the  10th  of  November  1509,  that  Alonzo 
de  Ojeda  sailed  from  San  Domingo.     His  force  was 

*  Irving's  Columbus,  p.  216, 17. 

t  Voyages  of  Companions  of  Columbus,  p.  54  to  58.    Irving's  Columbus,  p.  317. 
X  Id.  p.  54  to  64.    Irving's  Columbus,  vol.  3,  p.  313  to  318. 


1 


CHAP.  ZVIM  1 


ojeda's  religious  formula. 


173 


! 


now  increased.  Among  the  remarkable  adventurers 
who  embarked  with  him,  was  Francisco  Pizarro,  af- 
terwards renowned  as  the  conqueror  of  Peru.  Her- 
nando Cortez  intended  also  to  sail  in  the  expedition, 
but  was  prevented  by  an  inflammation  in  one  of  his 
knees.  The  voyagers  arrived  late  in  the  autumn  in 
the  harbour  of  Carthagena.  By  way  of  prelude  to 
an  attack  on  the  natives,  Alonzo  de  Ojeda  advancing 
towards  them,  caused  the  following  curious  formula, 
composed  by  learned  divines  in  Spain,  to  be  read 
aloud  by  the  friars  in  his  train ;  it  was  subsequently 
adopted  by  the  Spanish  discoverers  in  general,  in  their 
invasions  of  the  Indian  countries  :* 

"I,  Alonzo  de  Ojeda,  servant  of  the  high  and  mighty 
kings  of  Castile  and  Leon,  civilizers  of  barbarous  nations, 
.their  messenger  and  captain,  notify  and  make  known  to 
you,  in  the  best  way  I  can,  that  God  our  Lord,  one  and 
eternal,  created  the  heavens  and  the  earth,  and  one  man 
and  one  woman,  from  whom  you,  and  we,  and  all  the  peo- 
ple of  the  earth  were  and  are  descendants,  procreated,  and 
all  those  who  shall  come  after  us ;  but  the  vast  number  of 
generations  which  have  proceeded  from  them,  in  the  course 
of  more  than  five  thousand  years  that  have  elapsed  since 
the  creation  of  the  world,  made  it  necessary  that  some  of 
the  human  race  should  disperse  in  one  direction,  and  some 
in  another,  and  that  they  should  divide  themselves  into 
many  kingdoms  and  provinces,  as  they  could  not  sustain 
and  preserve  themselves  in  one  alone.  All  these  people 
were  given  in  charge,  by  God  our  Lord,  to  one  person, 
named  Saint  Peter,  who  was  thus  made  lord  and  superior 
of  all  the  people  of  the  earth,  and  head  of  the  whole  hu- 
man lineage,  whom  all  should  obey,  wherever  they  might 

*  Voyages  of  Companions  of  Columbus,  p.  65  to  87. 


i  - 


174 


OJEDA's   religious   rOBMDLA. 


[BOOK   I. 


live,  and  whatever  might  be  their  law,  sect  or  belief;  he 
gave  him  also  the  whole  world  for  his  service  and  jurisdic- 
tion, and  though  he  desired  that  he  should  establish  his 
chair  in  Rome,  as  a  place  most  convenient  for  governing 
the  world,  yet  he  permitted  that  he  might  establish  his  chair 
in  any  other  part  of  the  world,  and  judge  and  govern  all 
the  Nations,  Christians,  Moors,  Jews,  Gentiles,  and  what- 
ever other  sect  or  belief  might  be.  This  person  was  deno- 
minated Pope,  that  is  to  say,  admirable,  supreme,  father  and 
guardian,  because  he  is  father  and  governor  of  all  mankind. 
This  holy  father  was  obeyed  and  honoured  as  lord,  king, 
and  superior  of  the  Universe,  by  those  who  lived  in  his 
time,  and,  in  like  manner,  have  been  obeyed  and  honoured 
all  those  who  have  been  elected  to  the  Pontificate ;  and 
thus  it  has  continued  unto  the  present  day,  and  will  con- 
tinue until  the  end  of  the  world. 

"  One  of  these  pontiffs,  of  whom  I  have  spoken  as  lord 
of  the  world,  made  a  donation  of  these  islands  and  conti- 
nents, of  the  ocean,  sea,  and  all  that  they  contain,  to  the 
Catholic  kings  of  Castile,  who  at  that  time  were  Ferdi- 
nand and  Isabella,  of  glorious  memory,  and  to  their  suc- 
cessors, our  sovereigns,  according  to  the  tenor  of  certain  pa- 
pers drawn  up  for  the  purpose,  (which  you  may  see  if  you 
desire.)  Thus  his  majesty  is  king  and  sovereign  of  these 
islands  and  continents,  by  virtue  of  the  said  donation  ;  and 
as  king  and  sovereign,  certain  islands,  and  almost  all  to 
whom  this  has  been  notified,  have  received  his  majesty,  and 
have  obeyed  and  served,  and  do  actually  serve  him.  And, 
moreover,  like  good  subjects,  and  with  good  will  and  with- 
out any  resistance  or  delay,  the  moment  they  were  informed 
of  the  foregoing,  they  obeyed  all  the  religious  men  sent 
among  them  to  preach  and  teach  our  Holy  Faith ;  and  these 
of  their  free  and  cheerful  will,  without  any  condition  or  re- 
ward, became  Christians,  and  continue  so  to  be.  And  his 
majesty  received  them  kindly  and  benignantly,  and  ordered 


CHA».  XTIII.]  OJEDl's    RELIGIOUS   FORMULA. 


175 


that  they  should  be  treated  like  his  other  subjects  and  vas- 
sals :  you  also,  are  required  and  obliged  to  do  the  same. 
Therefore,  in  the  best  manner  I  can,  I  pray  and  entreat 
you,  that  you  consider  well  what  I  have  said,  and  that  you 
take  whatever  time  is  reasonable  to  understand  and  delibe- 
rate upon  it,  and  that  you  recognise  the  church  for  sove- 
reign and  superior  of  the  universal  world,  and  the  supreme 
pontiff,  called  Pope,  in  her  name,  and  his  majesty  in  his 
place,  as  superior  and  sovereign  king  of  the  islands  and 
Terra  Firma,  by  virtue  of  the  said  donation ;  and  that  you 
consent  that  these  religious  fathers  declare  and  preach  to 
you  the  foregoing;  and  if  you  shall  so  do,  you  will  do 
well,  and  will  do  that  to  which  you  are  bounden  and 
obliged ;  and  his  majesty,  and  I  in  his  name,  will  receive 
you  with  all  due  love  and  charity,  and  will  leave  you,  your 
wives  and  children,  free  from  servitude,  that  you  may  freely 
do  with  these  and  with  yourselves  whatever  you  please 
^and  think  proper,  as  have  done  the  inhabitants  of  the  other 
islands.  And  besides  this,  his  majesty  will  give  you  many 
privileges  and  exemptions,  and  grant  you  many  favours. 
If  you  do  not  do  this,  or  wickedly  and  intentionally  delay 
to  do  so,  1  certify  to  you,  that,  by  the  aid  of  God,  I  will 
powerfully  invade  and  make  war  upon  you  in  all  parts  and 
modes  that  I  can,  and  will  subdue  you  to  the  yoke  and 
obedience  of  the  church  and  of  his  majesty :  and  I  will 
take  your  wives  and  children  and  make  slaves  of  them,  and 
sell  them  as  such,  and  dispose  of  them  as  his  majesty  may 
command ;  and  I  will  take  your  effects  and  will  do  you  all 
the  harm  and  injury  in  my  power,  as  vassals  who  will  not 
obey  or  receive  their  sovereign,  and  who  resist  and  oppose 
him.  And  I  protest  that  the  deaths  and  disasters  which 
may  in  this  manner  be  occasioned,  will  be  the  fault  of  your- 
selves and  not  of  his  majesty,  nor  of  me,  nor  of  these  ca- 
valiers who  accompany  me.     And  of  what  I  here  tell  you 


""-:^*."WFr~^ 


176 


ADVENTURES    OF   OJCDA. 


[■OOK   I. 


to 


and  require  of  yon,  I  call  upon  the  notary  here  present 
give  me  his  signed  testimonial."* 

Thus,  with  the  aid  of  the  priesthood,  was  a  broad 
foundation  laid,  on  which  to  perpetrate  cruelty  and 
oppression  in  the  name  of  that  religion  whose  proper 
attributes  are  benevolence  and  mercy.  Violence  was 
soon  commenced  after  this  wicked  attempt  to  sanctify 
it.  Some  of  the  natives  were  killed  in  the  field; 
some  in  a  cabin  (which  Ojeda  had  set  fire  to,)  pe- 
rished in  the  flames ;  and  others  were  made  captive 
and  sent  to  the  ships.  The  Spaniards  now  having  no 
fear  of  an  attack,  roved  in  quest  of  booty.  While 
thus  scattered,  other  Indians  rushed  upon  them.f 

"Ojeda  on  the  first  alarm  collected  a  few  soldiers  and 
ensconced  himself  within  a  small  enclosure,  surrounded  by 
palisades.  Here  he  was  closely  besieged  and  galled  by 
flights  of  arrows.  He  threw  himself  on  his  knees,  covered 
himself  with  his  buckiur,  and,  being  small  and  active,  ma- 
naged to  protect  himself  from  the  deadly  shower,  but  all 
his  companions  were  slain  by  his  side,  some  of  thom  perish- 
ing in  frightful  agonies.  At  this  fearful  moment  the  vete- 
ran La  Cosa,  having  heard  of  the  peril  of  his  commander, 
arrived,  with  a  few  followers,  to  his  assistance.  Stationing 
himself  at  the  gate  of  the  palisades,  the  brave  Biscayan 
kept  the  savages  at  bay  until  most  of  his  men  were  slain 
and  he  himself  was  severely  wounded.  Just  then  Ojeda 
sprang  forth  like  a  tiger  into  the  midst  of  the  enemy,  deal- 
ing his  blows  on  every  side.  La  Cosa  would  have  seconded 
him,  but  was  crippled  by  his  wounds.  He  took  refuge  with 
the  remnant  of  his  men  in  an  Indian  cabin ;  the  straw  roof 
of  which  he  aided  them  to  throw  off,  lest  the  enemy  should 

*  Voyages  of  Companions  of  Columbus,  p.  347.       f  Id.  p.  68, 9. 


I 


CHAP.  XTIII.] 


ADVENTURES    C)F    OJEDA. 


177 


set  it  on  fire.  Here  he  defended  himself  until  all  his  com- 
rades but  one  were  destroyed.  The  subtle  poison  of  his 
wounds  at  length  overpowered  him,  and  he  sank  to  the 
ground.  Feeling  death  at  hand,  he  called  to  his  only  sur- 
viving companion.  'Brother,'  said  he,  'since  God  hath 
protected  thee  from  harm,  sally  forth  and  fly,  and  if  ever 
thou  shouldst  see  Alonzo  de  Ojeda,  tell  him  of  my  fate !'  "* 


:'>. 


Thus  fell  the  hardy  Juan  de  la  Cosa,  faithful  and 
devoted  to  the  last.  He  was  acknowledged  by  his 
contemporaries  to  be  one  of  the  ablest  of  those  gal- 
lant Spanish  navigators  who  first  explored  the  way  to 
the  new  world.  Days  elapsed  without  those  on  board 
hearing  any  thing  from  the  party  who  had  gone  with 
Ojeda.  At  length,  some  of  the  Spaniards,  in  an 
entangled  and  almost  impervious  grove  caught  a 
glimpse  of  a  man  in  Spanish  attire.  They  entered, 
and  to  their  astonishment  found  it  to  be  Ojeda.  He 
was  lying  on  the  matted  roots  of  the  mangrove  trees, 
his  buckler  on  his  shoulder  and  his  sword  in  his  hand, 
but  so  wasted  with  hunger  and  fatigue  that  he  could 
not  speak.  They  bore  him  to  the  firm  land ;  made 
a  fire  on  the  shore  to  warm  him,  for  he  was  chilled 
with  the  damp  and  cold  of  his  hiding  place;  and 
when  he  was  a  little  revived  they  gave  him  fcon  and 
wine.  In  this  way,  he  gradually  recovered  strength 
to  tell  his  doleful  story.  He  had  succeeded  in  cutting 
his  way  through  the  host  of  savages  and  attaining  the 
woody  skirts  of  the  mountains,  but  when  he  found 
himself  alone,  and  that  the  seventy  brave  men  who 
had  gone  with  him  were  all  cut  off,  he  was  almost  in 


i  \ 


*  Voyages  of  Companions  of  Columbus,  p.  69, 70. 

23 


178 


ADVENTURES    01*    OJEDA. 


[book  I. 


despair.  He  scarce  knew  which  way  to  bend  his 
course,  but  continued  on  in  the  darkness  of  the  night 
and  of  the  forest.  When  the  day  broke,  he  sought 
the  rudest  parts  of  the  mountains  and  hid  himself 
until  night;  then  struggling  forward  among  rocks 
and  precipices  and  matted  forests,  he  made  his  way 
to  the  sea  side  but  was  too  much  exhausted  to  reach 
the  ships.  It  seemed  wonderful  that  one,  so  small  of 
frame,  should  have  been  able  to  endure  such  great 
hardships ;  but  he  was  of  admirable  strength  and  har- 
dihood. His  buckler,  it  is  said,  bore  the  dints  of  up- 
wards of  three  hundred  arrows ;  yet  he  had  received 
no  wound.*  r*^       ^    .,  ;,  .  ; 

While  the  Spaniards  were  yet  on  shore,  administer- 
ing to  the  recovery  of  their  commander,  they  saw  a 
squadron  approaching ;  it  was  Nicuesa's.  The  two 
governors  soon  met ;  four  hundred  of  their  men  and 
several  horses  were  quickly  landed ;  and  they  set  off 
for  the  village  of  the  Indians.  Great  was  the  car- 
nage, for  no  quarter  was  shewn  to  age  or  sex.  Many 
Indians  perished  from  the  flames  in  their  burning  ha- 
bitations, and  many  by  the  sword.  Having  sacked 
the  village  and  collected  great  spoil,  the  two  governors 
parted  with  many  expressions  of  friendship.  Nicuesa 
continued  his  voyage  for  the  coast  of  Veragua,  and 
Ojeda,  giving  up  all  thoughts  of  colonizing  this  dis- 
astrous part  of  the  coast,  steered  for  the  gulf  of 
Uraba.  He  fixed  his  capital  on  a  height  at  the  east 
side  of  the  gulf  and  gave  to  it  the  name  of  San  Se- 
bastian.    Conflicts  soon  took  place  with  the  natives. 


*  Voyages  of  Companioni  of  Columbus,  p.  70  to  74. 


CHAP.  XTIII.] 


ADVXNTUBCS   OF    OJEDA. 


179 


In  one  of  them  Ojeda  lost  blood  in  battle,  for  the  first 
time  in  his  life ;  an  arrow,  supposed  to  be  poisoned, 
having  pierced  his  thigh.  A  remedy  suggested  itself 
which  few  but  him  could  have  had  the  courage  to 
try.  He  caused  two  plates  of  iron  to  be  made  red 
hot  and  ordered  a  surgeon  to  apply  theiu  *o  oach  ori- 
fice of  the  wound.  The  surgeon  shuddered  and  re- 
fused, saying  he  would  not  be  the  murderer  of  his 
general  Upon  this,  Ojeda  vowed  he  would  hang 
him  unless  he  obeyed.  To  avoid  the  gallows,  the 
surgeon  applied  the  glowing  plates.  It  is  said  that 
Ojeda  refused  to  be  tied  down  or  let  any  one  hold 
him  during  the  operation,  yet  endured  it  without 
shrinking  or  uttering  a  murmur,  though  his  whole 
system  was  so  inflamed  that  a  barrel  of  vinegar  was 
exhausted,  steeping  sheets  in  which  to  wrap  him  to 
allay  the  burning  heat.  He  recovered ;  whether  ow- 
ing to  his  desperate  remedy,  or  whether  because  the 
arrow  was  not  poisoned,  must  remain  uncertain.^ 


fl 


..»i,v->^ 


*  VoyBgei  of  Companions  of  Columbui,  p.  74  to  89> 


180 


ADVENTURES    Or   OJEDA. 


[lOOB   I. 


Jiri^ 


i- 


Mi  t; 


s-    <•» 


0^ 


CHAPTER  XIX. 


''^': 


t  I 


Of  the  voyage  of  Alonzo  de  Ojeda  in  ISOD  from  the  isthmus  of  Darien 
for  Hispaniola;  his  landing  on  Cuba,  and  his  hardships  then  on  his 
journey  by  land ;  the  little  oratory  which  he  built ;  liis  course  then 
by  Jamaica  to  San  Domingo,  and  his  death  there. 

The  pressing  wants  of  the  colony  caused  Ojeda  to 
start  himself  for  San  Domingo  in  quest  of  reinforce- 
ments and  supplies.  It  was  agreed  that  bis  men 
should  remain  quietly  at  St.  Sebastian  for  fifty  days. 
If  in  that  time,  no  tidings  were  received  of  him,  they 
were  to  be  at  liberty  to  abandon  the  settlement  and 
return  in  the  brigantines  to  Hispaniola.  Francisco 
Pizarro  was  left  in  command  as  lieutenant.  The  go- 
vernor embarked  in  a  pirate  vessel  wherein  Bernar- 
dino de  Talavera  had  come  from  and  was  going  to 
return  to  Hispaniola.  Ojeda  had  scarce  put  to  sea 
when  a  quarrel  arose  between  him  and  Talavera. 
The  former  assumed  command  and  the  latter  resisted 
it  as  usurpation.  Ojeda,  as  usual,  would  have  settled 
the  question  by  the  sword,  but  he  had  the  whole  va- 
gabond crew  against  him  who  overpowered  him  and 
threw  him  in  irons.  He  offered  to  fight  the  whole  of 
them  successively  provided  they  would  give  him  a 
clear  deck  and  come  on  two  at  a  time,  but  they  had 
heard  too  much  of  his  exploits  to  accept  this  chal- 
lenge ;  so  they  kept  him  raging  in  his  chains  while 
they  pursued  their  voyage.     On  the  way,  however,  a 


CHAP.  XIX.] 


ADVENTURES    Or    OJEOA. 


181 


violent  storm  arose ;  in  the  hour  of  peril,  a  truce  was 
made  with  Ojeda  for  the  common  safety.  His  irons 
were  taken  off  on  condition  that  he  would  act  as  pi- 
lot during  the  remainder  of  the  voyage.  But  the 
vessel  had  been  already  swept  so  far  to  the  westward 
that  his  skill  was  ineffectual  in  endeavouring  to  work 
up  to  Hispaniola  against  storms  and  adverse  currents. 
The  shattered  bark  was  almost  in  a  foundering  con- 
dition when  it  was  run  ashore  on  the  southern  coast 
of  Cuba.* 

This  was  before  the  subjugation  and  settlement  of 
Cuba  in  1510.  Then  Diego  Columbus  congratulated 
King  Ferdinand  on  having  acquired  this  large  and 
beautiful  island  without  losing  a  single  man.f  Now  it 
was  a  place  of  refuge  to  the  unhappy  natives  of  Hayti. 
Ojeda  to  avoid  being  attacked  took  a  route  away  from 
the  populous  parts  of  the  island.  The  sufferings  of  him 
and  his  companions  were  so  great  that  after  some 
time,  out  of  seventy  men  who  set  out  from  the  ship 
but  thirty-five  remained.  This  number  was  still  fur- 
ther reduced.  Ojeda  with  a  few  of  the  lightest  and 
most  vigorous,  struggled  forward  through  the  mo- 
rasses and  at  length  arrived  to  where  the  land  was 
firm  and  dry.  They  soon  descried  a  foot  path;  and 
following  it  arrived  at  an  Indian  village.  | 

"  The  Indians  gathered  round  and  gazed  at  them  with 
wonder ;  but  when  they  learnt  their  story,  they  exhibited 
a  humanity  that  would  have  done  honour  to  the  most  pro- 
fessing Christians.     They  bore  them  to  their  dwellings,  set 


*  Voyages  of  Companions  of  Columbus,  p.  89  to  89. 
flrring's  Columbus,  vol.  3.  p.  918,  Appendix  No.  9. 
t  Voyages  of  Companions  of  Columbus,  p.  89  to  93. 


I, 


182 


ADVENTURES    OF    OJEDA. 


[BOOK   I. 


meat  and  drink  before  them,  and  vied  with  each  other  in 
discharging  the  offices  of  the  kindest  humanity.  Finding 
that  a  number  of  their  companions  were  still  in  the  morass, 
the  cacique  sent  a  large  party  of  Indians  with  provisions 
for  their  relief,  with  orders  to  bring  on  their  shoulders  such 
as  were  too  feeble  to  walk.'""' 

Ojeda  had  with  him  a  little  Flemish  painting  of  the 
Madona,  which  had  been  given  him  by  Bishop  Fon- 
seca.  At  a  moment  of  great  despondency,  when  he 
was  in  a  morass  that  seemed  interminable,  he  made  a 
solemn  vow  to  his  patroness  that  if  she  conducted 
him  alive  through  this  peril,  he  would  erect  a  chapel 
in  the  first  Indian  village  he  should  arrive  at,  and 
leave  her  picture  there,  to  remain  un  object  of  adora- 
tion to  the  Gentiles.t 

"Being  recovered  from  his  sufferings,  Alonzo  de  Ojeda 
prepared  to  perform  his  vow  concerning  the  picture  of  the 
Virgin,  though  sorely  must  it  have  grieved  him  to  part 
with  a  relique  to  which  he  attributed  his  deliverance  from 
so  many  perils.  He  built  a  little  hermitage  or  oratory  in 
the  village,  and  furnished  it  with  an  altar,  above  which  he 
placed  the  picture.  He  then  summoned  the  benevolent 
cacique,  and  explained  to  him,  as  well  as  his  limited  know- 
ledge of  the  language,  or  the  aid  of  interpreters  would  per- 
mit, the  main  points  of  the  Catholic  faith,  and  especially 
the  history  of  the  Virgin,  whom  he  represented  as  the  mo- 
ther of  the  Deity  that  reigned  in  the  skies,  and  the  great 
advocate  for  mortal  man. 

"  The  worthy  cacique  listened  to  him  with  mute  atten- 
tion, and  though  he  might  not  clearly  comprehend  the  doc- 
trine, yet  he  conceived  a  profound  veneration  for  the  pic- 


^ 


*  Voyages  of  Companions  of  Columbus,  p.  93.       f  Id.  p.  91,3. 


CHAP.   XIX.] 


ADVENTURES    OF    OJEDA. 


183 


.  11 


ture.  The  sentiment  was  shared  by  his  subjects.  They 
kept  the  little  oratory  always  swept  clean,  and  decorated  it 
with  cotton  hangings,  laboured  by  their  own  hands,  and 
with  various  votive  offerings.  They  composed  couplets  or 
areytos  in  honour  of  the  Virgin,  which  they  sang  to  the  ac- 
companiment of  rude  musical  instruments,  dancing  to  the 
sound  under  the  groves  which  surrounded  the  hermitage. 

"A  further  anecdote  concerning  this  relique  may  not 
be  unacceptable.  The  venerable  Las  Casas,  who  records 
these  facts,  informs  us  that  he  arrived  at  the  village  of 
Caebas  sometime  after  the  departure  of  Ojeda.  He  found 
the  oratory  prescsrved  with  the  most  religious  care,  as  a  sa- 
cred place,  and  the  picture  of  the  Virgin  regarded  with 
fond  adoration.  The  poor  Indians  crowded  to  attend  mass, 
which  he  performed  at  the  altar  ,*  they  listened  attentively 
to  his  paternal  instructions,  and  at  his  request  brought  their 
children  to  be  baptized.  The  good  Las  Casas  having 
heard  much  of  this  famous  relique  of  Ojeda,  was  desirous 
of  obtaining  possession  of  it,  and  offered  to  give  the  ca- 
cique in  exchange,  an  image  of  the  Virgin  which  he  had 
brought  with  him.  The  chieftain  made  an  evasive  an- 
swer, and  seemed  much  troubled  in  mind.  The  next 
morning  he  did  not  make  his  appearance. 

"Las  Casas  went  to  the  oratory  to  perform  mass,  but 
found  the  altar  stripped  of  its  precious  relique.  On  inqui- 
ring, he  learnt  that  in  the  night  the  cacique  had  fled  to  the 
woods,  bearing  off  with  him  his  beloved  picture  of  the  Vir- 
gin. It  was  in  vain  that  Las  Casas  sent  messengers  after 
him,  assuring  him  that  he  should  uot  be  deprived  of  the  re- 
lique, but,  on  the  contrary,  that  the  image  should  likewise 
be  presented  to  him.  The  cacique  refused  to  venture 
from  the  fastnesses  of  the  forest,  nor  did  he  return  to  his 
village  and  replace  the  picture  in  the  oratory  until  after  the 
departure  of  the  Spaniards."*! 


I 


{ i 


*  Laa  Caaas,  Hiat.  Ind.  c.  61,  MS.— Herrera,  Hist.  Ind.  d.  i.  1.  iz.,  e.  zv. 
t  Voyagea  of  Companions  of  Columbua,  p.  94,5. 


184 


DEATH    OF    OJEDA. 


[book  I. 


When  the  Spaniards  were  restored  to  health  and 
strength,  they  resumed  their  journey:  the  cacique 
sent  a  large  body  of  his  subjects  to  carry  their  provi- 
sions and  knapsacks,  and  to  guide  them  across  a  de- 
sert tract  of  country  to  the  province  of  Macaca,  situ- 
ated at  Cape  de  la  Cruz,  the  nearest  point  to  Jamaica. 
Here  Ojeda  learnt  that  there  were  Spaniards  settled 
on  that  island,  being  in  fact  the  party  commanded 
by  Juan  de  Esquibel  already  mentioned.  A  message 
being  conveyed  to  Esquibel,  he  quickly  dispatched  a 
vessel  to  bring  to  him  Ojeda  and  his  companions. 
Ojeda  remained  several  days  in  EsquibePs  house,  and 
then  sailed  for  San  Domingo ;  Talavera  and  his  rab- 
ble adherents  remaining  behind.  They  were  arrests  J 
by  orders  of  Diego  Columbus ;  and  Talavera  and  se- 
veral of  his  accomplices  were  hanged  for  their  piracy. 
Ojeda  lingered  some  time  at  San  Domingo  and  died 
poor.  He  entreated  that  his  be  dy  might  be  buried 
in  the  monastery  of  San  Francisco,  just  at  the  portal, 
in  expiation  of  his  pride,  "  that  every  one  who  entered 
might  tread  upon  his  grave."* 


*  Voyages  of  Companions  of  Columbus,  p.  96  to  109. 


CHAP.   XX.] 


DIEGO   DE    MICUE9A. 


185 


£•     l 


CHAPTER  XX. 

Of  the  proceedings  of  Diego  de  Nicuesa,  the  Bachelor  Martin  Fernan- 
dez de  Enciso,  Vasco  Nufiez  de  Balboa  and  Francisco  Pizarro  in 
1509, 1510  and  151 1 ;  the  settlement  of  the  three  last  at  Darien ;  the 
conduct  of  the  people  of  Darien  to  Nicuesa;  his  hardships  and 
death. 

Diego  de  Nicuesa  was  not  without  his  misfortunes. 
Having  parted  from  Ojeda  at  Carthagenc.  he  em- 
barked in  a  caravel  that  he  might  reconnoitre  the 
coast,  and  after  a  boisterous  night,  could  not  see  the 
rest  of  the  squadron.  The  caravel  went  to  pieces  on 
an  island.  He  still  had  a  boat ;  but  one  night  four 
mariners  and  the  boat  disappeared.  The  sufferings 
of  Nicuesa  and  his  men  were  extreme.  Day  after 
day,  and  week  after  week  elapsed  without  any  miti- 
gation of  suffering  or  any  prospect  of  relief.  At 
length  a  sail  gleamed  on  the  horizon.  It  was  one  of 
two  brigantines  that  had  belonged  to  his  squadron, 
and  among  the  crew  were  the  four  sailors  who  had 
so  mysteriously  disappeared ;  they  had  left  Nicuesa  in 
the  night  to  go  in  quest  of  the  vessel :  the  other  three 
ships  had  been  broken  to  pieces  at  the  river  Belen, 
and  a  caravel  built  out  of  the  fragments.  Thither 
Nicuesa  now  went  in  the  brigantine  to  join  the  rest 
of  the  men.  Of  seven  hundred  who  had  sailed  with 
him  from  San  Domingo,  four  hundred  had  already 
perished ;  and  others  were  dyifig  of  famine.  Nicuesa 
determined  to  abandon  this  place.  Leaving  behind, 
24 


1 


1*  '  I 


186 


VASCO   NUNEZ   DE    BALBOA. 


[BOOK  1. 


under  the  command  of  Alonzo  Nunez,  some  of  the 
men  to  await  the  ripening  of  maize  and  vegetables 
which  they  had  sown,  he  embarked  the  rest  in  the 
two  brigantines  and  the  caravel  and  sailed  eastward. 
He  anchored  at  Porto  Bello,  but  being  assailed  by 
the  Indians,  continued  seven  leagues  further  to  the 
harbour  to  which  Columbus  had  given  the  name  of 
Puerto  de  Bastimientos  or  Port  of  Provisions ;  Ni- 
cuesa's  followers  called  it  Nombre  de  Dios.  Nicuesa 
began  immediately  to  erect  a  fortress,  and  when  he 
could  spare  men  for  the  purpose,  dispatched  the  cara- 
vel for  those  left  at  the  river  Belen.  Many  of  them 
had  perished.  On  mustering  all  his  forces,  when  thus 
united,  Nicuesa  found  that  but  one  hundred  remained ; 
and  they  were  emaciated  and  dejected.* 

At  the  time  that  Alonzo  de  Ojeda  departed  with  his 
armament  from  Hispaniola,  it  was  agreed  by  him  with 
the  bachelor  Martin  Fernandez  de  Enciso,  a  lawyer 
of  some  ability,  that  the  bachelor  should  follow  him 
with  reinforcements  and  supplies,  and  become  alcalde 
mayor  or  chief  judge.  A  man  contrived  to  get  in 
Enciso's  vessel  in  a  peculiar  way.f 

"  His  name  was  Yasco  Nunez  de  Balboa.  He  was  a  na- 
tive of  Xeres  de  los  Caballeros,  and  of  a  noble  though  im- 
poverished family.  He  had  been  brought  up  in  the  service 
of  Don  Pedro  Puerto  Carrero,  Lord  of  Moguer,  and  he  af- 
terwards enlisted  among  the  adventurers  who  accompanied 
Rodrigo  de  Bastides  in  his  voyage  of  discovery.  Peter 
Martyr,  in  his  Latin  decades,  speaks  of  him  by  the  appella- 
tion of  'egregius  digladiator,'  which  has  been  interpreted 
by  some  as  a  skilful  swor^lsman,  by  others  as  an  adroit  fen- 


*  Voyages  of  Companiona  of  Columbus,  p.  103  to  117.       t  Id.  p.  1X8. 


Wm^^''fl^^X^:^WP''^^^!-^^^Jl^^' 


'-HAP.   XX.] 


THE   BACHELOR   ENCISO. 


187 


cing  master.  He  intimates,  also,  that  he  was  a  mere  soldier 
of  fortune,  of  loose,  prodigal  habits,  and  the  circumstances 
under  which  he  is  first  introduce*^  to  us,  justify  this  cha- 
racter. He  had  fixed  himself  for  a  time  in  Hispaniola,  and 
undertaken  to  cultivate  a  farm  at  the  town  of  Salvatierra, 
on  the  sea  coast,  but  in  a  little  time  had  completely  in- 
volved himself  in  debt.  The  expedition  of  Enciso  pre- 
sented him  with  an  opportunity  of  escaping  from  his  em- 
barrassments, and  of  indulging  his  adventurous  habits.  To 
elude  the  vigilance  of  his  creditors  and  of  the  armed  escort, 
he  concealed  himself  in  a  cask,  which  was  conveyed  from 
his  farm  on  the  sea  coast,  on  board  of  the  vessel,  as  if  con- 
taining provisions  for  the  voyage.  When  the  vessel  was 
fairly  out  at  sea,  and  abandoned  by  the  escort,  Yasco  Nu- 
nez emerged,  like  an  apparition,  from  his  cask,  to  the  great 
surprise  of  Enciso,  who  had  been  totally  ignorant  of  the 
stratagem.  The  bachelor  was  indignant  at  being  thus  out- 
witted, even  though  he  gained  a  recruit  by  the  deception ; 
and,  in  the  first  ebullition  of  his  wrath,  gave  the  fugitive 
debtor  a  very  rough  reception,  threatening  to  put  him  on 
shore  on  the  first  uninhabited  island  they  should  encounter. 
Vasco  Nunez,  however,  succeeded  in  pacifying  him,  'for 
God,'  says  the  venerable  Las  Casas,  'reserved  him  for 
greater  things.'  It  is  probable  the  bachelor  beheld  in  him 
a  man  well  fitted  for  his  expedition,  for  Yasco  Nunez  was 
in  the  prime  and  vigour  of  his  days,  tall  and  muscular,  sea- 
soned to  hardships,  and  of  intrepid  spirit. 

"  Arriving  at  the  main  land,  they  touched  at  the  fatal 
harbour  of  Carthagena,  the  scene  of  the  sanguinary  con- 
flicts of  Ojeda  and  Nicuesa,  with  the  natives,  and  of  the 
death  of  the  brave  Juan  de  la  Cosa.  Enciso  was  ignorant 
of  those  events,  having  had  no  tidings  from  those  adventu- 
rers since  their  departure  from  San  Domingo ;  without  any 
hesitation,  therefore,  he  landed  a  number  of  his  men  to  re- 
pair his  boat,  which  was  damaged,  and  to  procure  water. 


W 
■fe|' 


188 


CONDUCT    OF    THE    NATIVES. 


[book  I. 


While  the  men  were  working  upon  the  boat,  a  multitude  of 
Indians  gathered  at  a  distance,  well  armed,  and  with  me- 
nacing aspect,  sounding  their  shells  and  brandishing  their 
weapons.  The  experience  they  had  had  of  the  tremen- 
dous powers  of  the  strangers,  however,  rendered  them  cau- 
tious of  attacking,  and  for  three  days  they  hovered  in  this 
manner  about  the  Spaniards,  the  latter  being  obliged  to 
keep  continually  on  the  alert.  At  length  two  of  the  Spa- 
niards ventured  one  day  from  the  main  body  to  fill  a  water 
cask  from  the  adjacent  river.  Scarcely  had  they  reached 
the  margin  of  the  stream,  when  eleven  savages  sprang  from 
the  thickets  and  surrounded  them,  bending  their  bows  and 
pointing  their  arrows.  In  this  way  they  stood  for  a  mo- 
ment or  two  in  fearful  suspense,  the  Indians  refraining 
from  discharging  their  shafts,  but  keeping  them  constantly 
pointed  at  their  breasts.  One  of  the  Spaniards  attempted 
to  escape  to  his  comrades,  who  were  repairing  the  boat,  but 
the  other  called  him  back,  and,  understanding  something  of 
the  Indian  tongue,  addressed  a  few  amicable  words  to  the 
savages.  The  latter,  astonished  at  being  spoken  to  in  their 
own  language,  now  relaxed  a  little  from  their  fierceness, 
and  demanded  of  the  strangers  who  they  were,  who  were 
their  leaders,  and  what  they  sought  upon  their  shores. 
The  Spaniard  replied  that  they  were  harmless  people,  who 
came  from  other  lands,  and  merely  touched  there  through 
necessity,  and  he  wondered  that  they  should  meet  them 
with  such  hostility ;  he  at  the  same  time  warned  them  to 
beware,  as  there  would  come  many  of  his  countrymen  well 
armed,  and  would  wreak  terrible  vengeance  upon  them  for 
any  mischief  they  might  do.  While  they  were  thus  par- 
leying, the  Bachelor  Enciso,  hearing  that  two  of  his  men 
were  surrounded  by  the  savages,  sallied  instantly  from  his 
ship,  and  hastened  with  an  armed  force  to  their  rescue. 
As  he  approached,  however,  the  Spaniard  who  had  held  the 
parley,  made  him  a  signal  that  the  natives  were  pacific.    In 


CHAP.   IX.] 


CONDUCT    or   THE    NATIVES. 


u» 


fact,  the  latter  had  supposed  that  this  was  a  new  invasion 
of  Ojeda  and  Nicuesa,  and  had  thus  arrayed  themselves,  if 
not  to  take  vengeance  for  past  outrages,  at  least  to  defend 
their  houses  from  a  second  desolation.     When  they  were 
convinced,  however,  that  these  were  a  totally  different  band 
of  strangers  and  without  hostile  intentions,  their  animosity 
was  at  an  end ;  they  threw  by  their  weapons,  and  came 
forward  with  the  most  confiding  frankness.     During  the 
whole  time  that  the  Spaniards  remained  there,  they  treated 
them  with  the  greatest  friendship,  supplying  them  with 
bread  made  from  maize,  with  salted  fish,  and  with  the  fer- 
mented and  spirituous  beverages,  common  along  that  coast. 
Such  was  the  magrfflinimous  conduct  of  men  who  were 
considered  among  the  most  ferocious  and  warlike  of  these 
savage  nations;  and  who,  but  recently,  had  beheld  their 
shores  invaded,  their  villages  ravaged  and  burnt,  and  their 
friends  and  relations  butchered,  without  regard  to  age  or 
sex,  by  the  countrymen  of  these  very  strangers.     When 
we  recall  the  bloody  and  indiscriminate  vengeance  wreaked 
upon  this  people  by  Ojeda  and  his  followers,  for  their  jus- 
tifiable resistance  of  invasion,  and  compare  it  with  their 
placable  and  considerate  spirit  when  an  opportunity  for  re- 
venge presented  itself,  we  confess  we  feel  a  momentary 
doubt  whether  the  arbitrary  appellation  of  savage  is  always 
applied  to  the  right  party. 

"Not  long  after  the  arrival  of  Enciso  at  this  eventful 
harbour,  he  was  surprised  by  the  circumstance  of  a  brigan- 
tine  entering  and  coming  to  anchor.  To  encounter  an 
European  sail  in  these  almost  unknown  seas,  was  always  a 
singular  and  striking  occurrence,  but  the  astonishment  of 
the  bachelor  was  mingled  with  alarm  when,  on  boarding 
the  brigantine,  he  found  that  it  was  manned  by  a  number 
of  the  men  who  had  embarked  with  Ojeda.  His  first  idea 
was,  that  they  had  mutinied  against  their  commander,  and 
deserted  with  the  vessel.     The  feelings  of  the  magistrate 


m 


190 


FRANCISCO    PIZARRO. 


[book  I. 


were  aroused  within  him  by  the  suspicion,  and  he  deter- 
mined to  take  his  first  step  as  Alcalde  Mayor,  by  seizing 
them  and  inflicting  on  them  the  severity  of  the  law.  He 
altered  his  tone,  however,  on  conversing  with  their  resolute 
commander.  This  was  no  other  than  Francisco  Pizarro, 
whom  Ojeda  had  left  as  his  locum  tenens  at  San  Sebastian, 
and  who  shewed  the  bachelor  his  letter  patent,  signed  by 
that  unfortunate  governor.  In  fact,  the  little  brigantine 
contained  the  sad  remnant  of  the  once  vaunted  colony. 
After  the  departure  of  Ojeda  in  the  pirate  ship,  his  follow- 
ers, whom  he  had  left  behind  under  the  command  of  Pi- 
zarro, continued  in  the  fortress  until  the  stipulated  term  of 
fifty  days  had  expired.  Receiving  no  succour,  and  hearing 
no  tidings  of  Ojeda,  they  then  determined  to  embark  and 
sail  for  Hispaniola;  but  here  an  unthought-of  difficulty 
presented  itself,  they  were  seventy  in  number,  and  the  two 
brigantines  which  had  been  left  with  them  were  incapable 
of  taking  so  many.  They  came  to  the  forlorn  agreement, 
therefore,  to  remain  until  famine,  sickness,  and  the  poisoned 
arrows  of  the  Indians  should  reduce  their  number  to  the 
capacity  of  the  brigantines.  A  brief  space  of  time  was  suf- 
ficient for  the  purpose.  They  then  prepared  for  the  voy- 
age. Four  mares,  which  had  been  kept  alive  as  terrors  to 
the  Indians,  were  killed  and  salted  for  sea-stores.  Then 
taking  whatever  other  articles  of  provision  remained,  they 
embarked  and  made  sail.  One  brigantine  was  commanded 
by  Pizarro,  the  other  by  one  Valenzuela."* 

They  had  not  proceeded  far,  when,  in  a  storm,  a 
sea  struck  the  crazy  vessel  of  Valenzuela  with  such 
violence  as  to  cause  it  to  founder  with  all  its  crew. 
The  brigantine  which  remained,  then  made  the  best 
of  its  way  to  the  harbour  of  Carthagena,  to  seek  pro- 
visions.! 


-*  Voyage*  of  Companions  of  Columbus,  p.  118  to  124.       t  Id.  134, 5. 


CHAr.  ».] 


THE    BACHELOR   ENCISO. 


191 


The  Bachelor  Enciso  was  told  that  about  twenty- 
five  leagues  to  the  west  lay  a  province  called  Zenu, 
the  mountains  of  which  abounded  with  gold,  and  in 
this  province  jivas  a  place  of  sepulture  where  the  In- 
dians were  buried  with  their  most  precious  orna- 
ments. 


« 


It  apppeared  to  him  a  matter  of  course,  therefore,  that 
there  must  be  an  immense  accumulation  of  riches  in  the 
Indian  tombs,  from  the  golden  ornaments  that  had  been 
buried  with  the  dead  through  a  long  series  of  generations. 
Fired  with  the  thought,  he  determined  to  make  a  foray 
into  this  province,  and  to  sack  the  sepulchres  !  Neither  did 
he  feel  any  compunction  at  the  idea  of  plundering  the 
dead,  considering  the  deceased  as  pagans  and  infidels,  who 
had  forfeited  even  the  sanctuary  of  the  grave,  by  having 
been  buried  according  to  the  rites  and  ceremonies  of  their 
idolatrous  religion. 

"  Enciso,  accordingly,  made  sale  from  Garthagena,  and 
landed  with  his  forces  on  the  coast  of  Zenu.  Here  he  was 
promptly  opposed  by  two  caciques,  at  the  head  of  a  large 
band  of  warriors.  The  bachelor,  though  he  had  thus  put 
on  the  soldier,  retained  sufficient  of  the  spirit  of  his  former 
calling  not  to  enter  into  a  quarrel  without  taking  care  to 
have  the  law  on  his  side ;  he  proceeded  regularly,  there- 
fore, according  to  the  legal  form  recently  enjoined  by  the 
crown;  He  caused  to  be  read  and  interpreted  to  the  ca- 
ciques, the  same  formula  used  by  Ojeda,  expounding  the 
nature  of  the  Deity,  the  suprerhacy  of  the  Pope,  and  the 
right  of  the  Catholic  sovereigns  to  all  these  lands,  by  vir- 
tue of  a  grant  from  his  Holiness.  The  caciques  listened  to 
the  whole  very  attentively  and  without  interruption,  ac- 
cording to  the  laws  of  Indian  courtesy.  They  then  replied 
that,  as  to  the  assertion  that  there  was  but  one  God,  the 
sovereign  of  heaven  and  earth,  it  seemed  to  them  good,  and 


m 


m 


192 


THE    BACHELOR   ENCISO. 


[BOOK   I. 


¥ 


W 


that  such  must  be  the  case  ;  but  as  to  the  doctrine  that  the 
Pope  was  regent  of  the  world  in  place  of  God,  and  that  he 
had  made  a  grant  of  their  country  to  the  Spanish  king, 
they  observed  that  the  Pope  must  have  been  drunk  to  give 
away  what  was  not  his,  and  the  king  must  have  been  some- 
what mad  to  ask  at  his  hands  what  belonged  to  others. 
They  added,  that  they  were  lords  of  those  lands,  and 
needed  no  other  sovereign,  and  if  this  king  should  come 
to  take  possession,  they  would  cut  off  his  head  and  put  it 
on  a  pole ;  that  being  their  mode  of  dealing  with  their  ene- 
mies. As  an  illustration  of  this  custom,  they  pointed  out 
to  Enciso  the  very  uncomfortable  spectacle  of  a  row  of 
grisly  heads  impaled  in  the  neighbourhood. 

"  Nothing  daunted  either  by  the  reply  or  the  illustration, 
the  bachelor  menaced  them  with  war  and  slavery  as  the 
consequences  of  their  refusal  to  believe  and  submit.  They 
replied  by  threatening  to  put  his  head  upon  a  pole  as  a 
representative  of  his  sovereign.  The  bachelor  having  fur- 
nished them  with  the  law,  now  proceeded  to  the  commen- 
tary. He  attacked  the  Indians,  routed  them,  and  took  one 
of  the  caciques  prisoner,  but  in  the  skirmish  two  of  his 
men  were  slightly  wounded  with  poisoned  arrows,  and  died 
raving  with  torment.^ 

"  It  does  not  appear,  however,  that  his  crusade  against 
the  sepulchres,  was  attended  with  any  lucrative  advantage." 

The  Bachelor  Enciso  contented  himself  with  his 
victory,  and  returning  to  his  ships,  prepared  to  con- 


*  The  nbove  anecdote  ia  related  by  tlie 
Bachelor  Encfso  himself,  in  a  geographical 
work,  entitled  Suma  dt  OeograpHia,  which 
he  published  in  Seville  in  1519.  As  the 
reply  of  the  poor  savages  contains  some- 
thing of  natural  logic,  we  give  a  part  of  it 
as  reported  by  the  bachelor :  "  Respondie- 
ron  me :  que  en  lo  que  dezia  que  no  avia 
Bino  un  dios  y  que  este  governaba  el  cielo 
J  la  tlerra  y  que  era  sefior  de  todo  que  les 


parecia  y  que  asi  debia  ser :  pero  que  eii  lo 
que  dezia  que  el  papa  era  seiior  de  todo  el 
universo  en  lugar  de  dios  y  que  el  avia  fe- 
cho  merced  de  aquella  tierra  al  rey  de  Cas- 
tilla ;  dixeron  que  el  papa  debiera  estarbo- 
racho  qaando  lo  hizo,  pues  daba  lo  que  no 
era  suyo,  y  que  el  rey  que  pedia  y  tomava 
tal  merced  debia  ser  algun  loco  pues  pedia 
lo  que  era  de  otros,"  &c. 


wjW^   Hu^iw  II  tm  ■ 


CHAP.   kX.] 


THE    BACHELOR   ENCISO. 


193 


tinue  his  voyage  to  San  Sebastian.     The  crew  of 
the  brigantine  of  Pizarro  had  great  objection  to  re- 
turning thither.     But  it  was  well  for  Enciso  that  they 
accompanied  him.     For  on  entering  the  harbour,  his 
vessel  struck  on  a  rock  and  was  rent  to  pieces ;  and 
his  crew  escaped  with  great  difficulty  to  the  brigan- 
tine.    On  landing,  he  found  the  fortress  and  its  adja- 
cent houses  mere  heaps  of  ruins,  having  been  de- 
stroyed with  fire  by  the  Indians.     Enciso  was  dis- 
heartened at  the  situation  of  things,  and  took  counsel 
from  Vasco  Nunez,  who  offered  to  guide  him  to  a 
village  which  he  had  seen  when  he  sailed  with  Bas- 
tides,  on  the  banks  of  a  river  called  by  the  natives 
Darien.    Here  attacking  the  natives  and  putting  them 
to  flight,  he  took  possession  of  their  village  and  es- 
tablished his  seat  of  government  in  it ;  giving  to  it 
the  name  of  Santa  Maria  de  la  Antigua  del  Darien. 
Both  he  and  his  followers  were  greatly  elated  by  their 
victory  and  their  booty.    But  discontent  soon  arose ; 
and  Vasco  Nunez  took  advantage  of  it.     He  sought 
to  make  a  party  against  the  bachelor  and  to  unseat 
him  from  his  command.     He  attacked  him  in  his 
own  way,  with  legal  weapons.     The  boundary  line, 
he  observed,  which  separated  the  jurisdictions  of 
Ojeda  and  Nicuesa  ran  through  the  centre  of  the 
gulf  of  Uraba.     The  village  of  Darien  lay  on  the 
western  side  which  had  been  allotted  to  Nicuesa. 
Enciso,  therefore,  as  alcalde  mayor,  and  lieutenant  of 
Ojeda,  could  have  no  jurisdiction  here ;  his  assumed 
authority  was  a  sheer  usurpation.     The  Spaniards,  al- 
ready incensed  at  some  fiscal  regulations  of  Enciso, 
were  easily  convinced ;  so,  with  one  accord,  they  re- 
fused allegiance  to  him,  and  the  unfortunate  bachelor 
26 


imrftan 


•i^< 


i 


194 


VASCO   NUNEB   DC   BALBOA. 


[book  I. 


found  the  chair  of  authority,  to  which  he  had  so 
fondly  aspired,  suddenly  wrested   from  under  him. 
The  people  appointed  Vasco  NuAez  and  one  Zemu- 
dio  as  alcaldes,  together  with  a  cavaher,  of  some  me- 
rit, of  the  name  of  Valdivia,  as  regidor.     The  alter- 
cations, however,  did  not  cease.     In  the  height  of 
them  two  ships  were  seen  standing  across  the  gulf. 
They  proved  to  be  an  armament  commanded  by  one 
Rodrigo  de  Colmenares,  and  were  in  search  of  Ni- 
cuesa  with  supplies.     He  represented   the  right  of 
Nicuesa  to  the  command  of  all  that  part  of  the  coast, 
and  the  people  generally  agreed  that  two  persons 
should  go  with  Rodrigo  as  ambassadors,  to  invite  Ni- 
cuesa to  come  and  assume  the  government  of  Darien.* 
Proceeding  along  the  coast  to  the  westward,  Rod- 
rigo discovered,  one  day,  a  brigantine  at  a  small  island, 
and  making  up  to  it,  found  it  had  been  sent  out  by 
Nicuesa  to  forage  for  provisions.     By  this  vessel  he 
was  piloted  to  the  port  of  Nombre  de  Dios.     He 
found  Nicuesa  in  the  most  abject  misery;  himself 
squalid  and  dejected ;  and  of  his  men  but  sixty  re- 
maining ;  and  they  so  feeble,  yellow,  emaciated  and 
woe  begone,  that  it   was  piteous   to  behold  them. 
When  Nicuesa  heard  of  the  settlement  at  Darien, 
and  the  mission  thence  to  him,  he  was  greatly  revived. 
Unluckily,  in  conversing  with  the  envoys  he  began  to 
disclose  the  kind  of  policy  with  which  he  intended  to 
rule ;  and  when  they  went  back,  the  report  they  made 
was  not  at  all  satisfactory.     Other  information  soon 
afterwards  received  concerning  Nicuesa,  gave  addi- 
tional dissatisfaction  to  the  people  of  Darien.     Vasco 
Nunez  told  them  the  obvious  remedy  was  not  to  re- 


*  Voyagef  of  CompanioDB  of  Columbus,  p.  139  to  138. 


mm  iv  ■ '"1  j'lJf^v^  iw"! 


euAr.  XX.] 


BurrcRiNGs  or  micucsa. 


195 


ceive  Nicuesa  when  he  came;  and  this  was  deter- 
mined on.  So  when  Nicuesa  approached  the  shore, 
instead  of  being  received  with  honour,  a  pubUc  func- 
tionary warned  him  not  to  Ji§r  mbark.  That  day, 
they  would  not  allow  him  to  land ;  next  day  he  was 
invited  to  land,  but  when  he  set  foot  on  shore,  the 
multitude  rushed  to  seize  him.  Vasco  Nunez  had 
not  anticipated  such  popular  fury,  and  endeavoured 
to  allay  the  tempest  he  had  raised.  Through  his  me- 
diation, Nicuesa  now  held  a  parley  with  the  populace. 
He  begged  that  if  they  would  not  acknowledge  him 
as  governor,  they  would,  at  least,  admit  him  as  a  com- 
panion. This  they  refused,  saying  that  if  they  admit- 
ted him  in  one  capacity,  it  would  end  in  his  attaining 
the  other.  He  then  implored  that  if  he  could  be  ad- 
mitted on  no  other  terms,  they  would  treat  him  as  a 
prisoner  and  put  him  in  irons,  for  he  would  rather  die 
among  them  than  return  to  Nombre  de  Dios.  Even 
this  was  not  granted.  He  was  compelled  by  menaces 
of  death,  to  swear  that  he  would  immediately  depart, 
and  make  no  delay  in  any  place  until  he  had  pre- 
sented himself  before  the  king  and  council  in  Cas- 
tile ;  and  there  was  allotted  to  him  the  worst  vessel 
in  the  harbour,  an  old  crazy  brigantine  totally  unfit 
to  encounter  the  perils  of  the  sea.  Seventeen  fol- 
lowers embarked  with  him ;  some  being  of  his  house- 
hold and  attached  to  his  person ;  the  rest  were  volun- 
teers, who  accompanied  him  out  of  respect  and  sym- 
pathy. The  frail  bark  set  sail  on  the  1st  of  March 
1511,  and  steered  across  the  Caribbean  sea  ibr  the 
island  of  Hispaniola,  but  was  never  seen  or  heard  of 
more.* 


i 


*  Vojrageg  of  Companiona  of  Columbui,  p.  138  to  146. 


196 


RETURN    OF    ENCISO    TO    SPAIN    IN    1511.  ["OO*  >• 


I  f  i    >. 


•^:ys,^ir-:    '■<:$• ''^ 

--:«;  .    i-'^'S      ■ 

.■^:'r!.^^'^ 

■■•i-'      i^-'T 

-ff: 

ir^'Y.m^Mr.i  ^mm^s 

:»s*i4r' ^»^^  . 

i.''i-.\-   ''it'-     '■^'  ■■  -  : 

/    .    *■        ■  ' 

^;/  ;^   .» 

•i 

:>■      :h--  hijnim 

^2i>:r:xMt 

■    ■■     fu'^:''      • 

■• ;  ■    , 

;'r:  ^^•.,-;. 

•      '.  t 

f!.v,'    'h'^  ■fe^J'VH*^^ 

.!-.i^>' 


'^  '-/:'' 


CHAPTER  XXI. 


Of  the  return  of  the  Bachelor  Enciso  to  Spain  in  1511 ;  the  attack  of 
Vasco  Nu&ez  upon  Careta)  the  cacique  of  Coyba ;  the  peace  made 
between  them,  by  Vasco  Nuiiez  taking  as  a  wife  a  young  and  beau- 
tiful daughter  of  Careta ;  the  invasion  by  Nuftez  of  the  territories  of 
Ponca,  an  adversary  of  Careta ;  his  friendly  visit  to  Comagre ;  the 
skill  and  solidity  of  the  architecture  of  Comagre's  village ;  and  the 
information  received  from  the  son  of  Comagre,  of  a  great  sea  and 
opulent  country  beyond  the  mountains. 

The  question  now  was,  who  should  have  the  rule. 
The  Bachelor  Enciso  insisted  upon  his  claims  as  pa- 
ramount :  but  he  who  was  to  have  been  a  judge  upon 
the  bench,  now  became  a  culprit  at  the  bar.  Vasco 
Nunez  had  him  tried  for  usurping  the  powers  of  Al- 
calde Mayor  on  the  mere  appointment  of  Alonzo  de 
Ojeda,  whose  jurisdiction  did  not  extend  to  this  pro- 
vince. On  this  charge  he  was  convicted  and  thrown 
into  prison,  and  all  his  property  was  confiscated.  His 
friends,  however,  interceded  warmly  in  his  behalf,  and 
at  length  obtained  his  release  from  confinement  and 
permission  for  him  to  return  to  Spain.  In  the  small 
vessel  in  which  he  went,  Vasco  Nunez  prevailed  on 
his  fellow  Alcalde  Zamudio  and  the  Regidor  Valdivia 
to  embark  also;  the  former  to  return  to  Spain  to 
make  the  best  report  he  could ;  the  latter  to  Hispa- 
niola,  to  obtain  provisions  and  recruits,  and  make  a 
present  to  the  treasurer  of  that  island,  (who  had  cre- 
dit with  the  king  and  extensive  powers,)  and  crave 


CHAP.   XXI.] 


CONDUCT   TO   THE    NATIVES. 


197 


his  protection  in  the  new  world  and  his  influence  at 

court.*         '^^'■K.'y-^t^-'ii.'ii  -Vt-? -!:;;«•  >>■"«);• '''i'-'  ■!;;'''' '^   '»i<-'-'i  ,  *S','^'.-.'f" 

Vasco  Nunez  sent  Pizarro  with  six  men,  to  explore 
a  province  about  thirty  leagues  distant,  called  Coyba, 
in  which  expedition  there  was  a  conflict  with  the  na- 
tives. He  also  dispatched  two  brigantines  for  such 
of  the  followers  of  Nicuesa  as  remained  at  Nombre 
de  Dios :  they  rejoiced  at  being  brought  to  Darien. 
In  coasting  the  shores,  the  brigantines  picked  up  two 
Spaniards,  who,  to  escape  some  punishment,  had  fled 
from  the  ship  of  Nicuesa  about  a  year  and  a  half  be- 
fore, and  had  taken  refuge  with  Careta,  the  cacique 
of  Coyba.  By  him  they  had  been  treated  with  hos- 
pitable kindness,  and  their  first  return  for  it,  now  that 
they  were  safe  among  their  countrymen,  was  to  ad- 
vise the  latter  to  invade  the  cacique  in  his  dwelling, 
where  they  assured  them  immense  booty  would  be 
found.  One  of  them  proceeded  to  Darien  to  serve 
as  a  guide  to  any  such  expedition ;  the  other  returned 
to  the  cacique,  to  assist  in  betraying  him.  Afl;er  Nu- 
nez had  been  received  by  the  cacique  with  hospita- 
lity, he  made  a  pretended  departure  for  Darien  with 
his  troops;  and  in  the  dead  of  night,  when  the  In- 
dians were  asleep,  led  his  men  into  the  village,  and 
made  captives  of  Careta,  his  wives  and  children,  and 
many  of  his  people.  He  discovered,  also,  a  hoard  of 
provisions,  with  which  he  loaded  two  brigantines. 
And  then  he  returned  with  his  booty  and  his  captives 
to  Darien.f 

"When  the  unfortunate  cacique  beheld   his  family  in 
chains,  and  in  the  hands  of  strangers,  his  heart  was  wrung 

*  Voyages  of  Companions  of  Columbus,  p.  138  to  150.       f  Id.  p.  151  to  153. 


;• 


r^ 


198 


VOTAOE    OF    VASCO   NUNEZ. 


[BOOK   I. 


with  despair :  '  What  have  I  done  to  thee,'  said  he  to  Yasco 
Nunez,  'that  thou  shouldst  treat  me  thus  cruelly?  None  of 
thy  people  ever  came  to  my  land  that  were  not  fed,  and 
sheltered,  and  treated  with  loving  kindness.  When  thou 
camest  to  my  dwelling,  did  I  meet  thee  with  a  javelin  in 
my  hand  ?  Did  I  not  set  meat  and  drink  before  thee,  and 
welcome  thee  as  a  brother  ?  Set  me  free,  therefore,  with 
my  family  and  people,  and  we  will  remain  thy  friends. 
We  will  supply  thee  with  provisions,  and  reveal  to  thee  the 
riches  of  the  land.  Dost  thou  doubt  my  faith  ?  Behold 
my  daughter,  I  give  her  to  thee  as  a  pledge  of  friendship. 
Take  her  for  thy  wife,  and  be  assured  of  the  fidelity  of  her 
family  and  her  people !'  "  *  .   . , 

The  maid  was  young  and  beautiful;  and  Nunez 
felt  the  importance  of  a  strong  alliance  with  the  na- 
tives. He  granted  the  father's  prayer  and  accepted 
the  daughter.  She  remained  with  Nunez,  and  was 
his  wife,  according  to  the  usages  of  her  country ;  he 
treated  her  with  fondness,  and  she  gradually  acquired 
great  influence  over  him.f 

Nunez  had  promised  the  cacique  to  aid  him  against 
his  enemies,  on  condition  of  his  furnishing  provisions 
to  the  colony.  Taking  with  him  eighty  men,  and  his 
companion  in  arms  Rodrigo  Enriquez  de  Colmenares, 
he  repaired  by  sea  to  Coyba.  Here  landing,  he  in- 
vaded the  territories  of  Ponca,  the  great  adversary  of 
Careta,  and  obliged  him  to  take  refuge  in  the  moun- 
tains. He  then  ravaged  his  lands  and  sacked  his  vil- 
lages, in  which  he  found  considerable  booty.  Re- 
turning to  Coyba,  he  next  made  a  friendly  visit  to  the 
adjacent  province  of  Comagre,  which  was  under  a 

*  Voyages  of  Companions  of  Columbus,  p.  153,  4.       f  Id.  p.  154, 5. 


OHAP.   XXI.] 


ARCHITECTUPE    OF    COMAORE. 


199 


cacique  with  three  thousand  fighting  men.  His  dwel- 
Hng  surpassed  any  they  had  yet  seen  for  magnitude 
and  for  the  skill  and  solidity  of  the  architecture.  It 
was  one  hundred  and  fifty  paces  in  length  and  eighty 
in  breadth,  founded  upon  great  logs,  surrounded  with 
a  stone  wall ;  while  the  upper  part  was  of  wood  work, 
curiously  interwoven  and  wrought  with  great  beauty. 
It  contained  many  commodious  apartments.  In  a  re- 
tired part  of  it  was  a  great  hall,  wherein  Comagre 
preserved  the  bodies  of  his  relatives.  These  had 
been  dried  by  the  fire,  so  as  to  free  them  from  cor- 
ruption, and  afterwards  wrapped  in  mantles  of  cotton, 
richly  wrought  and  interwoven  with  pearls  and  jewels 
of  gold,  and  with  certain  stones  held  precious  by  the 
natives.  They  were  then  hung  about  the  hall  with 
cords  of  cotton,  and  regarded  with  great  reverence, 
if  not  a  species  of  religious  devotion.  A  son  of  the 
cacique  gave  to  Nunez  and  Colmenares  four  thousand 
ounces  of  gold,  wrought  into  various  ornaments,  to- 
gether with  sixty  slaves,  being  captives  that  he  had 
taken  in  the  wars.  Nunez  ordered  one  fifth  of  the 
gold  to  be  set  apart  for  the  crown,  and  the  rest  to  be 
shared  among  his  followers.  When  the  Spaniards 
were  weighing  it  out,  a  quarrel  arose  among  them  as 
to  the  size  and  value  of  the  pieces  which  fell  to  their 
respective  shares.  The  Indian  who  had  made  the 
gift,  then  spoke  to  them  in  this  manner  :* 

"'Why  should  you  quarrel  for  such  a  trifle?  If  this 
gold  is  indeed  so  precious  in  your  eyes,  that  for  it  alone 
you  abandon  your  homes,  invade  the  peaceful  lands  of 


1 


*  Voyages  of  Companions  of  Columbus,  p.  156  to  158. 


200 


SEA   BEYOND    THE    MOUNTAINS. 


[book  I. 


\p 


I  t 


others,  and  expose  yourselves  to  such  sufferings  and  perils, 
I  will  tell  you  of  a  region  where  you  may  gratify  your 
wishes  to  the  utmost.  Behold  those  lofty  mountains,'  con- 
tinued he,  pointing  to  the  south.  'Beyond  these  lies  a 
mighty  sea,  which  may  be  discerned  from  their  summit. 
It  is  navigated  by  people  who  have  vessels  almost  as  large 
as  yours,  and  furnished,  like  them,  with  sails  and  oars.  All 
the  streams  which  flow  down  the  southern  side  of  those 
mountains  into  that  sea,  abound  in  gold ;  and  the  kings 
who  reign  upon  its  borders  eat  and  drink  out  of  golden  ves- 
sels. Gold,  in  fact,  is  as  plentiful  and  common  among 
those  people  of  the  south,  as  iron  is  among  you  Spaniards.' 

"  Struck  with  this  intelligence,  Vasco  Nunez  inquired 
eagerly  as  to  the  means  of  penetrating  to  this  sea  and  to 
the  opulent  regions  on  its  shores.  '  The  task,'  replied  the 
prince,  '  is  difficult  and  dangerous.  You  must  pass  through 
the  territories  of  many  powerful  caciques,  who  will  oppose 
you  with  hosts  of  warriors.  Some  parts  of  the  mountains 
are  infested  by  fierce  and  cruel  cannibals,  a  wandering,  law- 
less race :  but,  above  all,  you  will  have  to  encounter  the 
great  cacique  Tubanama,  whose  territories  are  at  the  dis- 
tance of  six  days  journey,  and  more  rich  in  gold  than  any 
other  province ;  this  cacique  will  be  sure  to  come  forth 
against  you  with  a  mighty  force.  To  accomplish  your  en- 
terprise, therefore,  will  require  at  least  a  thousand  men, 
armed  like  those  who  follow  you.' 

"  The  youthful  cacique  gave  him  further  information  on 
the  subject,  collected  from  various  captives  whom  he  had 
taken  in  battle,  and  from  one  of  his  own  nation,  who  had 
been  for  a  long  time  in  captivity  to  Tubanama,  the  power- 
ful cacique  of  the  golden  realm.  The  prince,  moreover, 
offered  to  prove  the  sincerity  of  his  words  by  accompany- 
ing Vasco  Nunez  in  any  expedition  to  those  parts,  at  the 
head  of  his  father's  warriors. 


m 


^m 


i 


^r^T^-  'W^'^'^  TT^r  »7TT?;  j^i'-T"  r 


CHAP.   XXI.] 


SEA   BfcyOND   THE    MOUNTAINS. 


201 


"  Such  was  the  first  intimation  received  by  Vasco  Nunez 
of  the  Pacific  Ocean  and  its  golden  realms,  and  it  had  an 
immediate  effect  upon  his  whole  character  and  conduct. 
This  hitherto  Avandering  and  desperate  man  had  now  ati 
enterprise  opened  to  his  ambition,  which,  if  accomplished, 
would  elevate  him  to  fame  and  fortune,  and  entitle  him  to 
rank  among  the  great  captains  and  discoverers  of  the  earth. 
Henceforth  the  discovery  of  the  sea  beyond  the  mountains 
was  the  great  object  of  his  thoughts,  and  his  whole  spirit 
seemed  roused  and  ennobled  by  the  idea. 

"  He  hastened  his  return  to  Darien,  to  make  the  neces- 
sary preparations  for  this  splendid  enterprise.  Before  de- 
parting from  the  province  of  Comagre  he  baptized  that  ca- 
cique by  the  name  of  Don  Carlos,  and  performed  the  same 
ceremony  upon  his  sons  and  several  of  his  subjects.  Thus 
singularly  did  avarice  and  religion  go  hand  in  hand  in  the 
conduct  of  the  Spanish  discoverers. 

"  Scarcely  had  Vasco  Nunez  returned  to  Darien,  when 
the  Regidor  Valdivia  arrived  there  from  Hispaniola,  but 
with  no  more  provisions  than  could  be  brought  in  his  small 
caravel.  These  were  soon  consumed,  and  the  general  scar- 
city continued.  It  was  heightened  also  by  a  violent  tem- 
pest of  thunder,  lightning  and  rain,  which  brought  such  tor- 
rents from  the  mountains  that  the  river  swelled  and  over- 
flowed its  banks,  laying  waste  all  the  adjacent  fields  that 
had  been  cultivated.  In  this  extremity  Vasco  Nunez  dis- 
patched Valdivia  a  second  time  to  Hispaniola  for  provisions. 
Animated  also  by  the  loftier  views  of  his  present  ambition, 
he  wrote  to  Don  Diego  Columbus,  who  governed  at  San 
Domingo,  informing  him  of  the  intelligence  he  had  re- 
ceived of  a  great  sea  and  opulent  realms  beyond  the  moun- 
tains, and  entreating  him  to  use  his  influence  with  the  king 
that  one  thousand  men  might  be  immediately  furnished 
him  for  the  prosecution  of  so  grand  a  discovery.  He  sent 
him  also  the  amount  of  fifteen  thousand  crowns  in  gold,  to 
26 


'--r-'-'rwr-ziini^  -» '  — 


202 


SEA   BEYOND   THE   MOUNTAINS. 


[BOOK    I. 


i 


be  remitted  to  the  king  as  the  royal  fifths  of  what  had 
already  been  collected  under  his  jurisdiction.  Many  of  his 
followers,  also,  forwarded  sums  of  gold,  to  be  remitted  to 
their  creditors  in  Spain.  In  the  meantime,  Yasco  Nunez 
prayed  the  admiral  to  yield  him  prompt  succour  to  enable 
him  to  keep  his  footing  in  the  land,  representing  the  diffi- 
culty he  had  in  maintaining,  with  a  mere  handful  of  men, 
so  vast  a  country  in  a  state  of  subjection.'"'*' 


li 


*  Voyages  of  Companions  of  Columbus,  p.  158  to  160. 


im 


.-^■jv^rrtf  f-Ti'l^Tir-^-f' 


had 
f  his 
id  to 
[unez 
nable 
diffi- 
men, 


CHAP.  XXII.]  CABOT   PILOT    OP    SPAIN    IN    1512. 


;  *  '-S  •■'I 


■     { 


203 


•*( 


CHAPTER  XXII. 


Of  the  death  of  Americus  Vespucius  in  1512,  and  the  appointment  of 
Sebastian  Cabot  as  his  successor:  Bartholomew  Columbus  sent  this 
year  from  Spain  with  instructions  to  his  nephew  the  admiral. 

Americus  Vespucius  retained  the  office  of  chief 
pilot  of  Spain  until  his  death  on  the  22d  of  February 
1512.  His  widow  Maria  Corezo  was  then  allowed  a 
pension  of  ten  thousand  maravedis.*  Vespucius  was 
succeeded  by  Juan  Diaz  de  Solis  as  chief  pilot,  and 
Sebastian  Cabot  succeeded  him.f 

There  is  not  a  concurrence  in  opinion  as  to  the 
precise  time  at  which  Sebastian  Cabot  went  from 
England  to  Spain.  "  We  are  told  by  Peter  Martyr, 
(Decade  iii.  chap  vi.)  that  Cabot  i)eing  called  out 
of  England,  by  the  King  of  Castile,  after  the  death 
of  Henry  the  Seventh,  was  made  one  of  the  council 
and  assistants  touching  the  affairs  of  the  Indias."t 
The  death  of  Henry  the  Seventh  occurred  in  1509. 
That  Cabot  did  not  leave  England  till  after  this  event 
is  also  the  opinion  of  Mr.  Biddle,  who  proceeds  to 
say  that  "  Herrera,  the  writer  of  the  highest  authority 
on  these  subjects — historiographer  of  the  King  of 
Spain,  and  enjoying  familiar  access  to  every  docu- 
ment, stated  more  than  two  centuries  ago  that  Cabot 

*  Irving's  Columbus,  vol.  2,  p.  252,  Appendix  No.  10.    Life  of  Vespucius,  p.  956  to  264  ; 
also  p.  395  to  307.  • 

t  Life  of  Vespucius,  p.  397. 


■  f 

I 


f 


204 


BARTHOLOMEW    COLUMBUS. 


[BOOK   I. 


received  his  appointment  from  the  King  of  Spain 
on  the  13th  of  September  1512,  and  even  furnished 
the  particulars  of  the  negotiation."* 

The  king  judged  it  expedient  in  1512  to  send  out 
Don  Bartholomew^  Columbus  with  minute  instructions 
to  his  nephew  the  admiral.f     , .  • 

"  Don  Bartholomew  still  retained  the  office  of  Adelantado 
of  the  Indias ;  although  Ferdinand,  through  selfish  motives, 
detained  him  in  Spain  while  he  employed  inferior  men  in 
voyages  of  discovery.  He  now  added  to  his  appointments 
the  property  and  government  of  the  little  island  of  Mona 
during  life,  and  assigned  him  a  repartimiento  of  two  hun- 
dred Indians,  with  the  superintendence  of  the  mines  which 
might  be  discovered  in  Cuba ;  an  office  which  proved  very 
lucrative.^ 

"Among  the  instructions  given  by  the  king  to  Don 
Diego,  he  directed  that,  in  consequence  of  the  representa- 
tions of  the  Dominican  friars,  the  labour  of  the  natives 
should  be  reduced  one  third ;  that  negro  slaves  should  be 
procured  from  Gui))ea  as  a  relief  to  the  Indians  ;^  and  that 
Garib  slaves  should  be  branded  on  the  leg,  to  prevent  other 
Indians  from  being  confounded  with  them  and  subjected  to 
harsh  treatment."||1I 


*  Memoir  of  Cabot,  p.  97.  Ilakluyt'a 
Voyages,  vol.  3,  p.  9. 

t  Irving's  Columbus,  vol.  3,  p.  218,  Ap- 
pendix No.  2. 

t  Charlevoix,  Hist.  St.  Domingo,  p.  321. 


i  Herrera,  Hist.  Ind.  d.  1, 1.  9,  c.  5. 
II  Idem. 

V  Irving's  Columbus,  vol.2,  p. 219,  Ap- 
pendix No.  2. 


% 


■^.'■y;;^' 


CHAP.   SXIII.] 


JUAN   PONCE    0£    LEON. 


Z05 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

Of  the  discovery  of  Florida  in  1512,  by  Juan  Ponce  de  Leon. 

After  Juan  Ponce  de  Leon  resigned  the  command 
of  Porto  Rico,  he  was  still  for  a  while  on  the  island. 
Mr.  Irving  gives  the  following  account  of  him  at  this 
period.*  ,     .  .  .      ,    

"  He  met  with  some  old  Indians  who  gave  him  tidings 
of  a  country  which  promised,  not  merely  to  satisfy  the  cra- 
vings of  his  ambition,  but  to  realize  the  fondest  dreams  of 
the  poets.  They  assured  him  that,  far  to  the  north  there 
existed  a  land  abounding  in  gold  and  in  all  manner  of  de- 
lights; but,  above  all,  possessing  a  river  of  such  wonderful 
virtue,  that  whoever  bathed  in  it  would  be  restored  to 
youth  i  They  added,  that  in  times  past,  before  the  arrival 
of  the  Spaniards,  a  large  party  of  the  natives  of  Cuba  had 
departed  northward  in  search  of  this  happy  land  and  this 
river  of  life,  and,  having  never  returned,  it  was  concluded 
that  they  were  flourishing  in  renovated  youth,  detained  by 
the  pleasures  of  that  enchanting  country. 

"  Here  was  the  dream  of  the  Alchymist  realized !  one 
had  but  to  find  this  gifted  land  and  revel  in  the  enjoyment 
of  boundless  riches  and  perennial  youth !  Nay,  some  of  the 
ancient  Indians  declared  that  it  was  not  necessary  to  go  so 
far  in  quest  of  these  rejuvenating  waters,  for  that,  in  a  cer- 
tain island  of  the  Bahama  group,  called  Bimini,  which  lay 

*  Voyages  of  Companions  of  Columbus,  p.  313  to  318. 


206 


JUAN   PONCE   DC    LEON. 


[BOOK  I. 


f   i. 


far  out  in  the  ocean,  there  was  a  fountain  possessing  the 
same  marvellous  and  inestimable  qualities. 

"Juan  Ponce  de  Leon  listened  to  these  tales  with  fond 
credulity.  He  was  advancing  in  life,  and  the  ordinary 
term  of  existence  seemed  insufficient  for  his  mighty  plans. 
Gould  ho  but  plunge  into  this  marvellous  fountain  or  gifted 
river,  and  come  out  with  his  battered,  war-worn  body  re- 
stored to  the  strength  and  freshness  and  suppleness  of 
youth,  and  his  head  still  retaining  the  wisdom  and  know- 
ledge of  age,  what  enterprises  might  he  not  accomplish  in 
the  additional  course  of  vigorous  years  insured  to  him !    . 

"  It  may  seem  incredible,  at  the  present  day,  that  a  man 
of  years  and  experience  could  yield  any  faith  to  a  story 
which  resembles  the  wild  fiction  of  an  Arabian  tale ;  but 
the  wonders  and  novelties  breaking  upon  the  world  in  that 
age  of  discovery,  almost  realized  the  illusions  of  fable,  and 
the  imaginations  of  the  Spanish  voyagers  had  become  so 
heated  that  they  were  capable,  of  any  stretch  of  credulity. 

'•  So  fully  persuaded  was  the  worthy  old  cavalier  of  the 
existence  of  the  region  described  to  him,  that  he  fitted  out 
three  ships  at  his  own  expense,  to  prosecute  the  discovery, 
nor  had  he  any  difficulty  in  finding  advertnrers  in  abun- 
dance, ready  to  cruise  with  him  in  quest  of  this  fairy- 
land.* 


*  It  was  not  the  credulous  minds  of  voy- 
agers and  adventurers  alono  that  were 
heated  by  these  Indian  traditions  and  ro- 
mantic fables.  Men  of  learning  and  emi- 
nence were  likewise  beguiled  by  them: 
witness  the  following  extract  from  the  se- 
cond decade  of  Peter  Martyr,  addressed  to 
Leo  X.,  then  Bishop  of  Rome  : 

"  Among  the  islands  on  the  north  side  of 
Hispaniola,  there  is  one  about  three  hun- 
dred and  twenty-five  leagues  distant,  as 
they  say  which  have  searched  the  same,  in 
the  which  is  a  continual  spring  of  running 
water,  of  such  marvellous  virtue,  that  the 
water  thereof  being  drunk,  perhaps  with 


some  diet,  maketh  olde  men  young  again. 
And  here  I  must  make  protestation  to  your 
holiness  not  to  think  this  to  be  said  lightly 
or  rashly,  for  they  have  so  spread  this  ru- 
mour for  a  truth  throughout  all  the  court, 
that  not  only  all  the  people,  but  also  many 
of  them  whom  wisdom  or  fortune  hath  di- 
vided from  the  common  sort,  think  it  to  be 
true  ;  but,  if  you  will  ask  my  opinion 
herein,  I  will  answer  that  I  will  not  attri- 
bute 80  great  power  to  nature,  but  that 
God  hath  no  lesse  reserved  this  prerogative 
to  himself  than  to  search  the  hearts  of 

men,"  &c P.  Martyr,  D.  2,  c.  10,  Lok's 

Translation. 


! 

( 
i 


CHAP.  IXIII.]        DISCOVERT   OF    FLORIDA    IN    151{2. 


"  It  was  oa  the  3d  of  March  1512,  that  Juan  Ponce 
sailed  with  his  three  ships  from  the  port  of  St.  Germain,  in 
the  island  of  Porto  Rico.  Ho  kept  for  some  distance  along 
the  coast  of  Hispaniola,  and  then  stretching  away  to  the 
northward,  made  for  the  Bahama  islands,  and  soon  fell  in 
with  the  first  of  the  group.  He  was  favoured  with  propi- 
tious weather  and  tranquil  seas,  and  glided  smoothly  with 
wind  and  current  along  that  verdant  archipelago,  visiting 
one  island  after  another,  until,  on  the  14th  of  the  month, 
he  arrived  at  Guanahani,  or  St.  Salvador's,  where  Christo- 
pher Columbus  had  first  put  his  foot  on  the  shores  of  the 
new  world.  His  inquiries  for  the  island  of  Bimini  were  all 
in  vain,  and  as  to  the  fountain  of  youth,  he  may  have 
drank  of  every  fountain,  and  river,  and  lake,  in  the  archi- 
pelago, even  to  the  salt  pools  of  Turk's  island,  without  be- 
ing a  whit  the  younger. 

"  Still  he  was  not  discouraged ;  but,  having  repaired  his 
ships,  he  again  put  to  sea,  and  shaped  his  course  to  the 
northwest.  On  Sunday,  the  27th  of  March,  he  came  in 
sight  of  what  he  supposed  to  be  an  island,  but  was  pre- 
vented from  landing  by  adverse  weather.  He  continued 
hovering  about  it  for  several  days,  buffeted  by  the  elements, 
until,  in  the  night  of  the  2d  of  April,  he  succeeded  in 
coming  to  anchor  under  the  land,  in  thirty  degrees  eight 
minutes  of  latitude.  The  whole  country  was  in  the  fresh 
bloom  of  spring ;  the  trees  were  gay  with  blossoms,  and 
the  fields  covered  with  flowers ;  from  which  circumstance, 
as  well  as  from  having  discovered  it  on  Palm  Sunday,  (Pas- 
cua  Florida,)  he  gave  it  the  name  of  Florida,  which  it  re- 
tains to  the  present  day.  The  Indian  name  of  the  country 
was  Cautio.* 

"  Juan  Ponce  landed,  and  took  possession  of  the  country 
in  the  name  of  the  Castilian  sovereigns.  He  afterwards 
continued  for  several  weeks  ranging  the  coasts  of  this  flow- 


*Herrera,  Hist.  Ind.,  d.  1,  1.  ix., 


c.  10. 


308 


DISCOVKRT   Ot   riORIDA    Ilf    1512. 


fioo'i  I. 


ery  land,  and  struggling  against  the  gulf-stream  and  the  va- 
rious currents  which  sweep  it.  He  doubled  Cape  Canave- 
ral, and  reoonnoitered  the  southern  and  eastern  shores,  with- 
out suspecting  that  this  was  a  part  of  Terra  Firma.  In  all 
his  attempts  to  explore  the  country,  he  met  with  resolute 
and  implacable  hostility  on  the  part  of  the  natives,  who  ap- 
peared to  be  a  fier'  e  and  warlike  race.  He  was  disap- 
pointed also,  in  his  hopes  of  finding  gold,  nor  did  any  of 
the  rivers  or  fountains  which  he  examined,  possess  the  re- 
juvenating virtue.  Convinced,  therefore,  that  this  was  not 
the  promised  land  of  Indian  tradition,  he  turned  his  prow 
homeward  on  the  14th  of  June,  with  the  intention  in  the 
way  of  making  one  more  attempt  to  find  the  island  of 
Bimini. 

"In  the  outset  of  his  return,  he  discovered  a  group  of 
islets  abounding  with  sea-fowl  and  marine  animals.  On 
one  of  them,  his  sailors,  in  the  course  of  a  single  night, 
caught  one  hundred  and  seventy  turtles,  and  might  have 
taken  many  more,  had  they  been  so  inclined.  They  like- 
wise took  fourteen  sea-wolves,  and  killed  a  vast  quantity  of 
pelicans  and  other  birds.  To  this  group  Juan  Ponce  gave 
the  name  of  the  Tortugas,  or  Turtles,  which  they  still 
retain. 

"  Proceeding  in  his  cruise,  he  touched  at  another  gfoup 
of  islets,  near  the  Lucayos,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of 
La  Vieja,  or  the  Old  Woman  group,  because  he  found  no 
inhabitant  there  but  one  old  Indian  woman.'*  This  ancient 
sybil  he  took  on  board  his  ship,  to  give  him  information 
about  the  labyrinth  of  islands  into  which  he  was  entering, 
and  perhaps  he  could  not  have  had  a  more  suitable  guide 
in  the  eccentric  quest  he  was  making.  Notwithstanding 
her  pilotage,  however,  he  was  exceedingly  baffled  and  per- 
plexed in  his  return  voyage  among  the  Bahama  islands,  for 
he  was  forcing  his  way,  as  it  were,  against  the  course  of 


*Herrera,  d.  1,1.  ix. 


CHAT.  UIII.J       OISCOVKRY   or    FLORIDA   IN    1612. 


209 


nature,  and  encountering  the  currents  which  sweep  west- 
ward along  these  islands,  and  the  trade-wind  which  accom- 
panies them.  For  a  long  time  he  struggled  with  all  kinds 
of  difficulties  and  dangers ;  and  was  obliged  to  remain  up- 
wards of  a  month  in  one  of  the  islands,  to  repair  the  da- 
mages which  his  ship  had  suffered  in  a  storm. 

"  D  sheartened  at  length  by  the  perils  and  trials  with 
which  nature  seemed  to  have  beset  the  approach  to  Bimini, 
as  to  some  fairy  island  in  romance,  he  gave  up  the  quest  in 
person,  and  sent  in  his  place  a  trusty  captain,  Juan  Perez  de 
Ortubia,  who  departed  in  one  of  the  other  ships,  guided  by 
the  experienced  old  woman  of  the  isles,  and  by  another 
Indian.  As  to  Juan  Ponce,  he  made  the  best  of  his  way 
back  to  Porto  Rico,  where  he  arrived  infinitely  poorer  in 
purse  and  wrinkled  in  brow,  by  this  cruise  after  inexhaus- 
tible richer  and  perpetual  youth. 

"  He  had  not  been  long  in  port  when  his  trusty  envoy, 
Juan  Perez,  likewise  arrived.  Guided  by  the  sage  old  wo- 
man, he  had  succeeded  in  finding  the  long-sough t-for  Bi- 
mini. He  described  it  as  being  large,  verdant,  and  covered 
with  beautiful  groves.  There  were  crystal  springs  and 
limpid  streams  in  abundance,  which  kept  the  island  in  per- 
petual verdure,  but  none  that  could  restore  to  an  old  man 
the  vernal  greenness  of  his  youth. 

"  Thus  ended  the  romantic  expedition  of  Juan  Ponce  de 
Leon.  Like  many  other  pursuits  of  a  chimera,  it  termi- 
nated in  the  acquisition  of  a  substantial  good.  Though  he 
had  failed  in  finding  the  fairy  fountain  of  youth,  he  had 
discovered  in  place  of  it  the  important  country  of  Florida."* 


*  The  belief  of  the  exiitence,  in  Florida, 
of  a  river  like  tbnt  sought  by  Juan  Ponce, 
waa  Ion);  prevalent  among  the  Indians  of 
Cuba,  and  the  caciques  t^ere  anxious  to 
discover  it.  That  a  party  of  the  natives  of 
Cuba  once  went  in  search  of  it,  and  re- 
mained there,  appears  to  be  a  fact,  as  their 
descendants  were  afterwards  to  be  traced 
among  the  people  of  Florida.    Las  Caaas 

27 


says,  that  even  in  his  days,  many  persisted 
in  seeking  this  mystery,  and  some  thought 
that  the  river  was  no  other  than  that  called 
the  Jordan,  at  the  point  of  St.  Helena; 
without  considering  that  the  name  was 
given  to  it  by  the  Spaniards  in  the  year 
1520,  when  they  discovered  the  land  of 
Cbicora. 


210 


EXPEDITIONS    OF    VASCO    NUNEZ    IN    1612.         [BOO*  '• 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

Of  several  expeditions  of  Vasco  Nufiez  in  1512 ;  the  conspiracy  this 
year  by  the  natives  and  the  defeat  of  their  plan ;  the  absence  of  news 
from  Valdivia  who  had  been  sent  on  a  mission  to  Hispaniola ;  the 
stranding  of  Valdivia  and  his  crew  on  the  coast  of  Yucatan ;  the 
sending  of  commissioners  from  Darien  to  Spain ;  and  the  arrival  at 
Darien  of  ships  from  Hispaniola  with  supplies. 

While  Vasco  Nunez  was  waiting  the  result  of  the 
second  mission  of  Valdivia  to  Hispaniola,  he  em- 
barked with  one  hundred  and  seventy  of  his  hardiest 
men  in  two  brigantines  and  a  number  of  canoes,  and, 
after  standing  about  nine  leagues  to  the  east,  came 
to  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Grande  de  San  Juan,  or  the 
great  river  of  St.  John,  also  called  the  Atrato,  since 
ascertained  to  be  one  of  the  branches  of  the  Darien. 
He  detached  Rodrigo  Enriquez  de  Colmenares  with 
one  third  of  his  forces  to  explore  the  stream,  while 
he  himself,  with  the  residue,  proceeded  to  and  as- 
cended another  branch.  He  reached  an  Indian  vil- 
lage in  the  province  of  Dobayba,  but  it  was  silent 
and  abandoned.  Here,  however,  he  gathered  jewels 
and  pieces  of  gold  to  the  value  of  seven  thousand 
castellanos,  and  putting  this  booty  in  two  large  ca- 
noes made  his  way  back  to  the  gulf  of  Uraba.  There, 
in  a  violent  tempest,  these  two  canoes  were  swallowed 
up  by  the  sea  and  all  their  crews  perished.  The  two 
brigantines  were  also  nearly  wrecked :  it  became  ne- 
cessary, to  save  them,  to  throw  a  great  part  of  their 


CHAP.    XXIV  ] 


CONSPIRACY    BY    THE    NATIVES. 


211 


cargoes  overboard.  Yet  Nunez  at  length  succeeded 
in  getting  into  what  was  termed  the  Grand  river  and 
rejoined  Colmenares.  They  now  ascended  a  stream 
which  emptied  into  this  river,  and  which,  from  the 
dark  hue  of  its  waters,  they  called  Rio  Negro,  or  the 
Black  river.  They  also  explored  certain  other  tribu- 
tary streams,  branching  from  it,  though  not  without 
occasional  skirmishes  with  the  natives.  Having  over- 
run a  considerable  extent  of  country,  Nunez  returned 
to  Darien  with  the  spoils  and  captives  he  had  taken, 
leaving  Bartolome  Hurtado  with  thirty  men  in  an  In- 
dian river  on  the  Rio  Negro  or  Black  river,  to  hold 
the  country  in  subjection.  This  Hcutenant  hunting 
the  straggling  natives  picked  up  twenty-four  captives 
whom  he  put  on  board  of  a  large  canoe  to  be  transpor- 
ted to  Darien.  Twenty  of  his  followers,  infirm  from 
wounds  or  disease,  embarking  also  in  the  canoe,  Hur- 
tado had  only  ten  men  left  with  him.  The  ark  being 
waylaid,  some  of  the  Spaniards  were  massacred  and 
others  drowned:  only  two  escaped  to  carry  news 
of  this  catastrophe  to  Hurtado,  who  heard  also  of  a 
plan  for  an  attack  on  Darien.  Thither  he  hastened 
with  the  remnant  of  his  men.  But  his  intelligence 
of  a  conspiracy  among  the  natives  was  little  heeded.* 

"Fortunately  for  the  Spaniards,  among  the  female  cap- 
tives owned  by  Vasco  Nunez  was  an  Indian  damsel  named 
Fulvia  I  to  whom,  in  consequence  of  her  beauty,  he  had 
shown  great  favour,  and  who  had  become  strongly  attached 
to  him.  She  had  a  brother  among  the  warriors  of  Zemaco, 
who  often  visited  her  in  secret.  In  one  of  his  visits,  he  in- 
formed her  that  on  a  certain  night  the  settlement  would  be 


*  Voyages  of  Companions  of  Columbus,  p.  161  to  168. 


1 1 


I 


I 


212 


CONSPIRACr   BY   THE    NATIVES. 


[book  I. 


attacked  and  every  Spaniard  destroyed.  He  charged  her, 
therefore,  to  hide  herself  that  night  in  a  certain  place  until 
he  should  come  to  her  aid,  lest  she  should  be  slain  in  the 
confusion  of  the  massacre. 

"  When  her  brother  was  gone,  a  violent  struggle  took 
place  in  the  bosom  of  the  Indian  girl  between  her  feeling 
for  her  family  and  her  people,  and  her  affection  for  Vasco 
Nunez.  The  latter  at  length  prevailed,  and  she  revealed 
all  that  had  been  told  to  her.  Vasco  Nunez  prevailed  upon 
her  to  send  for  her  brother  under  pretence  of  aiding  her  to 
escape.  Having  him  in  his  power,  he  extorted  from  him 
all  that  he  knew  of  the  designs  of  the  enemy.  His  con- 
fessions showed  what  imminent  danger  had  been  lurking 
round  Yasco  Nunez  in  his  most  unsuspecting  moments. 
The  prisoner  informed  him  that  he  had  been  one  of  forty 
Indians  sent  some  time  before  by  the  cacique  Zemaco  to 
Vasco  Nunez,  in  seeming  friendship,  to  be  employed  by 
him  in  cultivating  the  fields  adjacent  to  the  settlement. 
They  had  secret  orders,  however,  to  take  an  opportunity 
when  Vasco  Nunez  should  come  forth  to  inspect  their  work, 
to  set  upon  him  in  an  unguarded  moment,  and  destroy  him. 
Fortunately,  Vasco  Nunez  always  visited  the  fields  mounted 
on  his  war  horse,  and  armed  with  lance  and  target.  The 
Indians  were  therefore  so  awed  by  his  martial  appearance, 
and  by  the  terrible  animal  he  bestrode,  that  they  dared  not 
attack  him. 

«  Foiled  in  this  and  other  attempts  of  the  kind,  Zemaco 
resorted  to  the  conspiracy  with  the  neighbouring  caciques 
with  which  the  settlement  was  menaced. 

"  Five  caciques  had  joined  in  the  confederacy :  they  had 
prepared  a  hundred  canoes ;  had  amassed  provisions  for  an 
army,  and  had  concerted  to  assemble  five  thousand  picked 
warriors  at  a  certain  time  and  place  ;  with  these  they  were 
to  make  an  attack  on  the  settlement  by  land  and  water,  in 
the  middle  of  the  night,  and  to  slaughter  every  Spaniard. 


CHAP.  XXIV.]  VALDIVIA  STRANDED  ON  YUCATAN  COAST. 


213 


"  Having  learnt  where  the  confederate  chiefs  were  to  be 
found,  and  where  they  had  deposited  their  provisions,  Vasco 
Nunez  chose  seventy  of  his  best  men  well  armed,  and  made 
a  circuit  by  land,  while  Colmenares,  with  sixty  men,  sallied 
forth  secretly  in  four  canoes,  guided  by  the  Indian  prisoner. 
In  this  way  they  surprised  the  general  of  the  Indian  army 
and  several  of  the  principal  confederates,  and  got  posses- 
sion of  all  their  provisions,  though  they  failed  to  capture 
the  formidable  Zemaco.  The  Indian  general  was  shot  to 
death  with  arrows,  and  the  leaders  of  the  conspiracy  were 
hanged  in  presence  of  their  captive  followers.  The  defeat 
of  this  deep  laid  plan,  and  the  punishment  of  its  devisers, 
spread  terror  thoughout  the  neighbouring  provinces,  and 
prevented  any  further  attempt  at  hostilities.  Yasco  r^nez, 
however,  caused  a  strong  fortress  of  wood  to  be  immedi- 
ately erected,  to  guard  against  any  future  assaults  of  the 
savages 


j># 


A  considerable  time  had  iiow  elapsed  since  the  de- 
parture of  Valdivia  for  Hispaniola,  without  any  tidings 
of  him.  Encountering  a  violent  hurricane  when  in 
sight  of  Jamaica,  he  had  been  ariven  on  the  rocks 
called  the  Vipers,  since  instrumental  in  many  a  ship- 
wreck. His  vessel  soon  went  to  pieces,  and  Valdivia 
and  his  crew,  consisting  of  twenty  men,  escaped  with 
difficulty  in  the  boat,  without  having  a  supply  either 
of  water  or  provisions.  They  were  driven  about  for 
thirteen  days,  during  which  time  they  suffered  exces- 
sively from  hunger  and  thirst.  Seven  of  their  num- 
ber perished,  and  the  rest  were  nearly  famished  when 
they  were  stranded  on  the  eastern  coast  of  Yucatan, 
in  a  province  called  Maya.     Here  they  were  carried 


'  Voyages  of  Companions  of  Columbus,  p.  168  to  170. 


214 


GONZALO    GUERRERO. 


[book  I. 


off  by  the  natives  to  the  cacique  of  tiie  province,  by 
whose  orders  they  were  mewed  up  in  a  kind  of  pen.* 

"  At  first  their  situation  appeared  tolerable  enough  con- 
sidering the  horrors  from  which  they  had  escaped.  They 
were  closely  confined,  it  is  true,  but  they  had  plenty  to  eat 
and  drink,  and  soon  began  to  recover  flesh  and  vigour.  In 
a  little  while,  however,  their  enjoyment  of  this  good  cheer 
met  with  a  sudden  check,  for  the  unfortunate  Valdivia,  and 
four  of  his  companions,  were  singled  out  by  the  cacique, 
on  account  of  their  improved  condition,  to  be  offered  up  to 
his  idols.  The  natives  of  this  coast  in  fact  were  cannibals, 
devouring  the  flesh  of  their  enemies  and  of  such  strangers 
as  fell  into  their  hands.  The  wretched  Valdivia  and  his 
fellow  victims,  therefore,  were  sacrificed  in  the  bloody  tem- 
ple of  the  idol,  and  their  limbs  afterwards  served  up  at  a 
grand  feast  held  by  the  cacique  and  his  subjects. 

"  The  horror  of  the  survivors  may  be  more  readily  ima- 
gined than  described.  Their  hearts  died  within  them  when 
they  heard  the  yells  and  bowlings  of  the  savages  over  their 
victims,  and  the  still  more  horrible  revelry  of  their  cannibal 
orgies.  They  turned  with  loathing  from  the  food  set  so 
abundantly  before  them,  at  the  idea  that  it  was  but  intended 
to  fatten  them  for  a  future  banquet. 

"  Recovering  from  the  first  stupor  of  alarm,  their  despair 
lent  them  additional  force.  They  succeeded  in  breaking, 
in  the  night,  from  the  kind  of  cage  in  which  they  were 
confined,  and  fled  to  the  depths  of  the  forest.  Here  they 
wandered  about  forlorn,  exposed  to  all  the  dangers  and  mi- 
series of  the  wilderness;  famishing  with  hunger,  yet  dread- 
ing to  approach  the  haunts  of  men.  At  length  their  suffer- 
ings drove  them  forth  from  the  woods  into  another  part  of 
the  country,  where  they  were  again  taken  captive.  The 
cacique  of  this  province,  however,  was  an  enemy  to  the  one 


*  Voyages  of  Companions  of  Columbus,  p.  171,  Q77,  8. 


CHAP.    XXIV.] 


JERONIMO    DE    AGUILAR. 


215 


from  whom  they  had  escaped,  and  of  less  cruel  propensities. 
He  spared  their  lives,  and  contented  himself  with  making 
them  slaves,  exacting  from  them  the  severest  labour.  They 
had  to  cut  and  draw  wood,  to  procure  water  from  a  distance, 
and  to  carry  enormous  burthens.  The  cacique  died  soon 
after  their  capture,  and  was  succeeded  by  another  called 
Taxmar.  He  was  a  chief  of  some  talent  and  sagacity,  but 
ho  continued  the  same  rigorous  treatment  of  the  captives. 
By  degrees  they  sank  beneath  the  hardships  of  their  lot, 
until  only  two  were  left ;  one  of  them  a  sturdy  sailor  named 
Gonzalo  Guerrero,  the  other  a  kind  of  clerical  adventurer 
named  Jeronimo  de  Aguilar.  The  sailor  had  the  good  luck 
to  be  transferred  to  the  service  of  the  cacique  of  the  neigh- 
bouring province  of  Chatemal,  by  whom  he  was  treated 
with  kindness.  Being  a  thorough  son  of  the  ocean,  sea- 
soned to  all  weathers,  and  ready  for  any  chance  or  change, 
he  soon  accommodated  himself  to  his  new  situation,  fol- 
lowed the  cacique  to  the  wars,  rose  by  his  hardihood  and 
prowess  to  be  a  distinguished  warrior,  and  succeeded  in 
gaining  the  heart  and  hand  of  an  Indian  princess. 

"  The  other  survivor,  Jeronimo  de  Aguilar,  was  of  a  dif- 
ferent complexion.  He  was  a  native  of  Ecija,  in  Andalu- 
sia, and  had  been  brought  up  to  the  church,  and  regularly 
ordained,  and  shortly  afterwards  had  sailed  in  one  of  the 
expeditions  to  San  Domingo,  from  whence  he  had  passed 
to  Darien. 

'*  He  proceeded  in  a  different  mode  from  that  adopted  by 
his  comrade,  the  sailor,  in  his  dealings  with  the  Indians, 
and  in  one  more  suited  to  his  opposite  calling.  Instead  of 
playing  the  hero  among  the  men,  and  the  gallant  among 
the  women,  he  recollected  his  priestly  obligations  to  humi- 
lity and  chastity.  Accordingly,  he  made  himself  a  model 
of  meekness  and  obedience  to  the  cacique  and  his  warriors, 
while  he  closed  his  eyes  to  the  charms  of  the  infidel  wo- 
men.    Nay,  in  the  latter  respect,  he  reinforced  his  clerical 


216 


JERONIMO    BE    AOUILAR. 


[book  I. 


I  K 

1  h- 


vows,  by  a  solemn  promise  to  God,  to  resist  all  temptations 
of  the  flesh,  so  he  might  be  delivered  out  of  the  hands  of 
these  Gentiles. 

"  Such  were  the  opposite  measures  of  the  sailor  and  the 
saint,  and  they  appear  to  have  been  equally  successful. 
Aguilar,  by  his  meek  obedience  to  every  order,  however 
arbitrary  and  capricious,  gradually  won  the  good  will  of 
the  cacique  and  his  family.  Taxmar,  however,  subjected 
him  to  many  trials  before  he  admitted  him  to  his  entire 
confidence.  One  day  when  the  Indians,  painted  and  deco- 
rated in  warlike  style,  were  shooting  at  a  mark,  a  warrior, 
who  had  for  some  time  fixed  his  eyes  on  Aguilar,  ap- 
proached suddenly  and  seized  him  by  the  arm.  '  Thou 
seest,'  said  he,  '  the  certainty  of  these  archers ;  if  they  aim 
at  the  eye,  they  hit  the  eye — if  at  the  mouth,  they  hit  the 
mouth — what  wouldst  thou  think,  if  thou  wert  to  be  placed 
instead  of  the  mark,  and  they  were  to  shoot  at  and  miss 
thee  ?' 

"  Aguilar  secretly  trembled,  lest  he  should  be  the  victim 
of  some  cruel  caprice  of  the  kind.  Dissembling  his  fears, 
however,  he  replied  with  great  submission,  'I  am  your 
slave,  and  you  may  do  with  me  as  you  please  ;  but  you  are 
too  wise  to  destroy  a  slave  who  is  so  useful  and  obedient.' 
His  answer  pleased  the  cacique,  who  had  secretly  sent  this 
warrior  to  try  his  humility. 

"  Another  trial  of  the  worthy  Jeronimo  was  less  stern 
and  fearful  indeed,  but  equally  perplexing.  The  cacique 
had  remarked  his  unexampled  discretion  with  respect  to 
the  sex,  but  doubted  his  sincerity.  After  laying  many 
petty  temptations  in  his  way^  which  Jeronimo  resisted  with 
the  self-denial  of  a  saint,  he  at  length  determined  to  sub- 
ject him  to  a  fiery  ordeal.  He  accordingly  sent  him  on  a 
fishing  expedition,  accompanied  by  a  buxom  damsel  of 
fourteen  years  of  age :  they  were  to  pass  the  night  by  the 
sen-side,  so  as  to  be  ready  to  fish  at  the  first  dawn  of  day. 


■at 


,      I 


i  i 


CUAP.   XXIV.] 


JERONIMO   DE    AGUILAR. 


217 


and  were  allowed  but  one  hammock  to  sleep  in.  It  was  an 
embarrassing  predicament — not  apparently  to  the  Indian 
beauty,  but  certainly  to  the  scrupulous  Jeronimo.  He  re- 
membered, however,  his  double  vow,  and,  suspending  his 
hammock  to  two  trees,  resigned  it  to  his  companion ;  while, 
lighting  a  fire  on  the  sea  shore,  he  stretched  himself  before 
it  on  the  sand.  It  was,  as  he  acknowledged,  a  night  of 
fearful  trial,  for  his  sandy  couch  was  cold  and  cheerless,  the 
hammock  warm  and  tempting  ;  and  the  infidel  damsel  had 
been  instructed  to  assail  him  with  all  manner  of  blandish- 
ments and  reproaches.  His  resolution,  however,  though 
often  shaken,  was  never  overcome;  and  the  morning 
dawned  upon  him  still  faithful  to  his  vow. 

"  The  fishing  over,  he  returned  to  the  residence  of  the 
cacique,  where  his  companion,  being  closely  questioned, 
made  known  the  triumph  of  his  self-denial  before  all  the 
people.  From  that  time  forward  he  was  held  in  great  re- 
spect ;  the  cacique,  especially,  treated  him  with  unlimited 
confidence,  entrusting  to  him  the  care,  not  merely  of  his 
house,  but  of  his  wives,  during  his  occasional  absence. 

"  Aguilar  now  felt  ambitious  of  rising  to  greater  conse- 
quence among  the  savages,  but  this  he  knew  was  only  to 
be  done  by  deeds  of  arms.  He  had  the  example  of  the 
sturdy  seaman,  Gonzalo  Guerrero,  before  his  eyes,  who  had 
become  a  great  captain  in  the  province  in  which  he  resided. 
He  entreated  Taxmar,  therefore,  to  entrust  him  with  bow 
and  arrows,  buckler  and  war  club,  and  to  enrol  him  among 
his  warriors.  The  cacique  complied.  Aguilar  soon  made 
himself  expert  at  his  new  weapons,  signalized  himself  re- 
peatedly in  battle,  and,  from  his  superior  knowledge  of  the 
ar*s  of  war,  rendered  Taxmar  such  essential  service,  as  to 
excite  the  jealousy  of  some  of  the  neighbouring  caciques. 
One  of  them  remonstrated  with  Taxmar  for  employing  a 
warrior  who  was  of  a  different  religion,  and  insisted  that 
Aguilar  should  be  sacrificed  to  their  gods.  '  No,'  replied 
28 


218 


COMMISSIONERS    TO   SPAIN. 


[BOOK    I. 


I  u- 


Taxinar,  '  I  will  not  make  so  base  a  return  for  such  signal 
services :  surely  the  gods  of  Aguilar  must  be  good,  since 
they  aid  him  so  effectually  in  maintaining  a  just  cause.' 

"  The  cacique  was  so  incensed  at  this  reply,  that  he  as- 
sembled his  warriors  and  marched  to  make  war  upon  Tax- 
mar.  Many  of  the  counsellors  of  the  latter  urged  him  to 
give  up  the  stranger,  who  was  the  cause  of  this  hostility. 
Taxmar,  however,  rejected  their  counsel  with  disdain,  and 
prepared  for  battle.  Aguilar  assured  him  that  his  faith  in 
the  Christian's  God  would  be  rewarded  with  victory ;  he, 
in  fact,  concerted  a  plan  of  battle,  which  was  adopted. 
Concealing  himself,  with  a  chosen  band  of  warriors,  among 
thickets  and  herbage,  he  suffr  -ed  the  enemy  to  pass  by  in 
making  their  attack.  Taxmar  and  his  host  pretended  to 
give  way  at  the  first  onset.  The  foe  rushed  heedlessly  in 
pursuit  ,*  whereupon  Aguilar  and  his  ambuscade  assaulted 
them  in  the  rear.  Taxmar  turned  upon  them  in  front ; 
they  were  thrown  in  confusion,  routed  with  great  slaugh- 
ter, and  many  of  their  chiefs  taken  prisoners.  This  victory 
gave  Taxmar  the  sway  over  the  land,  and  strengthened 
Aguilar  more  than  ever  in  his  good  graces."* 

In  the  absence  of  any  tidings  at  Darien,  from 
either  Valdivia  or  Zamudio,  it  was  determined  to  send 
thence  two  commissioners  to  Spain,  to  communicate 
what  had  been  heard  of  the  Southern  sea,  to  ask  for 
the  troops  necessary  for  its  discovery,  and  to  make  all 
necessary  representations  to  the  king,  accompanied 
by  a  native  of  the  province  of  Zenu,  where  gold  was 
said  to  be  gathered  in  nets  stretched  across  the  moun- 
tain streams.  To  give  more  weight  to  such  stories, 
every  one  contributed  some  portion  of  gold  from  his 
private  hoard,  to  be  presented  to  the  king,  in  addi- 

*  Voyages  of  Companions  of  Columbus,  p.  278  to  383. 


~WT^^tl{    (^mWW 


CHAP.    XXIV.] 


COMMISSIONERS    TO    SPAIN. 


219 


tion  to  his  fifths.  But  httlo  time  elapsed  after  the  de- 
parture of  the  commissioners,  before  dissensions  broke 
out  in  the  colony..  It  is  impossible  to  say  how  they 
would  have  ended,  had  not  two  ships  arrived  at  this 
juncture  from  Hispaniola,  freighted  with  supplies  and 
bringing  a  reinforcement  of  one  hundred  and  fifty 
men.  They  also  brought  a  commission  to  Vasco  Nu- 
nez, signed  by  Miguel  de  Pasamonte,  the  royal  trea- 
surer of  Hispaniola,  constituting  him  captain-general 
of  the  colony.* 


k  Voyages  of  Companions  of  Columbus,  p.  171  to  175. 


220 


JOURNEY   or    NUNEZ    ACROSS   DARIEN.  ["OO*  '■ 


CHAPTER   XXV. 

Of  the  journey  by  Vasco  Niulez  across  the  isthmus  of  Darien,  and  his 
discovery  of  the  Pacific  Ocean  on  the  SGth  of  September  1513. 

Soon  unfavourable  tidings  were  received  from 
Spain.  Word  was  written  by  Zamudio  that  the  Ba- 
chelor Enciso  had  obtained  a  sentence  in  his  favour 
against  Nunez  for  damages  and  costs,  and  that  Nu- 
nez would  be  summoned  to  Spain  to  answer  charges 
against  him  on  account  of  the  harsh  treatment  and 
probable  death  of  Nicuesa.  This  information  was, 
however,  in  a  private  letter ;  no  order  had  yet  been 
received  from  the  king,  and  Nuiiez  had  still  control 
over  the  colony.  One  brilliant  achievement  might 
atone  for  the  past  and  fix  him  in  the  favour  of  the 
monarch.  He  chose  from  his  men,  one  hundred  and 
ninety  of  the  most  resolute  and  vigorous,  and  the 
most  devoted  to  his  person,  and  took  with  him  a 
number  of  blood-hounds.  The  famous  warrior  dog 
of  Juan  Ponce  was  killed  by  a  poisoned  arrow  as  he 
was  swimming  in  the  sea  in  pursuit  of  a  Carib  Indian. 
He  left,  however,  a  numerous  progeny  and  a  great 
name  behind  him.^  He  as  father  to  Leoncico,  a 
constant  companion,  and,  as  it  were,  body  guard  of 
Vasco  Nunez.  Leoncico  was  scarred  all  over  with 
wounds  received  in  innumerable  battles  with  the  In- 
dians.    Nunez  always  took  him  on  his  expeditions, 

*  See  ante,  p.  169,  and  Voyages  of  Companions  of  Columbus,  p.  308. 


CHAP,  xxv]      JOURNEY    OF    NUNEZ    ACROSS    DARIEN. 


221 


and  sometimes  lent  him  to  others,  receiving  for  his 
services  the  same  share  of  booty  allotted  to  an  armed 
man.  In  this  way,  he  gained  by  him  upwards  of  a 
thousand  crowns.  Nunez  had  the  aid  also  of  a  num- 
ber of  the  Indians  of  Darien.* 

It  was  on  the  first  of  September  1513,  that  Vasco 
Nunez  embarked  with  these  followers  in  a  brigantine 
and  nine  large  canoes.  He  soon  arrived  at  Coyba 
where  he  was  received  by  the  cacique  Careta  with 
open  arms,  and  furnished  with  guides  and  warriors  to 
aid  him.  About  half  of  his  men  he  left  at  Coyba  to 
guard  the  brigantine  and^  canoes  while  he  penetrated 
the  wilderness  with  the  residue.  On  the  6th  of  Sep- 
tember he  struck  off  for  the  mountains,  and  on  the 
8th  he  arrived  at  the  village  of  Ponca,  the  ancient 
enemy  of  Careta.  This  village  was  abandoned,  but 
while  the  Spaniards  remained  in  it,  the  retreat  of 
Ponca  was  discovered,  and  he  was  prevailed  upon  to 
come  to  Nunez.  This  cacique  assured  Nunez  of  the 
truth  of  what  had  been  told  him  of  a  great  sea  be- 
yond the  mountains,  and  gave  him  several  ornaments 
ingeniously  wrought  of  fine  gold  which  had  been 
brought  from  the  countries  upon  its  borders.  Nunez 
procured  fresh  guides  from  the  cacique  and  sent  back 
such  of  his  men  as  had  become  ill  from  fatigue  and 
the  heat  of  the  climate.  On  the  20th  of  September 
he  again  set  forward.! 

"  ,u  toilsome  was  the  journey,  that  in  four  days  they 
did  Moi  advance  above  ten  leagues,  and  in  the  mean  time 
they  suffered  excessively  from  hunger.     At  the  end  of  this 


>  Voyages  of  Companions  of  Columbus,  p.  176  to  178.       f  Id.  p.  179  to  181. 


222 


JOURNEY    or    NUNEZ    ACROSS    OARIEN. 


[book  I. 


time  they  arrived  at  the  province  of  a  warlike  cacique, 
named  Quaraqua,  who  was  at  war  with  Ponca. 

«  Hearing  that  a  band  of  strangers  were  entering  his  ter- 
ritories, guided  by  the  subjects  of  his  inveterate  foe,  the 
cacique  took  the  field  with  a  large  number  of  warriors, 
some  armed  with  bows  and  arrows,  others  with  long  spears, 
or  with  double  handed  maces  of  palm  wood,  almost  as 
heavy  and  hard  as  iron.  Seeing  the  inconsiderable  num- 
ber of  the  Spaniards,  they  set  upon  them  with  furious  yells, 
thinking  to  overcome  them  in  an  instant.  The  first  dis- 
charge of  fire-arms,  however,  struck  them  with  dismay. 
They  thought  they  were  co..  tending  with  demons  who  vo- 
mited forth  thunder  and  lightning,  especially  when  they 
saw  their  companions  fall  bleeding  and  dead  beside  them, 
without  receiving  any  apparent  blow.  They  took  to  head- 
long flight,  and  were  hotly  pursued  by  the  Spaniards  and 
their  bloodhounds.  Some  were  transfixed  with  lances, 
others  hewn  down  with  swords,  and  many  were  torn  to 
pieces  by  the  dogs,  so  that  Quaraqua  and  six  hundred  of 
his  warriors  were  left  dead  upon  the  field. 

"  A  brother  of  the  cacique  and  several  chiefs  were  taken 
prisoners.  They  were  clad  in  robes  of  white  cotton.  Ei- 
ther from  their  effeminate  dress,  or  from  the  accusations  of 
their  enemies,  the  Spaniards  were  induced  to  consider  them 
guilty  of  unnatural  crimes,  and,  in  their  abhorrence  and 
disgust,  gave  them  to  be  torn  to  pieces  by  the  blood- 
hounds."* 

"  After  this  sanguinary  triumph,  the  Spaniards  marched 
to  the  village  of  Ciuaraqua,  where  they  found  considerable 
booty  in  gold  and  .i3wels.  Of  this  Vasco  Nunez  reserved 
one  fifth  for  the  crown,  and  shared  the  rest  liberally  among 
his  followers.  The  village  was  at  the  foot  of  the  last  moun- 
tain that  remained  for  them  to  climb:  several  of  the  Spa- 


*  Herrera,  Hist.  Ind.  d.  1, 1,  x.  c.  1.    Voyages  of  Companions  of  Columbus,  p.  181, 3. 


CBAP.  isv]     DISCOVERY    OF   THE    PACIFIC    IN    1613. 


223 


t 


a 


niards,  however,  were  so  disabled  by  the  wounds  they  had 
received  in  battle,  or  so  exhausted  by  the  fatigue  and  hun- 
ger they  had  endured,  that  they  were  unable  to  proceed. 
They  were  obliged,  therefore,  reluctantly  to  remain  in  the 
village,  within  sight  of  the  mountain-top  that  commanded 
the  long-sought  prospect.  Yasco  Nunez  selected  fresh 
guides  from  among  his  prisoners,  who  were  natives  of  the 
province,  and  sent  back  the  subjr^ts  of  Ponca.  Of  the 
band  of  Spaniards  who  had  set  out  with  him  in  this  enter- 
prise, sixty-seven  alone  remained  in  sufficient  health  and 
spirits  for  this  last  effort.  These  he  ordered  to  retire  early 
to  repose,  that  they  might  be  ready  to  set  off  at  the  cool 
and  fresh  hour  of  day-break,  so  as  to  reach  the  summit  of 
the  mountain  before  the  noon-tide  heat."* 

"  The  day  had  scarcely  dawned,  when  Vasco  Nunez  and 
his  followers  set  forth  from  the  Indian  village  and  began  to 
climb  the  height.  It  was  a  severe  and  rugged  toil  for  men 
so  wayworn,  but  they  were  filled  with  new  ardour  at  the 
idea  of  the  triumphant  scene  that  was  so  soon  to  repay 
them  for  all  their  hardships. 

"  About  ten  o'clock  in  the  morning,  they  emerged  from 
the  thick  forests  through  which  they  had  hitherto  strug- 
gled, and  arrived  at  a  lofty  and  airy  region  of  the  moun- 
tain. The  bald  summit  alone  remained  to  be  ascended,  and 
their  guides  pointed  to  a  moderate  eminence,  from  which 
they  said  the  southern  sea  was  visible. 

"  Upon  this  Vasco  Nunez  commanded  his  followers  to 
halt,  and  that  no  man  should  stir  from  his  place.  Then, 
with  a  palpitating  heart,  he  ascended  alone  the  bare  moun- 
tain-top. On  reaching  the  summit,  the  long-desired  pros- 
pect burst  upon  his  view.  It  was  as  if  a  new  world  were 
unfolded  to  him,  separated  from  all  hitherto  known  by  this 
mighty  barrier  of  mountains.  Below  him  extended  a  vast 
chaos  of  rock  and  forest,  and  green  savannahs  and  wander- 


*  Voyages  of  Companions  of  ColumbuR,  p.  183, 3. 


224 


DISCOVERY    or    THE    PACIFIC    IN    1513.  [BOOK  I. 


V' 

I 


ing  streams,  while  at  a  distance  the  waters  of  the  promised 
ocean  glittered  in  the  morning  stm. 

*'  At  this  glorious  prospect,  Yasco  Nunez  sank  upon  his 
knees,  and  poured  out  thanks  to  God  for  being  the  first  Eu- 
ropean to  whom  it  was  given  to  make  that  great  discovery. 
He  then  called  his  people  to  ascend :  '  Behold,  my  friends,' 
said  he,  '  that  glorious  sight  which  we  have  so  much  de- 
sired. Let  us  give  thanks  to  God  that  he  has  granted  us 
this  great  honour  and  advantage.  Let  us  pray  to  him  that 
he  will  guide  and  aid  us  to  conquer  the  sea  and  land  which 
we  have  discovered,  and  in  which  Christian  has  never  en- 
tered to  preach  the  holy  doctrine  of  the  Evangelists.  As 
to  yourselves,  be  as  you  have  hitherto  been,  faithful  and 
true  to  me,  and  by  the  favour  of  Christ  you  will  become 
the  richest  Spaniards  that  have  ever  come  to  the  Indias ; 
you  will  render  the  greatest  services  to  your  king  that  ever 
vassal  rendered  to  his  lord ;  and  you  will  have  the  eternal 
glory  and  advantage  of  all  that  is  here  discovered,  con- 
quered, and  converted  to  our  holy  Catholic  faith.' 

"  The  Spaniards  answered  this  speech  by  embracing 
Yasco  Nunez,  and  promising  to  follow  him  to  death. 
Among  them  was  a  priest,  named  Andres  de  Yara,  who 
lifted  up  his  voice  and  chanted  Te  Deum  laudamus — the 
usual  anthem  of  Spanish  discoverers.  The  people,  kneel- 
ing down,  joined  in  the  strain  with  pious  enthusiasm  and 
tears  of  joy ;  and  never  did  a  more  sincere  oblation  rise  to 
the  Deity  from  a  sanctified  altar,  than  from  that  wild  moun- 
tain summit.  It  was  indeed  one  of  the  most  sublime  dis- 
coveries that  had  yet  been  made  in  the  New  World,  and 
must  have  opened  a  boundless  field  of  conjecture  to  the 
wondering  Spaniards.  The  imagination  delights  to  picture 
forth  the  splendid  confusion  of  their  thoughts.  Was  this 
the  great  Indian  Ocean,  studded  with  precious  islands, 
abounding  in  gold,  in  gems,  and  spices,  and  bordered  by  the 
gorgeous  cities  and  wealthy  marts  of  the  East  ?     Or  was  it 


J^  j^iv^JMpf .,*  "■!"'?>  *TO^'-" 


CHAP.  XXV.]     DISCOVERT    OF   THE   PACIFIC    IN    1613. 


225 


some  lonely  sea,  locked  up  in  the  embraces  of  savage  un- 
cultivated continents,  and  never  traversed  by  a  bark,  ex- 
cepting the  light  pirogue  of  the  Indian  ?  The  latter  could 
hardly  be  the  case,  for  the  natives  had  told  the  Spaniards 
of  golden  realms,  and  populous,  and  powerful  and  luxu- 
rious nations  upon  its  shores.  Perhaps  it  might  be  bordered 
by  various  people,  civilized  in  fact,  but  difiCering  from  Eu- 
rope in  their  civilization ;  who  might  have  peculiar  laws 
and  customs  and  arts  and  sciences ;  who  might  form,  as 
it  were,  a  world  of  their  own,  intercommuning  by  this 
mighty  sea,  and  carrying  on  commerce  between  their  own 
islands  and  continents ,'  but  who  might  exist  in  total  igno- 
rance and  independence  of  the  other  hemisphere. 

"  Such  may  naturally  have  been  the  ideas  suggested  by 
the  sight  of  this  unknown  ocean.  It  was  the  prevalent  be- 
lief of  the  Spaniards,  however,  that  they  were  the  first 
Christians  who  had  made  the  discovery.  Vasco  Nunez, 
therefore,  called  upon  all  present  to  witness  that  he  took 
possession  of  that  sea,  its  islands,  and  surrounding  lands,  in 
the  name  of  the  sovereigns  of  Castile ;  and  the  notary  of 
the  expedition  made  a  testimonial  of  the  same,  to  which 
all  present,  to  the  number  of  sixty-seven  men,  signed  their 
names.  He  then  caused  a  fair  and  tall  tree  to  be  cut  down 
and  wrought  into  a  cross,  which  was  elevated  on  the  spot 
from  whence  he  had  at  first  beheld  the  sea.  A  mound  of 
stones  was  likewise  piled  up  to  serve  as  a  monument,  and 
the  names  of  the  Castilian  sovereigns  were  carved  on  the 
neighbouring  trees.  The  Indians  beheld  all  these  ceremo- 
nials and  rejoicings  in  silent  wonder,  and,  while  they  aided 
to  erect  the  cross  and  pile  up  the  mound  of  stones,  mar- 
velled exceedingly  at  the  meaning  of  these  monuments, 
little  thinking  that  they  marked  the  subjugation  of  their 
land. 

"  The  memorable  event,  here  recorded,  took  place  on  the 
26th  of  September  1513;  so  that  the  Spaniards  had  been 
29 


226 


DISCOVERT   OF    THE    PACIFIC    IN    1513.  [BOOK  I. 


twenty  days  performing  the  journey  from  the  province  of 
Careta  to  the  summit  of  the  mountain,  a  distance  which  at 
present,  it  is  said,  does  not  require  more  than  six  days  tra- 
vel. Indeed  the  isthmus  in  this  neighbourhood  is  not  more 
than  eighteen  leagues  in  breadth  in  its  widest  part,  and  in 
some  places  merely  seven ;  but  it  consists  of  a  ridge  of  ex- 
tremely high  and  rugged  mountains.  When  the  discove- 
rers traversed  it,  they  had  no  route  but  the  Indian  paths, 
and  often  had  to  force  their  way  amidst  all  kinds  of  obsta- 
cles, both  from  the  savage  country  and  its  savage  inhabi- 
tants. In  fact,  the  details  of  this  narrative  sufficiently  ac- 
count for  the  slowness  of  their  progress,  and  present  an  ar- 
ray of  difficulties  and  perils,  which,  as  has  been  well  ob- 
served, none  but  those  '  men  of  iron'  could  have  subdued 
and  overcome."* 


*  Voyages  of  Companiong  of  Columbug, 
p.  184  to  187.    Mr.  Irving  refers  to  Vidas 


de  Etepanoles  Cfilebres,  por  Don  Manuel 
Josef  auintana.  Tom.  ii.  p.  40. 


;§. 


OOK   I. 

Lce  of 
ch  at 
s  tra- 
more 
nd  in 
»if  ex- 
cove- 
paths, 
sbsta- 
ihabi- 
[y  ac- 
iQ  ar- 
il ob- 
jdued 


Manuel 


CHAP.  XXVI.]  MARCH    OF    NUNEZ    INTO   THE    PACIFIC. 


2ft7 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

Of  the  voyage  of  Vasco  NuBez  along  the  coast  of  the  Pacific ;  the  in- 
timation received  by  him  of  the  great  empire  of  Peru;  and  his  return 
to  Darien  on  the  19th  of  January  1514. 

From  the  summit  of  the  mountain^  Vasco  Nunez  de- 
scended with  his  Httle  band.  Coming  to  the  province 
of  a  wariike  cacique,  named  Chiapes,  a  conflict  en- 
sued, in  which  many  Indians  were  made  prisoners, 
and  the  rest  fled.  The  cacique  afterwards  brought 
to  the  Spaniards  five  hundred  pounds  weight  of  gold 
a:  a  peace  oflering ;  and  for  it,  beads,  hawks  bells  and 
Vioking  glasses,  were  given  in  return.* 

"  Friendship  being  thus  established  between  them,  Yasco 
Nunez  remained  at  the  village  for  a  few  days,  sending  back 
the  guides  who  had  accompanied  him  from  Quaraqua,  and 
ordering  his  people,  whom  he  had  left  at  that  place,  to  re- 
join him.  In  the  meantime  he  sent  out  three  scouting  par- 
ties, of  twelve  men  each,  under  Fiv^acisco  Pizarro,  Juan  de 
Escary  and  Alonzo  Martin  de  Don  Benito,  to  explore  the 
surrounding  country  and  discover  the  best  route  to  the  sea. 
Alonzo  Martin  was  the  most  successful.  After  two  days 
journey,  he  came  to  a  beach,  where  he  found  two  large  ca- 
noes lying  high  and  dry,  without  any  water  being  in  sight. 
While  the  Spaniards  were  regarding  these  canoes,  and  won- 
dering why  they  should  be  so  far  on  land,  the  tide,  which 
rises  to  a  great  height  on  that  coast,  came  rapidly  in  and 


*  Voyages  of  Coropanions  of  ColumbUB,  p.  186, 9. 


228 


MARCH    OF    NUNEZ    INTO    THE    PACIFIC. 


[book  I. 


i  I 


set  them  afloat ;  upon  this,  Alonzo  Martin  stepped  into  one 
of  them,  and  called  his  companions  to  bear  witness  that  he 
was  the  first  European  that  embarked  upon  that  sea ;  his 
example  was  followed  by  one  Bias  de  Etienza,  who  called 
them  likewise  to  testify  that  he  was  the  second."*" 

The  party  having  returned  to  report  their  success, 
and  Vasco  Nunez  being  rejoined  by  his  men  from 
Quaraqua,  he  now  left  the  greater  part  of  his  follow- 
ers to  repose  in  the  village  of  Chiapes,  and  taking 
with  him  twenty-six  Spaniards,  well  armed,  set  out  on 
the  29th  of  September  for  the  sea  coast,  accompanied 
by  the  cacique  and  a  number  of  his  warriors.  Ar- 
riving on  the  border  of  a  vast  bay  on  the  day  of  Saint 
Michael,  he  gave  to  it  the  name  of  that  saint.  The 
tide  being  out,  the  water  was  then  above  half  a 
league  distant.  After  a  while  it  came  rushing  in, 
and  soon  reached  nearly  to  the  place  where  the  Spa- 
niards liad  seated  themselves.  Upon  this  Vasco  Nu- 
nez rose  and  took  a  banner,  on  which  were  painted 
the  Virgin  and  child,  and  under  them  the  arms  of 
Castile  and  Leon ;  then  drawing  his  sword  and  throw- 
ing his  buckler  on  his  shoulder,  he  marched  into  the 
sea  until  the  water  reached  above  his  knees,  and  waiv- 
ing his  banner,  exclaimed  with  a  loud  voice  :t 

"'Long  live  the  high  and  mighty  monarchs  Don  Ferdinand  and 
Donna  Juanna,  sovereigns  of  Castile,  of  Leon,  and  of  Arragon,  in 
whose  name,  and  for  the  royal  crown  of  Castile,  I  take  real,  and  corpo- 
ral, and  actual  possession  of  these  seas,  and  lands,  and  coasts,  and  ports, 
and  islands  of  the  south,  and  all  thereunto  annexed ;  and  of  the  king- 
doms and  provinces  which  do,  or  may  appertain  to  them  in  whatever 


*  Voyages  of  Companions  of  Columbus, 
p.  169.  Mr.  Irving,  for  tliis,  refers  to  Her- 
rera,  Hist.  Ind.  d.  i,  I.  z.  c.  2. 


t  Voyages  of  Companions  of  Columbus, 
p.  190. 


CHAP.  XXVI.]   VOYAGE    OF    NUNEZ    ON   PACIFIC    COAST. 


229 


his 


manner,  or  by  whatever  right  or  title,  ancient  or  modern,  in  times  past, 
present,  or  to  come,  without  any  contradiction ;  and  if  other  prince  or 
captain.  Christian  or  Infidel,  or  of  any  law,  sect  or  condition  whatsoever, 
shall  pretend  any  right  to  these  lands  and  seas,  I  am  ready  and  prepared 
to  maintain  and  defend  them  in  the  name  of  the  Castilian  sovereigns, 
present  and  future,  whose  is  the  empire  and  dominion  over  these  lo- 
dias,  islands  and  terra  firma,  northern  and  southern,  with  all  their  seas, 
both  at  the  arctic  and  antarctic  poles,  on  either  side  of  the  equinoxial 
line,  whether  within  or  without  the  tropics  of  Cancer  and  Capricorn, 
both  now  and  in  all  times,  as  long  as  the  world  endures,  and  until  the 
final  day  of  judgment  of  all  mankind.' "  * 

No  one  appearing  to  dispute  his  pretensions,  Vasco 
Nunez  called  upon  his  companions  to  bear  witness  of 
the  fact  of  his  having  duly  taken  possession.  They 
all  declared  themselves  ready  to  defend  his  claim; 
and  the  notary  having  drawn  up  a  document  for  the 
occasion,  they  all  subscribed  it.  Then  advancing  to 
the  margin  of  the  sea,  they  tasted  the  water,  which, 
finding  to  be  salt,  they  felt  assured  that  they  had  dis- 
covered an  ocean.  The  ceremonies  were  conducted 
by  Vasco  Nunez's  cutting  a  cross  on  a  tree  which 
grew  within  the  water,  and  making  two  other  crosses 
on  two  adjacent  trees,  in  honour  of  the  three  consti- 
tuting the  Trinity,  and  in  token  of  possession ;  and 
by  his  followers  cutting  crosses  on  many  of  the  trees 
of  the  adjacent  forest,  and  lopping  off  branches  with 
their  swords,  to  bear  away  as  trophies.f 

While  he  made  Chiapes  his  head  quarters,  Vasco 
Nunez  foraged  the  adjacent  country  and  obtained  a 
considerable  quantity  of  gold.  He  was  intent  on  ex- 
ploring by  sea  the  borders  of  a  neighbouring  gulf  of 
great  extent.  The  cacique  Chiapes  warned  him  of 
the  danger  of  venturing  to  sea  in  that  stormy  season. 


*  Voyages  of  Companions  of  Columbus,  p.  191.       f  Id.  p.  191, 2. 


230 


VOTAOE    OF    NUNEZ    OK    PACIFIC    COAST. 


[boos  I. 


it  i 


but  his  representations  producing  no  effect,  volun- 
teered to  take  part  in  the  cruise.  Accompanied  by 
the  cacique,  Vasco  Nunez  embarked  on  the  17th  of 
October  with  sixty  of  his  men,  in  nine  canoes,  ma- 
naged by  Indians.  The  result  shewed  the  wisdom  of 
the  cacique's  advice.  In  the  heavy  and  tumultuous 
sea,  it  was  with  difficulty  they  could  keep  afloat ;  to- 
wards evening  they  were  enabled  to  reach  a  small 
island.  Here  they  landed  and  fastened  the  canoes  to 
the  rocks,  or  to  small  trees  that  grew  upon  the  shore. 
Accustomed  to  the  sea  on  the  northern  side  of  the 
isthmus,  where  there  is  little,  if  any,  rise  or  fall  of  the 
tide,  they  took  no  precaution  against  such  an  occur- 
rence. In  the  night  they  were  awakened  by  the  ri- 
sing of  the  water.  By  degrees,  rock  after  rock,  and 
one  sand  bank  after  another  disappeared,  until  the 
sea  covered  the  whole  island,  and  rose  almost  to  the 
girdles  of  the  Spaniards.  Their  situation  was  now 
agonizing.  Fortunately,  the  tide  having  reached  its 
height,  began  to  subside.  When  the  day  dawned,  a 
sad  spectable  met  their  eyes.  Some  of  the  canoes 
were  broken  to  pieces;  others  yawning  open  in  many 
parts.  The  clothing  and  food  left  in  them,  had  been 
washed  away.  It  was  necessary  to  set  to  work  to 
repair,  in  the  best  manner  they  were  able,  the  da- 
mages to  the  canoes.  When  they  re-embarked,  they 
had  again  to  labour  with  the  sea,  while  they  were  suf- 
fering excessively  from  hunger  and  thirst.  At  night- 
fall, they  landed  in  a  corner  of  the  gulf,  near  the 
abode  of  a  cacique  named  Tumaco.  Driving  his 
men  away,  they  found  in  the  village  provisions  in 
abundance,  beside  a  considerable  amount  of  gold  and 


sB 


x 


CHAP.  XXVI.] 


INTIMATION    OF    PERU. 


231 


ma- 


a  great  quantity  of  pearls.  Afterwards,  a  friendly  in- 
tercourse was  established,  and  presents  were  ex- 
changed. To  a  place  about  ten  miles  distant,  a  party 
of  Indians  went,  by  directions  of  the  cacique,  and 
gathered  pearls  on  the  shore,  for  the  Spaniards.*  :    << 

"  In  reply  to  the  inquiries  of  Yasco  Nunez,  the  cacique 
informed  him  that  the  coast  which  he  saw  stretching  to  the 
west  continued  onwards  without  end,  and  that  far  to  the 
south  there  was  a  country  abounding  in  gold,  where  \e 
inhabitants  made  use  of  certain  quadrupeds  to  carry  bur- 
thens. He  moulded  a  figure  of  clay  to  represent  these  ani- 
mals, which  some  of  the  Spaniards  supposed  to  be  a  deer, 
others  a  camel,  others  a  tapir,  for  as  yet  they  knew  nothing 
of  the  lama,  the  native  beast  of  burthen  of  South  America. 
This  was  the  second  intimation  received  by  Yasco  Nunez 
of  the  great  empire  of  Peru ;  and,  while  it  confirmed  all 
that  had  been  toid  him  by  the  son  of  Comagre,  it  filled  him 
with  glowing  anticipations  of  the  glorious  triumphs  that 
awaited  him."t 

<'  Lest  any  ceremonial  should  be  wanting  to  secure  this 
grand  discovery  to  the  crown  of  Spain,  Yasco  Nunez  de- 
termined to  sally  from  the  gulf  and  take  possession  of  the 
main  land  beyond."| 

Departing  on  the  29th  of  October,  in  a  canoe  of 
state  furnished  by  the  cacique  Tumaco,  Nunez  pro- 
ceeded along  the  borders  of  the  gulf  to  a  point  where 
he  landed  on  a  beach  washed  by  the  ocean,  and  with 
buckler  on  arm,  sword  in  hand,  and  banner  displayed, 
again  marched  into  the  sea  and  took  possession  of  it, 
with  like  ceremonials  to  those  observed  in  the  gulf  of 
St.  Michaels.     The  Indians  now  pointed  to  a  line  of 

•  Voyages  of  Companions  of  Columbus,  p.  193  to  197.       f  W-  W7,  8.       J  Id,  199. 


.^     > 


f :. 


232 


EXPLOITS    OF    NUNEZ    ON   THE    PACIFIC.  [BOOK  I. 


land  about  four  or  five  leagues  distant  which  they  de- 
scribed as  a  great  island,  anrl  one  of  a  group  abound- 
ing with  pearls.  Being  toL  that  these  islands  were 
under  a  tyrannical  and  powerful  cacique  who  often 
made  descents  upon  the  main  land  to  plunder  it  and 
carry  the  people  into  captivity,  Nunez  assured  his  al- 
lies that  on  a  future  occasion  he  would  avenge  them 
upon  this  tyrant  and  deliver  the  coasts  from  his  ma- 
raudings. He  gave  to  the  principal  island  the  name 
of  Isla  Rica,  and  to  the  archipelago  the  appellation 
of  the  Pearl  islands.*  .  -,       ,    ^ 

"  On  the  third  of  November  Vasco  Nunez  departed  from 
the  province  of  Tumaco,  to  visit  other  parts  of  the  coast. 
He  embarked  with  his  men  in  the  canoes,  accompanied  by 
Chiapes  and  his  Indians,  and  guided  by  the  son  of  Tumaco, 
who  had  become  strongly  attached  to  the  Spaniards.  The 
young  man  piloted  them  along  an  arm  of  the  sea,  wide  in 
some  places,  but  in  others  obstructed  by  groves  of  man- 
grove trees,  which  grew  within  the  water  and  interlaced 
their  branches  from  shore  to  shore,  so  that  at  times  the  Spa- 
niards were  obliged  to  cut  a  passage  with  their  swords. 

"At  length  they  entered  a  great  and  turbulent  river, 
which  they  ascended  with  difficulty,  and,  early  the  next 
morning  surprised  a  village  on  its  banks,  making  the  ca- 
cique Teaochan,  prisoner  j  who  purchased  their  favour  and 
kind  treatment  by  a  quantity  of  gold  and  pearls,  and  an 
abundant  supply  of  provisions.  As  it  was  the  intention  of 
Yasco  Nunez  to  abandon  the  shores  of  the  Southern  ocean 
at  this  place,  and  to  strike  across  the  mountains  for  Darien, 
he  took  leave  of  Chiapes  and  of  the  youthful  son  of  Tu- 
maco, who  were  to  return  to  their  houses  in  the  canoes. 
He  sent  at  the  same  time,  a  message  to  his  men,  whom  he 

*  Voyages  of  Companions  of  Columbus,  p.  199, 900. 


CHAP.  3UIVI.]   RETURN    OF    NUNEZ   TO    DARIEN    1614. 


233 


had  left  in  the  village  of  Chiapas,  appointing  a  place  in  the 
mountains  where  they  were  to  rejoin  him  on  his  way  back 
to  Darien.  :■''■■  •>.;..  ^,.^  ,;  ^  .  ^^  v  •  i  .  ». 
<'  The  talent  of  Yasco  Nuficz  for  conciliating  and  win- 
ning the  good  will  of  the  savages  is  often  mentioned,  and 
to  such  a  degree  had  he  exerted  it  in  the  present  instance, 
that  the  two  chieftains  shed  tears  at  parting.  Their  con- 
duct had  a  favourable  effect  upon  the  cacique  Teaochan  ; 
he  entertained  Yasco  Nuflez  with  the  most  devoted  hospi- 
tality during  three  days  that  he  remained  in  his  village ; 
when  about  to  depart  he  furnished  him  with  a  stock  of 
provisions  sufficient  for  several  days,  as  his  route  would  lay 
over  rocky  and  sterile  mountains.  He  sent  also  a  nume- 
rous band  of  his  subjects  to  carry  the  burthens  of  the  Spa- 
niards. These  he  placed  under  the  command  of  his  son, 
whom  he  ordered  never  to  separate  from  the  strangers,  nor 
to  permit  any  of  his  men  to  return  without  the  consent  of 
Yasco  Nunez."*  :       : 

The  Spaniards  suffered  greatly  from  thirst  in  the 
early  part  of  their  route  to  Darier*.  Coming  to  the 
village  of  a  pov^erful  chief  named  Poncra,  famous 
for  his  riches,  they  found  in  the  deserted  houses  to 
the  value  of  three  thousand  crowns  in  gold.  Hav- 
ing searched  for  Poncra  and  prevailed  upon  him  and 
three  of  his  principal  subjects  to  come  to  Vasco  Nu- 
nez, the  Spaniards  endeavoured  to  draw  from  him  in- 
formation of  the  places  whence  he  had  procured  his 
gold.t 

"  He  professed  utter  ignorance  in  the  matter,  declaring 
that  the  gold  found  in  his  village  had  been  gathered  by  his 
predecessors  in  times  long  past,  and  that  as  he  himself  set 


*  Voyages  of  Companions  of  Columbus,  p.  SiOO  to  903. 

30 


t  Id.  p.  303,  4. 


23A 


RETURN   or    NUNEZ   TO   DARIEN    1514.  [book  I- 


no  value  on  the  metal,  he  had  never  troubled  himself  to 
seek  it.  The  Spaniards  resorted  to  menaces,  and  even,  it 
is  said,  to  tortures,  to  compel  him  to  betray  his  reputed 
treasures,  but  with  no  better  success.  Disappointed  in 
their  expectations,  and  <^nraged  at  his  supposed  obstinacy, 
they  listened  too  readily  to  charges  advanced  against  him 
by  certain  caciques  of  the  neighbourhood,  who  represented 
him  as  a  monster  of  cruelty,  and  as  guilty  of  crimes  repug- 
nant to  nature  '*  whereupon,  in  the  heat  of  the  moment, 
they  gave  him  and  his  three  companions,  who  were  said  to 
be  equally  guilty,  to  be  torn  in  pieces  by  the  dogs :  a  rash 
and  cruel  sentence,  given  on  the  evidence  of  avowed  ene- 
mies ;  and  which,  ho^vever  it  may  be  palliated  by  the  al- 
leged horror  and  disgust  of  the  Spaniards  at  the  imputed 
crimes  of  the  cacique,  bears  too  much  the  stamp  of  haste 
and  passion,  and  remains  a  foul  blot  on  the  character  of 
Vasco  Nunez. 

"  The  Spaniards  remained  for  thirty  days  reposing  in  the 
village  of  the  unfortunate  Poncra,  during  which  time  they 
were  rejoined  by  their  companions,  who  had  been  left  be- 
hind at  the  village  of  Chiapes.  They  were  accompanied 
by  a  cacique  of  the  mountains,  who  had  lodged  and  fed 
them,  and  made  them  presents  of  the  value  of  two  thou- 
sand crowns  in  gold.  This  hospitable  savage  approached 
Vasco  Nunez  with  a  serene  countenance,  and  taking  him 
by  the  hand,  '  Behold,'  said  he,  '  most  valiant  and  powerful 
chief,  I  bring  thee  thy  companions  safe  and  well,  as  they 
entered  under  my  roof.  May  he  who  made  the  thunder 
and  lightning,  and  who  gives  us  the  fruits  of  the  earth, 
preserve  thee  and  thine  in  safety !'  So  saying,  he  raised 
his  eyes  to  the  bUn,  as  if  he  worshipped  that  as  his  deity 
and  the  dispenser  of  all  temporal  blessings.f 


*  p.  Martyr,  d.  iii.  c.  9.       f  Herrera,  d.  i.  1.  x.  c.  4. 


n 


CHAP.  XXVI.]    RETURN    OP    NUNEZ   TO    DARIEN    1514. 


235 


F 


"Departing  from  this  village,  and  being  still  accom- 
panied by  the  Indians  of  Teaochan,  the  Spaniards  now 
bent  their  course  along  the  banks  of  the  river  Comagre, 
which  descends  the  northern  side  of  the  isthmus,  and 
flows  through  the  territories  of  the  cacique  of  the  same 
name."*  .  • 

They  had  soon  to  abandon  this  wild  stream  and 
wander  on  without  any  path,  but  guided  by  the  In- 
dians. On  the  way,  their  sufferings  from  hunger  be- 
came intense,  and  many  of  their  Indian  companions 
perished ;  having  been  loaded  too  heavily  with  gold 
and  too  lightly  with  provisions.  At  length  they 
reached  a  village,  where,  obtaining  supplies,  they  re- 
mained thirty  days  to  recruit  their  strength.  The 
Spaniards  had  now  to  pass  through  the  territories  of 
Tubanama,  the  potent  and  warlike  chieftain  of  whom 
a  formidable  character  had  been  given  by  the  young 
Indian  prince  who  first  informed  Vasco  Nunez  of  the 
southern  sea.f    ,      -  ... 

"  He  had  erroneously  represented  the  dominions  of  Tu- 
banama as  lying  beyond  the  mountains:  and  when  he 
dwelt  upon  the  quantities  of  gold  to  be  found  in  them,  had 
magnified  the  dangers  that  would  attend  any  attempt  to  pass 
their  borders.  The  name  of  this  redoubtable  cacique  was, 
in  fact,  a  terror  throughout  the  country ;  and  when  Yasco 
Nunez  looked  round  upon  his  handful  of  pale  and  ema- 
ciated followers,  he  doubted  whether  even  the  superiority 
of  their  weapons,  and  their  military  skill,  would  enable 
them  to  copo  with  Tubanama  and  his  armies  in  open  con- 
test. He  resolved,  therefore,  to  venture  upon  a  perilous 
stratagem.     When  he  made  it  known  to  his  men,  every 

*  Voyages  of  Companiona  of  Columbus,  p.  204,  5.        1 1<1.  P-  205  to  207. 


236 


KXTVRN    or    NUNEZ   TO   DARIEN    1514.  [■<><»  >• 


one  pressed  forward  to  engage  in  it.  Choosing  seventy  of 
the  most  vigorous,  he  ordered  the  rest  to  maintain  their  post 
in  the  village. 

"  As  soon  as  night  had  fallen,  he  departed  silently  and 
secretly  with  his  chosen  band,  and  made  his  way  with  such 
rapidity  through  the  labyrinths  of  the  forests  and  the  de- 
files of  the  mountains,  that  he  arrived  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  the  residence  of  Tubanama  by  the  following  eve- 
ning, though  at  the  distance  of  two  regular  days  journey. 

"  ^here  waiting  until  midnight,  he  assailed  the  village 
suddenly,  and  with  success,  so  as  to  surprise  and  capture 
the  cacique  and  his  whole  family,  in  which  were  eighty  fe- 
males. When  Tubanama  found  himself  a  prisoner  in  the 
hands  of  the  Spaniards,  he  lost  all  presence  of  mind,  and 
wept  bitterly.  The  Indian  allies  of  Vasco  Nunez  behold- 
ing their  once  dreaded  enemy  thus  fallen  and  captive,  now 
urged  that  he  should  be  put  to  death,  accusing  him  of  va- 
rious crimes  and  cruelties.  Yasco  Nunez  pretended  to  lis- 
ten  to  their  prayers,  and  gave  orders  that  his  captive  should 
be  tied  hand  and  foot  and  given  to  the  dogs.  The  cacique 
approached  him  trembling,  and  laid  his  hand  upon  the  pom- 
mel of  his  sword.  '  Who  can  pretend,'  said  he,  <  to  strive 
with  one  who  bears  this  weapon,  which  can  cleave  a  man 
asunder  with  a  blow  ?  Ever  since  thy  fame  has  reached 
among  these  mountains  have  I  reverenced  thy  valour. 
Spare  my  life,  and  thou  shalt  have  all  the  gold  I  can  pro- 
cure.' 

"Vasco  Nunez,  whose  anger  was  assumed,  was  readily 
pacified.  As  soon  as  the  day  dawned,  the  cacique  gave 
him  armlets  and  other  jewels  of  gold,  to  the  value  of  three 
thousand  crowns,  and  sent  messengers  throughout  his  do- 
minions, ordering  his  subjects  to  aid  in  paying  his  ransom. 
The  poor  Indians,  with  their  accustomed  loyalty,  hastened 
in  crowds,  bringing  their  golden  ornaments,  until  in  the 
course  of  three  days  they  had  produced  an  amount  equal 


CHAP.   XXVI.]  RETURN    or    NUNEZ   TO    DARIEN    1514. 


237 


to  six  thousand  crowns.  This  done,  Yasco  Nui^ez  set  the 
cacique  at  liberty,  bestowing  on  him  several  European  trin- 
kets, with  which  he  considered  himself  richer  than  he  had 
been  with  all  his  gold.  Nothing  would  draw  from  him, 
however,  the  disclosure  of  the  mines  from  whence  this 
treasure  was  procured.  He  declared  that  it  came  from  the 
territories  of  his  neighbours,  where  gold  and  pearls  were  to 
be  found  in  abundance  ;  but  that  his  lands  produced  noth- 
ing of  the  kind.  Yasco  Nunez  doubted  his  sincerity,  and 
secretly  caused  the  brooks  and  rivers  in  his  dominions  to 
be  searched,  where  gold  was  found  in  sUih  quantities,  that 
he  determined,  at  a  future  time,  to  found  two  settlemenis 
in  the  neighbourhood. 

"On  parting  with  Tubanama,  the  cacique  sent  his  son 
with  the  Spaniards,  to  learn  their  language  and  religion.  It 
is  said,  also,  that  the  Spaniards  carried  off  his  eighty  wo- 
men ;  but  of  tHls  particular  fact,  Oviedo,  who  writes  with 
the  papers  of  Yasco  Nunez  before  him,  says  notl  ing.  He 
affirms,  generally,  however,  that  the  Spaniards,  throughout 
this  expedition,  were  not  scrupulous  in  their  dealings  with 
the  wives  and  daughters  of  the  Indians ;  and  adds,  that  in 
this  their  commander  set  them  the  example.** 

"  Having  returned  to  the  village,  where  he  had  left  the 
greater  part  of  his  men,  Yasco  Nunez  resumed  his  home- 
ward march.  His  people  were  feeble  and  exhausted,  and 
several  of  them  sick ;  so  that  some  had  to  be  carried  and 
others  led  by  the  arms.  He  himself  '^?!>  part  of  the  time 
afflicted  by  a  fever,  and  had  to  be  boiuc  in  a  hammock  on 
the  shoulders  of  the  Indians. 

"Proceeding  thus  slowly  and  loilfully,  they  at  length 
arrived  on  the  northern  sea  coa'  t,  at  the  territories  of  their 
ally,  Comagre.  The  old  cacique  was  dead,  and  had  been 
succeeded  by  his  son,  the  same  intelligent  youth  who  had 
first  given  information  of  the  southern  sea  and  the  king- 

*  Oviedo,  Hist.  Gen.  part  ii.  c.  4.  MS. 


I  i  I 


238 


RETURN    OF    NUNEZ    TO    DARIEN    1614.  [BOOK  I. 


dotn  of  Peru.  The  young  chief,  who  had  embraced  Chris- 
tianity, received  them  with  great  hospitality,  making  them 
presents  of  gold.  Vasco  Nunez  gave  him  trinkets  in  re- 
turn, and  a  shirt  and  a  soldier's  cloak ;  with  which,  says 
Peter  Martyr,  he  thought  himself  half  a  god  among  his 
naked  countrymen.  After  having  reposed  for  a  few  days, 
Vasco  Nunez  proceeded  to  Poncra,  where  he  heard  that  a 
ship  and  caravel  had  arrived  at  Darien  from  Hispaniola, 
with  reinforcements  and  supplies.  Hastening,  therefore, 
to  Ooyba,  the  territories  of  his  ally,  Careta,  he  embarked 
on  the  18th  of  January  1614,  with  twenty  of  his  men,  in 
the  brigantine  which  he  had  left  there,  and  arrived  at  Santa 
Maria  de  la  Antigua,  in  the  river  of  Darien,  on  the  follow- 
ing day.  All  the  inhabitants  came  forth  to  receive  him ; 
and  when  they  heard  the  news  of  the  great  southern  sea, 
and  of  his  returning  from  its  shores  laden  with  pearls  and 
gold,  there  were  no  bounds  to  their  joy.  He  immediately 
dispatched  the  ship  and  caravel  to  Coyba  for  the  compa- 
nions he  had  left  behind,  who  brought  with  them  the  re- 
maining booty,  consisting  of  gold  and  pearls,  mantles,  ham- 
mocks, and  other  articles  of  cotton,  and  a  great  number  of 
captives  of  both  sexes.  A  fifth  of  the  spoil  was  set  apart 
for  the  crown ;  the  rest  was  shared,  in  just  proportions, 
among  those  who  had  been  in  the  expedition,  and  those 
who  had  remained  at  Darien.  All  were  contented  with 
their  allotment,  and  elated  with  the  prospect  of  still  greater 
gain  from  future  enterprises. 

"  Thus  ended  one  of  the  most  remarkable  expeditions  of 
the  early  discoverers.  The  intrepidity  of  Vasco  Nunez  in 
penetrating,  with  a  handful  of  men,  far  into  the  interior  of 
a  wild  and  mountainous  country,  peopled  by  warlike  tribes : 
his  skill  in  managing  his  band  of  rough  adventurers,  sti- 
mulating their  valour,  enforcing  their  obedience,  and  at- 
taching their  affections,  show  him  to  have  possessed  great 
qualities  as  a  general.     We  are  told  that  he  was  always 


CHAP.  XSVI.]   RETURN   OF    NUNEZ   TO    DARIEN    1614. 


239 


foremost  in  peril,  and  the  last  to  quit  the  field.  He  shared 
the  toils  and  dangers  of  the  meanest  of  his  followers,  treat- 
ing them  with  frank  affability  ;  watching,  fighting,  fasting, 
and  labouring  with  them ;  visiting  and  consoling  such  as 
were  sick  or  infirm,  and  dividing  all  his  gains  with  fairness 
and  liberality.  He  was  chargeable  at  times  with  acts  of 
bloodshed  and  injustice,  but  it  is  probable  that  these  were 
often  called  for  as  measures  of  safety  and  precaution ;  he 
certainly  offended  less  against  humanity  than  most  of  the 
early  discoverers;  and  the  unbounded  amity  and  confi- 
dence reposed  in  him  by  the  natives,  when  they  became 
intimately  acquainted  with  his  character,  speak  strongly  in 
favour  of  his  kind  treatment  of  them. 

"  The  character  of  Vasco  Nunez  had,  in  fact,  risen  with 
his  circumstances,  and  now  ;ssumed  a  nobleness  and  gran- 
deur from  the  discovery  he  had  made,  and  the  important 
charge  it  had  devolved  upon  him.  He  no  longer  felt  him- 
self a  mere  soldier  of  fortune,  at  the  head  of  a  band  of 
adventurers,  but  a  great  commander  conducting  an  immor- 
tal enterprise.  '  Behold,'  says  old  Peter  Martyr,  '  Vasco 
Nunez  de  Balboa,  at  once  transformed  from  a  rash  royster 
to  a  politic  and  discreet  captain ;'  and  thus  it  is  that  men 
are  often  made  by  their  fortunes,  that  is  to  say,  their  latent 
qualities  are  brought  out,  and  shaped  and  strengthened  by 
events,  and  by  the  necessity  of  every  exertion  to  copo  with 
the  greatness  of  their  destiny."* 

"  Vasco  Nunez  de  Balboa  now  flattered  himself  that  he 
had  made  a  discovery  calculated  to  silence  all  his  enemies 
at  court,  and  to  elevate  him  to  the  highest  favour  with  his 
sovereign.  He  wrote  letters  to  the  king,  giving  a  detail  of 
his  expedition,  and  setting  forth  all  that  he  had  seen  or 
heard  of  this  southern  sea,  and  of  the  rich  countries  upon 
its  borders.  Beside  the  royal  fifths  of  the  profits  of  the 
expedition,  he  prepared  a  present  for  the  sovereign,  in  the 

♦  Voyages  of  Companions  of  Columbus,  p.  207  to  S2U. 


240 


RETURN    OF    NUNEZ    TO    DARIEN    1514.  [BOOK  t. 


m\ 


name  of  himself  and  his  companions,  consisting  of  the 
largest  and  most  precious  pearls  they  had  collected.  As  a 
trusty  and  intelligent  envoy  to  bear  these  tidings,  he  chose 
Pedro  de  Arbolancha,  an  old  and  tried  friend,  who  had  ac- 
companied him  in  his  toils  and  dangers,  and  was  well  ac- 
quainted with  all  his  transactions.'"* 

"  Unfortunately,  the  ship  which  was  to  convey  the  mes- 
senger to  Spain,  lingered  in  port  until  the  beginning  of 
March ;  a  delay  which  had  a  fatal  influence  on  the  for- 
tunes of  Vasco  Nunez."t 


*  Voyages  of  Companions  of  Columbus,  p.  319.       |  Id. 


CHAP.  XXVII.]  PEDRARIAS  MADE  GOVERNOR  OF  DARIEN. 


241 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 

Of  the  appointment  of  Don  Pedro  Arias  Davila,  commonly  called  Pe- 
drarias,  in  1514  as  governor  of  Darien ;  the  prosperous  state  of  the 
colony  under  the  management  of  Nuflez  when  Pedrarias  arrived ; 
the  conduct  of  Pedrarias  to  Nufiez ;  the  sickness  of  the  colony  soon 
after  the  arrival  of  Pedrarias ;  his  unsuccessful  expeditions ;  and  the 
dispatches  from  Spain  in  favour  of  Nuiiez. 

The  complaints  made  by  the  Bachelor  Enciso,  af- 
ter his  arrival  in  Castile,  induced  the  king  to  send  a 
new  governor  to  Darien  with  power  to  enquire  into 
and  remedy  all  abuses.  For  this  purpose  he  chose 
Don  Pedro  Arias  Davila,  commonly  called  Pedrarias. 
He  was  a  native  of  Segovia,  who  had  been  brought 
up  in  the  royal  household,  and  had  distinguished  him- 
self both  in  the  war  in  Granada  and  at  the  taking  of 
Oran  and  Bugia  in  Africa.  His  personal  accomplish- 
ments were  such  as  would  captivate  the  soldiery :  he 
was  called  el  Galan,  for  his  gallant  array  and  courtly 
demeanor,  and  el  Justador,  or  the  Tilter,  for  his  dex- 
terity in  jousts  and  tournaments.  Scarcely  had  this 
appointment  been  made,  when  the  commissioners 
from  Darien  arrived,  communicating  the  intelligence 
from  the  son  of  Comagre,  and  asking  one  thousand 
men  to  make  the  discovery.  Ferdinand  rewarded 
the  bearers  of  the  intelligence,  and  resolved  to  dis- 
patch immediately  a  powerful  armada  with  twelve 
hundred  men,  under  the  command  of  Pedrarias  to 
accomplish  the  enterprise.  Many  cavaliers  offering 
31 


242 


PEDRARIAS    MADE    GOVERNOR   OF    OARIEN.         [BOOK  I. 


themselves  as  volunteers,  the  number  was  extended 
to  fifteen  hundred,  and  eventually  upwards  of  two 
thousand  embarked.  Santa  Maria  de  la  Antigua  was, 
by  royal  ordinance,  elevated  into  the  metropolitan  city 
of  Golden  Castile,  and  a  friar  named  Juan  de  Que- 
vedo  was  appointed  as  bishop,  with  powers  to  decide 
in  all  cases  of  conscience.  A  number  of  friars  was 
nominated  to  accompany  him,  and  he  was  provided 
with  the  necessary  furniture  and  vessels  for  a  chapel. 
Among  the  regulations  made  for  the  good  of  the  co- 
lony, it  was  ordained  that  no  lawyers  should  be  ad- 
mitted there;  it  being  supposed  that  at  Hispaniola 
and  elsewhere  they  were  detrimental  to  the  welfare  of 
the  settlements,  by  fomenting  disputes  and  litigations. 
The  judicial  affairs  were  to  be  entirely  confided  to 
the  Licentiate  Gaspar  de  Espinosa,  who  was  to  offi- 
ciate as  alcalde  mayor  or  chief  judge.  The  wife  of 
Don  Pedrarias  accompanied  her  husband:  she  lefl 
behind  her  in  Spain  a  family  of  four  sons  and  four 
daughters.  Don  Pedrarias  was  instructed  to  use 
great  indulgence  towards  the  people  of  Darien  who 
had  been  the  followers  of  Nicuesa,  and  to  remit  the 
royal  tithe  of  all  the  gold  they  might  have  collected  pre- 
vious to  his  arrival.  Vasco  Nunez  was  to  be  deposed 
from  his  assumed  authority  and  called  to  strict  ac- 
count before  the  alcalde  mayor  for  his  treatment  of 
the  Bachelor  Enciso.  The  fleet,  consisting  of  fifteen 
sail,  weighed  anchor  at  St.  Lucar  on  the  12th  of  April 
1514.* 

It  is  said  by  Mr.  Irving  that  the  two  gove^ors, 
Ojeda  and  Nicuesa,  whom  the  king  had  appointed  to 

*  Voyages  of  Companions  of  Columbus,  p.  913  to  317. 


14 


jT 


CHAP.  XXVII.]  GOVERNMENT    OF    VASCO   NUNEZ. 


243 


April 


colonize  and  command  at  the  isthmus  of  Darien  in 
Terra  Firma,  having  failed  in  their  undertaking,  the 
sovereign  in  1514  wrote  to  Hispaniola  permitting  the 
Adelantado,  Don  Bartholomew,  if  so  incUned,  to 
take  charge  of  settling  the  coast  of  Veragua  and  to 
govern  that  country  under  the  admiral  Don  Diego, 
conformably  to  his  privileges,  but  that  it  was  now  too 
late ;  illness  preventing  Don  Bartholomew  from  exe- 
cuting the  enterprise.* 

But  a  short  time  elapsed  after  the  departure  of  the 
fleet  of  Pedrarias  from  Spain,  when  Pedro  Arbolan- 
cho  arrived.  He  announced  the  adventurous  and 
successful  expedition  of  Vasco  Nunez,  and  laid  be- 
fore the  king  the  pearls  and  ornaments  which  he  had 
brought.  The  tidings  of  this  discovery  made  all 
Spain  resound  with  the  praises  of  Vasco  Nunez : 
from  being  considered  a  lawless  and  desperate  adven- 
turer, he  was  lauded  to  the  skies  as  a  worthy  suc- 
cessor to  Columbus.f 

"  While  honours  and  rewards  were  preparing  in  Europe 
for  Vasco  Nunez,  that  indefatigable  commander,  inspired  by 
his  fortunes,  with  redoubled  zeal  and  loftier  ambition,  was 
exercising  the  paternal  forethought  and  discretion  of  a  pa- 
triotic governor  over  the  country  subjected  to  his  rule.  His 
most  strenuous  exertions  were  directed  to  bring  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Darien  into  such  a  state .  of  cultivation  as 
might  render  the  settlement  independent  of  Europe  for  sup- 
plies. The  town  was  situated  on  the  banks  of  a  river,  and 
contained  upwards  of  two  hundred  houses  and  cabins.  Its 
population  amounted  to  five  hundred  and  fifteen  Europeans, 


*  Irving's  Columbus,  vol.  2,  p.  919,  Appendix  No.  2. 
t  Voyages  of  Companions  of  Columbus,  p.  SI7, 18. 


f 


244 


ARRIVAL    OF    PEDRARIAS. 


[BOOK   I. 


all  men,  and  fifteen  hundred  Indians,  male  and  female. 
Orchards  and  gardens  had  been  laid  out,  where  European, 
as  well  as  native  fruits  and  vegetables  were  cultivated,  and 
already  gave  promise  of  future  abundance.  Yasco  Nunez 
devised  all  kinds  of  means  to  keep  up  the  spirits  of  his 
people.  On  holidays  they  had  their  favourite  national 
sports  and  games,  and  particularly  tilting  matches,  of  which 
chivalrous  amusement  the  Spaniards,  in  those  days,  were 
extravagantly  fond.  Sometimes  he  gratified  their  restless 
and  roving  habits,  by  sending  them  in  expeditions  to  va- 
rious parts  of  the  country,  to  acquire  a  knowledge  of  its 
resources,  and  to  strengthen  his  sway  over  the  natives. 
He  was  so  successful  in  securing  the  amity  or  exciting  the 
awe  of  the  Indian  tribes,  that  a  Spaniard  might  go  singly 
about  the  land  in  perfect  safety ;  while  his  own  followers 
were  zealous  in  their  devotion  to  him,  both  from  admira- 
tion of  his  past  exploits,  and  from  hopes  of  soon  being  led 
by  him  to  new  discoveries  and  conquests.  Peter  Martyr, 
in  his  letter  to  Leo  the  Tenth,  speaks  in  high  terms  of 
these  '  old  soldiers  of  Darien,'  the  remnants  of  those  well- 
tried  adventurers  who  had  followed  the  fortunes  of  Ojeda, 
Nicuesa  and  Vasco  Nunez.  '  They  were  hardened,'  says 
he,  '  to  abide  all  sorrows,  and  were  exceedingly  tolerant  of 
labour,  heat,  hunger  and  watching,  insomuch  that  they 
merrily  make  their  boast  that  they  have  observed  a  longer 
and  sharper  Lent  than  ever  your  Holiness  enjoined,  since, 
for  the  space  of  four  years,  their  food  has  been  herbs  and 
fruits,  with  now  and  then  fish,  and  very  seldom  flesh.'* 

"  Such  were  the  hardy  and  well  seasoned  veterans  that 
were  under  the  sway  of  Vasco  Nunez ;  and  the  colony 
gave  signs  of  rising  in  prosperity,  under  his  active  and  fos- 
tering management,  when,  in  the  month  of  June,  the  fleet 
of  Don  Pedrarias  Davila  arrived  in  the  gulf  of  Uraba. 


I 


*P.  Martyr,  decad.  3,  c.  Hi.  Lok'a  translation. 


CHAP.   XXVII.] 


ARRIVAL    OF    PEDRARIA9. 


245 


that 
)lony 

fos- 
fleet 


"The  Spanish  cavaliers  who  accompanied  the  new  go- 
vernor, were  eager  to  get  on  shore,  and  to  behold  ihe  anti- 
cipated wonders  of  the  land ;  but  Pedrarias,  knowing  the 
resolute  character  of  Vasco  Nunez,  and  the  devotion  of  his 
followers,  apprehended  some  difficulty  in  getting  possession 
of  the  colony.  Anchoring,  therefore,  about  a  league  and  a 
half  from  the  settlement,  he  sent  a  messenger  on  shore  to 
announce  his  arrival.  The  envoy,  having  heard  so  much 
in  Spain  of  the  prowess  and  exploits  of  Yasco  Nunez  and 
the  riches  of  Golden  Castile,  expected,  no  doubt,  to  find  a 
blustering  warrior,  maintaining  barbaric  state  in  the  govern- 
ment which  he  had  usurped.  Great  was  his  astonishment, 
therefore,  to  find  this  redoubtable  hero  a  plain,  unassuming 
man,  clad  in  a  cotton  frock  and  drawers,  and  hempen  san- 
dals, directing  and  aiding  the  labour  of  several  Indians  who 
were  thatching  a  cottage  in  which  he  resided. 

"  The  messenger  approached  him  respectfully,  and  an- 
nounced the  arrival  of  Don  Pedrarias  Davila  as  governor  of 
the  country. 

"  Whatever  Vasco  Nunez  may  have  felt  at  this  intelli- 
gence, he  suppressed  his  emotions,  and  answered  the  mes- 
senger with  great  discretion  ;  '  Tell  Don  Pedrarias  Davila,' 
said  he,  '  that  he  is  welcome,  that  I  congratulate  him  on 
his  safe  arrival,  and  am  ready,  with  all  who  are  here,  to 
obey  his  orders.' 

"  The  little  community  of  rough  and  daring  adventurers 
was  immediately  in  an  uproar  when  they  found  a  new- 
governor  had  arrived.  Some  of  the  most  zealous  adherents 
of  Vasco  Nunez  were  disposed  to  sally  forth,  sword  in 
hand,  and  repel  the  intruder ;  but  they  were  restrained  by 
their  more  considerate  chieftain,  who  prepared  to  receive 
the  new  governor  with  all  due  submission. 

"  Pedrarias  disembarked  on  the  30th  of  June,  accompa- 
nied by  his  heroic  wife  Dona  Isabella,  who,  according  to 
old  Peter  Martyr,  had  sustained  the  roarings  and  rages  of 


;  r  7  T:r*»=?p^*?r^':- 


\ 


246 


ARRIVAL    OF    PEDRARIAS. 


[BQOK  I. 


the  ocean  with  no  less  stout  courage  than  eiiher  her  hus- 
band or  even  the  naariners  who  had  been  brought;  up  among 
the  surges  of  the  sea. 

"  Pedrarias  set  out  for  the  embryo  city,  at  the  head  of 
two  thousand  men,  all  well  armed.  He  led  his  wife  by 
the  hand,  and  on  the  other  side  of  him  was  the  Bishop  of 
Darien,  in  his  robes  ,*  while  a  brilliant  train  of  youthful  ca- 
valiers, in  glittering  armour  and  brocade,  formed  a  kind  of 
body  guard. 

"  All  this  pomp  and  splendour  formed  a  striking  contrast 
with  the  humble  state  of  Yasco  Nunez,  who  came  forth 
unarmed,  in  simple  attire,  accompanied  by  his  councillors 
and  a  handful  of  the  <  old  soldiers  of  Darien,'  scarred  and 
battered,  and  grown  half  wild  in  Indian  warfare,  but  with- 
out weapons,  and  in  garments  much  the  worse  for  wear. 

"  Vasco  Nunez  saluted  Don  Pedrarias  Davila  with  pro- 
found reverence,  and  promised  him  implicit  obedience,  both 
in  his  own  name  and  in  the  name  of  the  community. 
Having  entered  the  town,  he  conducted  his  distinguished 
guests  to  his  straw-thatched  habitation,  where  he  had 
caused  a  repast  to  be  prepared  of  such  cheer  as  his  means 
afforded,  consisting  of  roots  and  fruits,  maize  and  casava 
bread,  with  no  other  beverage  than  water  from  the  river ; 
a  sorry  palace  and  a  meagre  banquet  in  the  eyes  of  the  gay 
cavaliers,  who  had  anticipated  far  other  things  from  the 
usurper  of  Golden  Castile.  Vasco  Nunez,  however,  ac- 
quitted himself  in  his  humble  wigwam  with  the  courtesy 
and  hospitality  of  a  prince,  and  showed  that  the  dignity  of 
an  entertainment  depends  more  upon  the  giver  than  the 
feast.  In  the  meantime  a  plentiful  supply  of  European 
provisions  was  landed  from  the  fleet,  and  a  temporary 
abundance  was  diffused  through  the  colony.'"'*' 

"  On  the  day  after  his  entrance  into  Darien,  Don  Pedra- 
rias held  a  private  conference  with  Vasco  Nunez  in  presence 

*  Voyages  of  Companions  of  Columbus,  p.  219  to  9SS. 


CBAF.  XXVII.]    CONDUCT   OF    PEDRARIAS   TO   NUNEZ. 


247 


of  the  historian  Oviedo,  who  had  come  ont  from  Spain  as 
the  public  notary  of  the  colony.  The  governor  commenced 
by  assuring  him  that  he  was  instructed  by  the  king  to  treat 
him  with  great  favour  and  distinction,  to  consult  him  about 
the  affairs  of  the  colony,  and  to  apply  to  him  for  informa* 
tion  relative  to  the  surrounding  country.  At  the  same  time 
he  professed  the  most  amicable  feelings  on  his  own  part, 
and  an  intention  to  be  guided  by  his  counsels  in  ail  public 
measures. 

"  Yasco  Nunez  was  of  a  frank,  confiding  nature,  and  was 
so  captivated  by  this  unexpected  courtesy  and  kindness, 
that  he  threw  off  all  caution  and  reserve,  and  opened  his 
whole  soul  to  the  politic  courtier.  Pedrarias  availed  him- 
self of  this  communicative  mood  to  draw  from  him  a  mi- 
nute and  able  statement  in  writing,  detailing  the  circum- 
stances of  the  colony,  and  the  information  collected  respect- 
ing various  parts  of  the  country ;  the  route  by  which  he 
had  traversed  the  mountains ;  his  discovery  of  the  South 
sea ;  the  situation  and  reputed  wealth  of  the  Pearl  islands  ,* 
the  rivers  and  ravines  most  productive  of  gold ;  together 
with  the  names  and  territories  of  the  various  caciques  with 
whom  he  had  made  treaties. 

"When  Pedrarias  had  thus  beguiled  the  unsuspecting 
soldier  of  all  the  information  necessary  for  his  purposes,  he 
dropped  the  mask,  and  within  a  few  days  proclaimed  a  ju- 
dicial scrutiny  into  the  conduct  of  Vasco  Nunez  and  his 
officers.  It  was  to  be  conducted  by  the  Licentiate  Gaspar 
de  Espinosa,  who  had  come  out  as  alcalde  mayor,  or  chief 
judge.  The  Licentiate  was  an  inexperienced  lawyer,  hav- 
ing but  recently  left  the  University  of  Salamanca.  He  ap- 
pears to  have  been  somewhat  flexible  in  his  opinions,  and 
prone  to  be  guided  or  governed  by  others.  At  the  outset 
of  his  career  he  was  much  under  the  influence  of  Q,uevedo, 
the  Bishop  of  Darien.  Now,  as  Vasco  Nunez  knew  the  im- 
portance of  this  prelate  in  the  colony,  he  had  taken  care  to 


248 


CONDUCT  or  PEDRARIAS  TO  NUNEZ. 


[book  I. 


i 


secure  him  to  his  interests  by  paying  him  the  most  pro- 
found deference  and  respect,  and  by  giving  him  a  share  in 
his  agricultural  enterprises  and  his  'schemes  of  traffic.  In 
fact,  the  good  bishop  looked  upon  him  as  one  eminently 
calculated  to  promote  his  temporal  prosperity,  to  which  he 
was  by  no  means  insensible.  Under  the  influence  of  the 
prelate,  therefore,  the  alcalde  commenced  his  investigation 
in  the  most  favourable  manner.  He  went  largely  into  an 
examination  of  the  discoveries  of  Yasco  Nunez,  and  of  the 
nature  and  extent  of  his  various  services.  The  governor 
was  alarmed  at  the  course  which  the  inquiry  was  taking. 
If  thus  conducted,  it  would  but  serve  to  illustrate  the  me- 
rits and  elevate  the  reputation  of  the  man  whom  it  was  his 
interest  and  intent  to  ruin.  To  counteract  it  he  immedi- 
ately set  on  foot  a  secret  and  invidious  course  of  interro- 
gatories of  the  followers  of  Nicuesa  and  Ojeda,  to  draw 
from  them  testimony  which  might  support  the  charges 
against  Yasco  Nunez  of  usurpation  and  tyrannical  abuse  of 
power.  The  bishop  and  the  alcalde  received  information 
of  this  inquisition,  carried  on  thus  secretly,  and  without 
their  sanction.  They  remonstrated  warmly  against  it,  as 
an  infringement  of  their  rights,  being  coadjutors  in  the  go- 
vernment ;  and  they  spurned  the  testimony  of  the  followers 
of  Ojeda  and  Nicuesa,  as  being  dictated  and  discoloured  by 
ancient  enmity.  Yasco  Nunez  was  therefore  acquitted  by 
them  of  the  criminal  charges  made  against  him,  though  he 
remained  involved  in  difficulties  from  the  suits  brought 
against  him  by  individuals,  for  losses  and  damages  occa- 
sioned by  his  measures. 

"  Pedrarias  was  incensed  at  this  acquittal,  and  insisted 
upon  the  guilt  of  Yasco  Nunez,  which  he  pretended  to 
have  established  to  his  conviction  by  his  secret  investiga- 
tions ;  and  he  even  determined  to  send  him  in  chains  to 
Spain,  to  be  tried  for  the  death  of  Nicuesa,  and  for  other 
imputed  ofiences. 


CMAf.  XXVti.]    CONDUCT   OF    PEDRARIAS    TO   NUNEZ. 


249 


(( 


nsisted 
ded  to 
restiga- 
ains  to 
other 


It  was  not  the  inclination  or  the  interest  of  the  bishop 
that  Yasco  Nunez  should  leave  the  colony;  he  therefore 
managed  to  awaken  the  jealous  apprehensions  of  the  go- 
vernor as  to  the  effect  of  his  proposed  measure.  He  inti- 
mated that  the  arrival  of  Yasco  Nunez  in  Spain  would  be 
signalized  by  triumph  rather  than  disgrace.  By  that  time 
his  grand  discoveries  would  be  blazoned  to  the  world,  and 
would  atone  for  all  his  faults.  He  would  be  received  with 
enthusiasm  by  the  nation,  with  favour  by  the  king,  and 
would  probably  be  sent  back  to  the  colony  clothed  with 
new  dignity  and  power. 

"Pedrarias  was  placed  in  a  perp>'  lijg  dilemma  by  these 
suggestions ;  his  violent  proceedings  against  Yasco  Nunez 
were  also  in  some  measure  restrained  by  the  influence  of 
his  wife,  Dona  Isabel  de  Bobadilla,  who  felt  a  great  respect 
and  sympathy  for  the  ditcoverer.  In  his  perplexity,  the 
wily  governor  adopted  a  middle  course.  He  resolved  to 
detain  Yasco  Nunez  at  Darien  under  a  cloud  of  imputation, 
which  would  gradually  impair  his  popularity ;  while  his 
patience  and  means  would  be  silently  consumed  by  pro- 
tracted and  expensive  litigation.  In  the  meantime,  how- 
ever, the  property  which  had  been  sequestrated  was  re- 
stored to  him. 

"  While  Pedrarias  treated  Yasco  Nunez  with  this  seve- 
rity, he  failed  not  to  avail  himself  of  the  plans  of  that  able 
commander.  The  first  of  these  was  to  establish  a  line  of 
posts  across  the  mountains  between  Darien  and  the  South 
sea.  It  was  his  eager  desire  to  execute  this  before  any  or- 
der should  arrive  from  the  king  in  favour  of  his  predeces- 
sor, in  order  that  he  might  have  the  credit  of  having  colo- 
nized the  coast,  and  Yasco  Nunez,  merely  that  of  having 
discovered  and  visited  it.*  Before  he  could  complete  these 
arrangements,  however,  unlooked-for  calamities  fell  upon 
the  settlement,  that  for  a  time  interrupted  every  project, 


32 


*  Oviedo,  Hist.  Ind.  p.  3,  c.  8. 


250 


CALAMITIES    AT    DARIGN. 


Tboos  1. 


and  made  every  one  turn  his  thoughts  merely  t :.  h't  rivirn 
security."* 

Daricn  was  unhealthy.  Many  of  those  who  had 
recently  arrived  were  swept  off  speedily ;  Pedrarias 
himself  fell  sick  and  was  removed,  with  most  of  his 
people,  to  a  healthier  spot  on  the  river  Corobari ;  the 
malady,  however,  continued  to  increase.  The  provi- 
sions which  had  been  brought  out  being  partly  da- 
maged by  the  sea,  the  residue  grew  scanty,  and  the 
people  were  put  on  short  allowance.  The  debility 
thus  produced  increased  the  ravages  of  disease.  At 
length  the  provisions  were  exhausted  and  the  horrors 
of  famine  ensued.  There  perished  in  a  month  seven 
hundred  of  the  little  army  that  had  embarked  with 
Pedrarias.  Unable  to  remedy  the  evil,  Pedrarias  gave 
permission  for  his  men  to  flee  from  it.  A  ship-load 
of  starving  adventurers  departed  for  Cuba,  where 
some  of  them  joined  the  standard  of  Diego  Velas- 
quez, who  was  colonizing  that  island ;  others  made 
their  way  back  to  Spain,  where  they  arrived  broken 
in  health,  in  spirits  and  in  fortune.f 

The  departure  of  so  many  was  a  temporary  relief; 
and  Pedrarias,  having  recovered  from  his  malady,  be- 
stirred himself  to  send  expeditions  to  forage  the  coun- 
try and  collect  treasure.! 

"  These  expeditions,  however,  were  entrusted  to  his  own 
favourites,  and  partisans ;  while  Yasco  Nunez,  the  man  most 
competent  to  carry  them  into  effect,  remained  idle  and  ne- 
glected. A  judicial  inquiry,  tardily  carried  on,  oversha- 
dowed him,  and  though  it  substantiated  nothing,  served  to 
embarrass  his  actions,  to  cool  his  friends,  and  to  give  him 


°  *  Voyages  of  Companions  of  Columbus,  p.  223  to  236.    f  Id.  p.  237  to  229.    i  Id.  p.  230. 


CHAP.    XXVII.] 


EXPEDITIONS    or    PEDRARIAS. 


251 


the  air  of  a  public  delinquent.  Indeed,  to  the  other  evils 
of  the  colony  was  now  added  that  of  excessive  litigation, 
arising  out  of  the  disputes  concerning  the  government  of 
Yasco  Nunez,  and  which  increased  to  such  a  degree,  that 
according  to  the  report  of  the  Alcalde  Espinosa,  if  the  law 
suits  should  be  divided  among  the  people,  at  least  forty 
would  fall  to  each  man's  share.'"'  This  too  was  in  a  colony 
into  which  the  government  had  commanded  that  no  lawyer 
should  be  admitted."t 

"  Wearied  and  irritated  by  the  check  which  had  been 
given  to  his  favourite  enterprises,  and  confident  of  the  ulti- 
mate approbation  of  the  king,  Yasco  Nunez  now  determined 
to  take  his  fortunes  in  his  own  hands,  and  to  prosecute  in 
secret  his  grand  project  of  exploring  the  regions  beyond  the 
mountains.  For  this  purpose  he  privately  dispatched  one 
Andres  Garabito  to  Cuba  to  enlist  men,  and  to  make  the 

-  requisite  provisions  for  an  expedition  across  the  isthmus, 
from  Nombre  de  Dios,  and  for  the  founding  a  colony  on  the 
shores  of  the  Southern  Ocean,  from  whence  he  proposed  to 
extend  his  discoveries  by  sea  and  land. 

"While  Yasco  Nunez  awaited  the  return  of  Garabito,  he 
had  the  mortification  of  beholding  various  of  his  colonizing 
plans  pursued  and  marred  by  Pedrarias.  Among  other  en- 
terprises, the  governor  dispatched  his  lieutenant-general 
Juan  de  Ayora,  at  the  head  of  four  hundred  men,  to  visit 
the  provinces  of  those  caciques  with  whom  Yasco  Nunez 
had  sojourned  and  made  treaties  on  his  expedition  to  the 
Southern  sea.  Ayora  partook  of  the  rash  and  domineering 
spirit  of  Pedrarias,  and  harassed  and  devastated  the  coun- 
tries which  he  pretended  to  explore.     He  was  received  with 

^mity  and  confidence  by  various  caciques  who  had  formed 
treaties  with  Yasco  Nunez ;  but  he  repaid  their  hospitality 
with  the  basest  ingratitude,  seizing  upon  their  property, 
takinp;  from  them  their  wives  and  daughters,  and  often  tor- 


*Herrera,  decad.  9, 1.  i.  c.  1. 

t  Voyages  of  Companions  of  Columbus,  p.  930. 


252 


VASCO    NUNEZ. 


[book   I. 


r0t.i'yt-  --•■'■ 


'P 


H 


turing  them  to  make  them  reveal  their  hidden  or  supposed 
treasures.  Among  those  treated  with  this  perfidy,  we  grieve 
to  enumerate  the  youthful  cacique  who  first  gave  Vasco 
Nunez  information  of  the  sea  beyond  the  mountains. 

"  The  enormities  of  Ayora  and  of  other  captains  of  Pe- 
drarias  produced  the  usual  effect  j  the  natives  were  roused 
to  desperate  resistance ;  caciques,  who  had  been  faithful 
friends,  were  converted  into  furious  onemies,  and  the  expe- 
dition ended  in  disappointment  and  disaster. 

"The  adherents  of  Vasco  Nunez  did  not  fail  to  contrast 
these  disastrous  enterprises  with  those  which  had  been  con- 
ducted with  so  much  glory  and  advantage  by  their  fa- 
vourite commander;  and  their  sneers  and  reproaches  had 
such  an  effect  upon  the  jealous  and  irritable  disposition  of 
Pedrarias,  that  he  determined  to  employ  their  idol  in  a  ser- 
vice that  would  be  likely  to  be  attended  with  defeat,  and 
to  impair  his  popularity.  None  seemed  more  fitting  for  the 
purpose  than  an  exbibitioa  to  Dobayba,  where  he  had  once 
already  attempted  in  vain  to  penetrate,  and  where  so  many 
of  his  followers  had  fallen  victims  to  the  stratagems  and 
assaults  of  the  natives."* 

Vasco  Nunez  accepted  the  enterprise,  and  had  two 
hundred  resolute  men  given  him  for  the  purpose,  but 
his  satisfaction  was  diminished  when  he  found  that 
Luis  Carrillo,  an  officer  of  Pedrarias,  was  associated 
with  him.  The  enterprise  proved  unsuccessful.  The 
Spaniards,  in  an  unguarded  moment,  being  suddenly 
surprised  and  surrounded,  one  half  of  them,  inclu- 
ding Carrillo,  were  killed  or  drowned  in  the  river  up 
which  they  were  proceeding.  Vasco  Nunez  himself 
was  wounded,  and  had  great  difficulty  in  escaping 
with  the  residue  of  his  forces.f 


*  Voyages  of  Companions  of  Columbus,  p.  S30  to  233.       f  Id.  p.  333  to  33G. 


CHAP.   XXTII.] 


VASCO    NUNEZ. 


253 


"About  this  time  dispatches  arrived  from  Spain  that 
promised  to  give  a  new  turn  to  the  fortunes  of  Vasco  Nu- 
ne?  and  to  the  general  affairs  of  the  colony.  They  were 
written  after  the  tidings  of  the  discovery  of  the  South  sea, 
and  the  subjugation  of  so  many  important  provinces  of  the 
isthmus.  In  a  letter  addressed  to  Vasco  Nunez,  the  king 
expressed  his  high  sense  of  his  merits  and  services,  and 
constituted  him  Adelantado  of  the  South  sea,  and  governor 
of  the  provinces  of  Panama  and  Coyba,  though  subordi- 
nate to  the  general  command  of  Pedrarias.  A  letter  was 
likewise  written  by  the  king  to  Pedrarias,  informing  him  of 
this  appointment,  and  ordering  him  to  consult  Vasco  Nunez 
on  all  public  affairs  of  importance.  This  was  a  humilia- 
ting blow  to  the  pride  and  consequence  of  Pedrarias,  but 
he  hoped  to  parry  it.  In  the  meantime,  as  all  letters  from 
Spain  were  first  delivered  into  his  hands,  he  withheld  that 
intended  for  Vasco  Nunez,  until  he  should  determine  what 
course  of  conduct  to  adopt.  The  latter,  however,  heard  of 
the  circumstance,  as  did  his  friend  the  Bishop  of  Darien. 
The  prelate  made  loud  complaints  of  this  interruption  of 
the  royal  correspondence,  which  he  denounced,  even  from 
the  pulpit,  as  an  outrage  upon  the  rights  of  the  subject, 
and  an  act  of  disobedience  to  the  sovereign. 

"  Upon  this  the  governor  called  a  council  of  his  public 
officers ;  and,  after  imparting  the  contents  of  his  letter,  re- 
quested their  opinion  as  to  the  propriety  of  investing  Vasco 
Nunez  with  the  dignities  thus  granted  to  him.  The 
alcalde  mayor,  Espinosa,  had  left  the  party  of  the  bishop, 
and  was  now  devoted  to  the  governor.  He  insisted,  vehe- 
mently, that  the  offices  ought  in  no  wise  to  be  given  to 
Vasco  Nunez,  until  the  king  should  be  informed  of  the  re- 
sult of  the  inquest,  which  was  still  going  on  against  him. 
In  this  he  was  warmly  supported  by  the  treasurer  and  the 
accountant.  The  bishop  replied,  indignantly,  that  it  was 
presumptuous  and  disloyal  in  them  to  dispute  the  com- 


254 


VASCO    NUNEZ. 


[book  I. 


mands  of  the  king,  and  to  interfere  with  the  rewards  con- 
scientiously given  by  him  to  a  meritorious  subject.  In  this 
way,  he  added,  they  were  defeating,  by  their  passions,  the 
grateful  intentions  of  their  sovereign.  The  governor  was 
overawed  by  the  honest  v.aimth  of  the  bishop,  and  pro- 
fessed to  accord  with  him  in  opinion.  The  council  lasted 
until  midnight ;  and  it  was  finally  agreed  that  the  titles 
and  dignities  should  be  conferred  on  Yasco  Nunez  on  the 
following  day.* 

"  Pedraria^  and  his  officers  reflected,  however,  that  if  the 
jurisdiction  implied  by  these  titles,  were  absolutely  vested  in 
Vasco  Nunez,  the  government  of  Darien  and  Castilla  del 
Oro  would  virtually  be  reduced  to  a  trifling  matter ;  they 
resolved,  therefore,  to  adopt  a  middle  course ;  to  grant  him 
the  empty  titles,  but  to  make  him  give  security  not  to  en- 
ter upon  the  actual  government  of  the  territories  in  ques- 
tion, until  Pedrarias  should  give  him  permission.  The 
bishop  and  Vasco  Nunez  assented  to  this  arrangement;  sa- 
tisfied, for  the  present,  with  securing  the  titles,  and  trust- 
ing to  the  course  of  events  to  get  dominion  over  the  terri- 
tories.! 

"  The  new  honours  of  Vasco  Nunez  were  now  promul- 
gated to  the  world,  and  he  was  every  where  addressed  by 
the  title  of  Adelantado.  His  old  friends  lifted  up  their 
heads  with  exultation,  and  new  adherents  flocked  to  his 
standard.  Parties  began  to  form  for  him  and  for  Pedrarias. 
for  it  was  deemed  impossible  they  could  continue  long  in 
harmony. 

"The  jealousy  of  the  governor  was  excited  by  these 
circumstances  ;  and  ht;  regarded  the  newly  created  Adelan- 
tado as  a  dangerous  rival  and  an  insidious  foe.  Just  at  tliis 
critical  juncture.  Andres  Garabito,  the  agent  of  Vasco  Nu- 
nez, arrived  on  the  coast  in  a  vessel  which  he  had  procured 

*  Oviedo,  part  2,  c.  O.MS.    Ovipdo,  tlir        given  on  llio  occasion,  which  the  parties 
historian,  was  present  at  this  consultation,        Kignnd  with  their  proper  hands. 
and  says  that  he  wrote  down  the  opinions  *  Oviedo,  part  2,  c.  9.  MS. 


CHAP.   XXTII.] 


VASCO    NUN£Z. 


255 


at  Cuba,  and  had  freighted  with  arms  and  ammunition,  and 
seventy  resolute  men,  for  the  secret  expedition  to  the  shores 
of  the  Pacific  Ocean.  He  anchored  six  leagues  from  the 
harbour,  and  sent  word  privately  to  Vasco  Nunez  of  his 
arrival. 

"  Information  was  immediately  carried  to  Pedrarias,  that 
a  mysterious  vessel,  full  of  armed  men,  was  hovering  on 
the  coast,  and  holding  secret  communication  with  his  rival. 
The  suspicious  temper  of  the  governor  immediately  took 
the  alarm.  He  fancied  some  treasonable  plot  against  his 
authority;  his  passions  mingled  with  his  fears;  and,  in  the 
first  burst  of  his  fury,  he  ordered  that  Vasco  Nunez  should 
be  seized  and  confined  in  a  wooden  cage.  The  Bishop  of 
Darien  interposed  in  time  to  prevent  an  indignity  which  it 
might  have  been  impossible  to  expiate.  He  prevailed  upon 
the  passionate  governor,  not  merely  to  retract  the  order  re- 
specting the  cage,  but  to  examine  the  whole  matter  with 
coolness  and  deliberation.  The  result  proved  that  his  sus- 
picions had  been  erroneous ;  and  that  the  armament  had 
been  set  on  foot  without  any  treasonable  intent.  Vasco 
Nuiiez  was,  therefore,  set  at  liberty,  after  having  agreed  to 
certain  precautionary  conditions ;  but  he  remained  cast 
down  in  spirit  and  impoverished  in  fortune,  by  the  haras- 
sing measures  of  Pedrarias."* 

Gonzalo  Fernandez  de  Oviedo  Y.  Valdes,  to  whom 
reference  is  made  on  page  247,  in  an  extract  from 
the  Voyages  of  the  Companions  of  Columbus,  was,  it 
is  said,  appointed  in  1514  inspector  of  the  metals  cast 
at  Darien.  BecDming  discontented  with  Pedrarias, 
he  gave  up  this  place,  we  are  told,  the  year  following, 
and  went  to  Saint  Domingo,  and  thence  to  Spain.f 


•*  Voyages  of  Companinns  of  Columbus,  p.  237  to  240. 

t  Preface  of  French  editor  to  his  History,  published  at  Paris  in  1841,  in  Ternaux's  col 
lection. 


266 


EXPEDITIONS    1616    UNDER    FEDRARIAS.  [BOOK  I. 


t(   ! 


lift;  il 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

Of  several  expeditions  in  1515  under  Pedrarius,  one  of  which  was  to 
the  Pacific ;  also  of  the  discovery  of  the  Rio  de  la  Plata. 

Pedrarias  now  set  on  foot  an  expedition  with  sixty 
men  to  the  South  sea,  but  gave  the  command  to  one 
of  his  own  relations  named  Caspar  Morales,  who  was 
accompanied  by  Francisco  Pizarro.  Morales  and 
Pizarro  traversed  the  mountains  of  the  isthmus  by  a 
shorter  and  more  expeditious  route  than  that  which 
had  been  taken  by  Vasco  Nunez,  and  arrived  on  the 
shores  of  the  South  sea,  at  the  territories  of  a  cacique 
named  Tutibra,  by  whom  they  were  amicably  enter- 
tained. Their  great  object  was  to  visit  the  Pearl 
islands.  The  cacique  having  but  four  canoes,  and 
they  being  insufficient  to  contain  the  wiiole  party, 
one  half  of  the  men  remained  at  the  village  of  Tu- 
tibra under  the  command  of  a  captain  named  Pena- 
losa ;  the  residue  embarked  in  the  canoes  with  Mo- 
rales and  Pizarro.  They  landed  on  one  of  the  smaller 
islands,  where  they  had  some  skirmishing  with  the 
natives,  and  hence  made  their  way  to  the  principal 
island,  called  by  Nunez  Isla  Kica.  The  cacique  gave 
to  the  Spaniards  a  reception  worthy  of  his  fame. 
After  being  repulsed  four  times  with  great  slaughter, 
he  sued  for  peace,  and  brought  as  a  peace  offering  a 
basket  curiously  wrought,  and  filled  with  pearls  of 
great  beauty.* 

*  Voyages  of  Companions  of  Columbus,  p.  341,  3. 


.a 


CHAP.  XXVIII.]  EXPEDITIONS  UNDER  PEDRARIAS  ;   1515. 


257 


"  The  cacique  considered  himself  more  than  repaid  by  a 
present  of  hatchets,  beads,  and  hawks-bells :  and,  on  the 
Spaniards  smiling  at  his  joy,  observed,  '  These  things  I 
can  turn  to  useful  purpose,  but  of  what  value  are  those 
pearls  to  me?' 

"  Finding,  however,  that  these  baubles  were  precious  in 
the  eyes  of  the  Spaniards,  he  took  Morales  and  Pizarro  to 
the  summit  of  a  wooden  tower,  commanding  an  unbound- 
ed prospect.  '  Behold,  before  you,'  said  he,  *  the  infinite 
sea,  which  extends  even  beyond  the  sun-beams.  As  to 
these  islands  which  lie  to  the  right  and  left,  they  are  all 
subject  to  my  sway.  They  possess  but  little  gold,  but  the 
deep  places  of  the  sea  around  them  are  full  of  pearls.  Con- 
tinue to  be  my  friends,  and  you  shall  have  as  many  as  yon 
desire ;  for  I  value  your  friendship  more  than  pearls,  and, 
as  far  as  in  me  lies,  will  never  forfeit  it.' 

"  He  then  pointed  to  the  main  land,  where  it  stretched 
away  towards  the  east,  mountain  beyond  mountain,  until 
the  summit  of  the  last  faded  in  the  distance,  and  was 
scarcely  seen  above  the  watery  horizon.  In  that  direction, 
he  said,  there  lay  a  vast  country  of  inexhaustible  riches, 
inhabited  by  a  mighty  nation.  He  went  on  to  repeat  the 
vague  but  wonderful  rumours  which  the  Spaniards  had  fre- 
quently heard  about  the  grert  kingdom  of  Peru.  Pizarro 
listened  greedily  to  his  words,  rvd  while  his  eye  followed 
the  linger  of  the  cacique,  as  it  ranged  along  the  line  of  sha- 
dowy coast,  his  daring  mind  kindled  with  the  thought  of 
seeking  this  golden  empire  beyond  the  waters.* 

"  Before  leaving  the  island,  the  two  captains  impressed 
the  cacique  with  so  great  an  idea  of  the  power  of  the  king 
of  Castilo,  that  he  agreed  to  become  his  vass?'  and  to  ren- 
der him  an  annual  tribute  of  one  hundred  pounds  weight 
of  pearls. 


*  Herrera,  d.  2, 1.  i.  c.  iv.    P.  Martyr,  d.  3,  c.  x. 

33 


•-iT'WT»--;-pc:.  iw--' 


258 


EXPEDITIONS  UNDER  PEDRARIAS  ;  1616.  ["OOK  I. 


I 


fflp!'' 


i!t:''.i 


«  The  party  having  returned  in  safety  to  the  main  land, 
though  to  a  different  place  from  that  where  they  had  em- 
barked, Caspar  Morales  sent  his  relation,  Bernardo  Morales, 
with  ten  men,  in  quest  of  Penalosa  and  his  companions, 
who  had  remained  in  the  village  of  Tutibra. 

"  Unfortunately  for  the  Spaniards,  during  the  absence  of 
the  commanders,  this  Penalosa  had  so  exasperated  the  na- 
tives by  his  misconduct,  that  a  conspiracy  had  been  formed 
by  the  caciques  along  the  coast  to  massacre  the  whole  of 
the  strangers,  when  the  party  should  return  from  the 
islands. 

"  Bernardo  Morales  and  his  companions,  on  their  way  in 
quest  of  Penalosa,  put  up  for  the  night  in  the  village  of  a 
cacique  named  Chuchama,  who  was  one  of  the  conspira- 
tors. They  were  entertained  with  pretended  hospitality. 
In  the  dead  of  the  night,  however,  the  house  in  which 
they  were  sleeping  was  wrapped  in  flames,  and  most  of 
them  were  destroyed.  Chtjchama  then  prepared  with  his 
confederates  to  attack  the  main  body  of  the  Spaniards  who 
remained  with  Morales  and  Pizarro. 

"  Fortunately  for  the  latter,  there  was  among  the  Indians 
who  had  accompanied  them  to  the  islands  a  cacique  named 
Chiruca,  who  was  in  secret  correspondence  with  the  con- 
spirators. Some  circumstances  in  his  conduct  excited  their 
suspicions  •  they  put  him  to  the  torture  and  drew  from  him 
a  relation  of  the  massacre  of  their  companions,  and  of  the 
attack  with  which  they  were  menaced. 

"  Morales  and  Pizarro  were  at  first  appalled  by  the  over- 
V  helming  danger  which  surrounded  them.  Concealing 
their  agitation,  how(iver,  they  compelled  Chiruca  to  send  a 
message  to  each  of  the  confederals  caciques,  inviting  him 
to  a  secret  conferencCj  under  pretence  of  giving  him  impor- 
tant information.  The  caciques  came  at  the  summons : 
they  were  thus  taken  one  by  one,  to  the  number  of  eigh- 
teen, and  put   n  chains.     Just  at  this  juncture  Peaalosa  ar- 


CHAP.  XXVIII.]  EXPEDITIONS  UNDER  PEDRARIAS  )  1515. 


269 


rived  with  the  thirty  men  who  had  remained  with  him  at 
Tutibra.  Their  arrival  was  hailed  with  joy  by  their  com- 
rades, who  had  given  them  up  for  lost.  Encouraged  by 
this  unexpected  reinforcement,  the  Spaniards  now  attacked 
by  surprise  the  main  body  of  confederate  Indians,  who,  be- 
ing ignorant  of  the  discovery  of  their  plot  and  capture  of 
their  caciques,  were  awaiting  the  return  of  the  latter  in  a 
state  of  negligent  security. 

"  Pizarro  led  the  van,  and  set  upon  the  enemy  at  day- 
break with  the  old  Spanish  war-cry  of  Santiago !  It  was 
a  slaughter  rather  than  a  battle,  for  the  Indians  were  un- 
prepared for  resistance.  Before  sun-rise,  seven  hundred  lay 
dead  upon  the  field.  Returning  from  the  massacre,  the 
commanders  doomed  the  caciques  who  were  in  chains  to  be 
torn  in  pieces  by  the  bloodhounds ;  nor  was  even  Chiruca 
spared  from  this  sanguinary  sentence.  Notwithstanding 
this  bloody  revenge,  the  vindictive  spirit  of  the  comman- 
ders was  still  unappeased,  and  they  set  off  to  surprise  the 
village  of  a  cacique  named  Biru,  who  dwelt  on  the  eastern 
side  of  the  gulf  of  St.  Michael.  He  was  famed  for  valour 
and  for  cruelty :  his  dwelling  was  surrounded  by  the  wea- 
pons and  other  trophies  of  those  whom  he  had  vanquished ; 
and  he  was  said  never  to  give  quarter. 

"The  Spaniards  assailed  his  village  before  day-break 
with  fire  and  sword,  and  made  dreadful  havoc.  Biru  es- 
'  caped  from  his  burning  habitation,  rallied  his  people,  kept 
up  a  galling  fight  throughout  the  greater  part  of  that  day, 
and  handled  the  Spaniards  so  roughly,  that,  when  he  drew 
off  at  night,  they  did  not  venture  to  pursue  him,  but  re- 
turned right  gladly  from  his  territory.  According  to  some 
of  the  Spanish  writers,  the  kingdom  of  Peru  derived  its 
name  from  this  warlike  cacique,  through  a  blunder  of  the 
early  discoverers ;  the  assertion,  however,  is  believed  to  be 
erroneous. 


260 


EXPEDITIONS  UNDER  PEDRARIAS  )   1515.  ["00^  '• 


"  The  Spaniards  had  pushed  their  bloody  revenge  to  an 
extreme,  and  were  now  doomed  to  suffer  from  the  recoil. 
In  the  fury  of  their  passions,  they  had  forgotten  that  they 
were  but  a  handful  of  men  surrounded  by  savage  nations. 
Returning  wearied  and  disheartened  from  the  battle  with 
Biru,  they  were  waylaid  and  assaulted  by  a  host  of  Indians 
led  on  by  the  son  of  Chiruca.  A  javelin  from  his  hand 
pierced  one  of  the  Spaniards  through  the  breast  and  came 
out  between  the  shoulders ;  several  others  were  wounded, 
and  the  remainder  were  harassed  by  a  galling  fire  kept  up 
from  among  rocks  and  bushes. 

"  Dismayed  at  the  implacable  vengeance  they  had 
aroused,  the  Spaniards  hastened  to  abandon  these  hostile 
shores  and  make  the  best  of  their  way  back  to  Darien. 
The  Indians,  however,  were  not  to  be  appeased  by  the 
mere  departure  of  the  intruders.  They  followed  them  per- 
severingly  for  seven  days,  hanging  on  their  skirts,  and  ha- 
rassing them  by  continual  alarms.  Morales  and  Pizarro, 
seeing  the  obstinacy  of  their  pursuit,  endeavoured  to  gain 
a  march  upon  them  by  stratagem.  Making  large  fires  as 
usual  one  night  about  the  place  of  their  encampment,  they 
left  them  burning  to  deceive  the  enemy  while  they  made  a 
rapid  retreat.  Among  their  number  was  one  poor  fellow 
named  Velasquez,  who  was  so  grievously  wounded  that  he 
could  not  walk.  Unable  to  accompany  his  countrymen  in 
their  flight,  and  dreading  to  fall  into  the  merciless  hands  of 
the  savages,  he  determined  to  hang  himself,  nor  could  the 
prayers  and  even  tears  of  his  comrades  dissuade  him  from 
his  purpose. 

"The  stratagem  of  the  Spaniards,  however,  was  una- 
vailing. Their  retreat  was  perceived,  and  at  day-break,  to 
their  dismay,  they  found  themselves  surrounded  by  three 
squadrons  of  savages.  Unable,  in  their  haggard  state,  to 
make  head  against  so  many  foes,  they  remained  drawn  up 
all  day  on  the  defensive,  some  watching  while  others  re- 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XXTIII.]  EXPEDITIONS  UNDER  PEDBARIAS  j  1516. 


261 


e  to  an 
I  recoil, 
lat  they 
nations, 
tie  with 
Indians 
is  hand 
id  came 
ounded, 
kept  up 

ley  had 

hostile 

Darien. 

by  the 

lem  per- 

and  ha- 

Pizarro, 

to  gain 

fires  as 

nt,  they 

made  a 

fellow 

that  he 

men  in 

ands  of 

uld  the 

m  from 

IS  una- 
eak,  to 
y  three 
ate,  to 
wn  up 
ers  re- 


posed. At  night  they  lit  their  fires  and  again  attempted  to 
make  a  secret  retreat.  The  Indians,  however,  were  as 
usual  on  their  traces,  and  wounded  several  with  arrows. 
Thus  pressed  and  goaded,  the  Spaniards  became  desperate, 
and  fought  like  madmen,  rushing  upon  the  very  darts  of 
the  enemy. 

"  Morales  now  resorted  to  an  inhuman  and  fruitless  ex- 
pedient to  retard  his  pursuers.  He  caused  several  Indian 
prisoners  to  be  slain,  hoping  that  their  friends  would  stop 
to  lament  over  them;  but  the  sight  of  their  mangled  bo- 
dies only  increased  the  fury  of  the  savages  and  the  obsti- 
nacy of  their  pursuit. 

"  For  nine  days  were  the  Spaniards  hunted  in  this  man- 
ner about  the  woods  and  mountains,  the  swamps  and  fens, 
wandering  they  knew  not  whither,  and  returning  upon 
their  steps,  un«;il,  to  their  dismay,  they  found  themselves  in 
the  very  place  where,  several  days  previously,  they  had 
been  surrounded  by  the  three  squadrons. 

"  Many  now  began  to  despair  of  ever  escaping  with  life 
from  this  trackless  wilderness,  thus  teeming  with  deadly 
foes.  It  was  with  difficulty  their  commanders  could  rally 
their  spirits,  and  encourage  them  to  persevere.  Entering  a 
thick  forest  they  were  again  assailed  by  a  band  of  Indians, 
but  despair  and  fury  gave  them  strength  :  they  fought  like 
wild  beasts  rather  than  like  men,  and  routed  the  foe  with 
dreadful  carnage.  They  had  hoped  to  gain  a  breathing 
time  by  this  victory,  but  a  new  distress  attended  them. 
They  got  entangled  in  one  of  those  deep  and  dismal 
marshes  which  abound  on  those  coasts,  and  in  which  the 
wanderer  is  often  drowned  or  suflfocated.  For  a  whole  day 
they  toiled  through  brake  and  bramble,  and  miry  fen,  with 
the  water  reaching  to  their  girdles.  At  length  they  extri- 
cated themselves  from  the  swamp,  and  arrived  at  the  sea 
shore.  The  tide  was  out,  but  was  about  to  return,  and  on 
this  coast  it  rises  rapidly  to  a  great  height.     Fearing  to  be 


262 


EXPEDITIONS  UNDER  PEDRARIAS  j  1615.  [»<'<"f  »• 


overwhelmed  by  the  rising  surf,  they  hastened  to  climb  a 
rock  out  of  reach  of  the  swelling  waters.  Here  they  threw 
themselves  on  the  earth  panting  with  fatigue  and  abandoned 
to  despair.  A  savage  wilderness  filled  with  still  more  sa- 
vage foes,  was  on  one  side,  on  the  other  the  roaiing  sea. 
How  were  they  to  extricate  themselves  from  these  sur- 
rounding perils?  While  reflecting  on  their  desperate  situa- 
tion, they  heard  the  voices  of  Indians.  On  looking  cau- 
tiously round,  they  beheld  four  canoes  entering  a  neigh- 
bouring creek.  A  party  was  immediately  dispatched,  who 
came  upon  the  savages  by  surprise,  drove  them  into  the 
woods,  and  seized  upon  the  canoes.  In  these  frail  barks 
the  Spaniards  escaped  from  their  perilous  neighbourhood, 
and,  traversing  the  gulf  of  St.  Michael,  landed  in  a  less 
hostile  part,  from  whence  they  set  out  a  second  time  across 
the  mountains. 

"  It  is  needless  to  recount  the  other  hardships  they  en- 
dured, and  their  further  conflicts  with  the  Indians  ;  suflUce 
it  to  say,  after  a  series  of  almost  incredible  sufferings  and 
disasters,  they  at  length  arrived  in  a  battered  and  emaciated 
condition  at  Darien.  Throughout  all  their  toils  and  trou- 
bles, however,  they  had  managed  to  preserve  a  part  of  the 
treasure  they  had  gained  in  the  islands;  especially  the 
pearls  given  them  by  the  cacique  of  Isla  Rica.  These 
were  objects  of  universal  admiration.  One  of  them  was 
put  up  at  auction,  and  bought  by  Pedrarias,  and  was  after- 
wards presented  by  his  wife  Dona  Isabella  de  Bobadilla  to 
the  Empress,  who,  in  return,  gave  her  four  thousand 
ducats.* 

"  Such  was  the  cupidity  of  the  colonists,  that  the  sight 
of  these  pearls  and  the  reputed  wealth  of  the  islands  of  the 
southern  sea,  and  the  kingdoms  on  its  borders,  made  far 
greater  impression  on  the  public  mind,  than  the  tale  told  by 


M 


*  Herrera,  Hiat.  Ind.  d.  3, 1,  i,  c.  4. 


CBAP.XXVill]  DISCOVERY   OF    THE    LA   PLATA. 


263 


the  adventurers  of  all  the  horrors  they  had  past ;  and  every 
one  was  eager  to  seek  these  wealthy  regions  beyond  the 
mountains."* 

Other  expeditions  set  on  foot  by  Pedrarias  ended 
badly.  One  of  these  was  to  the  province  of  Zenu. 
A  captain  named  Francisco  Becerra,  penetrated  into 
this  country  at  the  head  of  one  hundred  and  eighty 
men,  but  neither  the  commander  nor  any  of  his  men 
returned.  They  were  all  destroyed  by  the  Indians. 
Another  band  was  defeated  by  '^'  anama.  In  fine, 
the  colony  became  so  weakened  uy  these  repeated 
losses,  and  the  savages  so  emboldened  by  success, 
that  the  latter  beleaguered  it  with  their  forces,  ha- 
rassed it  by  assaults  and  ambuscades,  and  reduced  it 
to  great  extremity.f 

At  this  period  there  was  an  important  expedition 
in  another  part  of  South  America ;  not  however  by 
Pedrarias  or  under  his  authority.  Juan  Diaz  de  Solis 
discovered  a  river,  the  great  extent  of  which  made 
him  name  it  Mar  Dulce,  or  the  Sea  of  Sweet  Water. 
After  the  visit  of  Sebastian  Cabot,  at  a  later  period, 
it  was  called  the  Rio  de  la  Plata.  The  year  of  the 
discovery  by  Juan  Diaz  de  Solis  is  variously  stated 
sometimes  in  1512,  sometimes  in  1515  or  1616.  In 
one  of  these  latter  years,  Juan  Diaz  de  Solis  and  fifty 
men  were  massacred  by  the  Indians  near  the  cap'e  of 
Santa  Maria.  J 


*  Voyages  of  Companiona  of  Columbus,  p.  249.       f  Id.  p.  250, 51. 
t  Voyages  of  Companions  of  Columbus,  p.  250, 51.    Preface  of  French  Editor  to  Gan- 
davo's  History  of  the  Province  of  Sancta  Cruz. 


..^.. 


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23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER  N.Y.  MS80 

(716)  S72-4503 


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;V 


264 


JUAN   PONCE    DE    LEON. 


[BOOK  I. 


r  •■ 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 

Of  Juan  Ponce  de  Leon ;  his  voyage  to  Guadaloupe  in  1515 ;  the  visit 
this  year  of  Diego  Columbus  to  Spain,  and  the  death  of  Bartholomew 
Columbus;  also,  of  Sebastian  Cabot,  from  1515  to  1518. 

After  the  discovery  of  Florida  by  Juan  Ponce  de 
Leon,  he  went  to  Spain,  to  make  report  of  it  to  the 
king. 

"  The  hardy  old  cavalier  experienced  much  raillery  from 
the  witlings  of  the  court,  on  account  of  his  visionary  voy- 
age, though  many  wise  men  had  been  as  credulous  as  him- 
self at  the  outset.  The  king,  however,  received  him  with 
great  favour,  and  conferred  on  him  the  title  of  Adelantado 
of  Bimini  and  Florida,  which  last  was  as  yet  considered  an 
island.  Permission  was  also  granted  him  to  recruit  men, 
either  in  Spain  or  in  the  colonies,  for  a  settlement  in  Flo- 
rida ;  but  he  deferred  entering  on  his  command  for  the  pre- 
sent, being  probably  discouraged  and  impoverished  by  the 
losses  in  his  last  expedition,  or  finding  a  difficulty  in  en- 
listing adventurers.  At  length  another  enterprise  presented 
itself.  The  Oaribs  had  by  this  time  become  a  terror  to  the 
Spapish  inhabitants  of  many  of  the  islands,  making  de- 
scents upon  the  coasts  and  carrying  o£f  captives,  who,  it 
was  supposed,  were  doomed  to  be  devoured  by  these  can- 
nibals. So  frequent  were  their  invasions  of  the  island  of 
Porto  Rico,  that  it  was  feared  they  would  ultimately  oblige 
the  Spaniards  to  abandon  it.  ^     ^-^  -  .^^  v.  ..      ..         .:„i 

"At  length  King  Ferdinand,  in  1514,  ordered  thai,  three 
ships,  well  armed  and  manned,  should  be  fitted  out  in  Se- 


9BAP.  XSIX.]       VOTAOE   TO   GUADALOUPE    IN    1516. 


265 


ville,  destined  to  scour  the  islands  of  the  Garibs,  and  to 
free  the  seas  from  those  cannibal  maranders.  The  com- 
mand of  the  armada  was  given  to  Juan  Ponce  de  Leon, 
from  his  knowledge  in  Indian  warfare,  and  his  varied  and 
rough  experience  which  had  mingled  in  him  the  soldier 
with  the  sailor.  He  was  instructed,  in  the  first  place,  to 
assail  the  Garibs  of  those  islands  most  contiguous  and  dan- 
gerous to  Porto  Rico,  and  then  to  make  war  on  those  of  the 
coast  of  Terra  Firma,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Garthagena. 
He  was  afterwards  to  take  the  captaincy  of  Porto  Rico, 
and  to  attend  to  the  repartimientos  or  distributions  of  the 
Indians,  in  conjunctidn  with  a  person  to  be  appointed  by 
Diego  Golumbus. 

"  The  enterprise  suited  the  soldier-like  spirit  of  Juan 
Ponce  de  Leon,  and  the  gallant  old  cavalier  set  sail,  full  of 
confidence,  in  January  1515,  and  steered  direct  for  the  Ga- 
ribbees,  with  a  determination  to  give  a  wholesome  castiga- 
tion  to .  the  whole  savage  archipelago.  Arriving  at  the 
island  of  Guadaloupe,  he  cast  anchor,  and  sent  men  on 
shore  for  wood  and  water,  and  women  to  wash  the  cloth- 
ing of  the  crews,  with  a  party  of  soldiers  to  mount  guard. 

"  Juan  Ponce  had  not  been  as  wary  as  usual,  or  he  had 
f^  deal  with  savages  unusually  adroit  in  warfare.  While 
the  people  were  scattered  carelessly  on  shore,  the  Garibs 
rushed  forth  from  an  ambuscade,  killed  the  greater  part  of 
the  men,  and  carried  off  the  women  to  the  mountains. 

"  This  blow,  at  the  very  outset  of  his  vaunted  expedi- 
tion, sank  deep  into  the  heart  of  Juan  Ponce,  and  put  an 
end  to  all  his  military  excitement.  Humbled  and  morti- 
fied, he  set  sail  for  the  island  of  Porto  Rico,  where  he  re- 
linquished all  further  prosecution  of  the  enterprise,  under 
pretext  of  ill  health,  and  gave  the  command  of  the  squad- 
ron to  a  captain  named  Zuiijga ;  but  it  is  surmised  that  his 
malady  was  not  so  much  of  the  flesh  as  of  the  spirit.  He 
remained  in  Porto  Rico  as  governor ;  but,  having  grown 
34 


/    . 


,f 


266        VISIT  or  dieoo  coluhbus  to  spain  1515.    [>ook  i> 


testy  and  irritable,  through  vexations  and  disappointments, 
he  gave  great  offence,  and  caused  much  contention  on  the 
island,  by  positive  and  strong-handed  measures,  in  respect 
to  the  distributions  of  the  Indians."* 
-'  "  Many  calumnies  having  been  sent  home  to  Spain  by  Pa- 
samonte  and  other  enemies  of  Don  Diego  Columbus,  and  va- 
rious measures  being  taken  by  government,  which  he  con- 
ceived derogatory  to  his  dignity  and  injurious  to  his  privi- 
leges, he  requested  and  obtained  permission  to  repair  to  court, 
that  he  might  explain  and  vindicate  his  conduct.  He  de- 
parted, accordingly,  on  April  9th,  1515,  leaving  the  Adelan- 
tado  with  the  vice-queen  Dona  Maria.  He  was  received  with 
great  honour  by  the  king ;  and  he  merited  such  a  reception. 
He  had  succeeded  in  every  enterprise  he  had  undertaken  or 
directed.  The  pearl  fishery  had  been  successfully  established 
on  the  coast  of  Cubagna ;  the  islands  of  Cuba  and  of  Jamaica 
had  been  subjected  and  brought  under  cultivation  without 
bloodshed  ,*  his  conduct  as  governor  had  been  upright ;  and 
he  had  only  excited  the  representations  made  against  him, 
by  endeavouring  to  lessen  the  oppression  of  the  natives. 
The  king  ordered  that  all  processes  against  him  in  the 
court  of  appeal  and  elsewhere,  for  damages  done  to  indivi- 
duals in  regulating  the  repartimientos,  should  be  disconti- 
nued, and  the  cases  sent  to  himself  for  consideration.  But 
with  all  these  favours,  as  the  admiral  claimed  a  share  of  the 
profits  of  the  provinces  of  Castilla  del  Oro,  saying  that  it 
was  discovered  by  his  father,  as  the  names  of  its  places, 
such  as  Nombre  de  Dios,  Porto  Bello  and  El  Retrete,  plainly 
proved,  the  king  ordered  that  interrogatories  should  be 
made  among  the  mariners  who  had  sailed  with  Christopher 
Columbus,  in  the  hope  of  proving  that  he  had  not  disco- 
vered the  coast  of  Darien  or  the  gulf  of  Uraba.  *  Thus,' 
adds  Herrera,  <  Don  Diego  was  always  involved  in  litiga- 


. .  V    ►-<->■ 


*  Voyages  of  Companloni  of  Columbai,  p.  91^  to  391. 


CBAF.  IXIX.]    DEATH   OF   BARTHOLOMEW   COLUMBUS. 


267 


tions  with  the  fiscal,  so  that  he  might  truly  say  that  he  was 
heir  to  the  troubles  of  his  father."* 

"  Not  long  after  the  departure  of  Don  Diego  from  San 
Domingo,  his  uncle,  Don  Bartholomew,  ended  his  active 
and  laborious  life.  No  particulars  are  given  of  his  death, 
nor  is  there  mention  made  of  his  age,  which  must  have 
been  advanced.  King  Ferdinand  is  said  to  have  expressed 
great  concern  at  the  event,  for  he  had  a  high  opinion  of 
the  character  and  talents  of  the  Adelantado:  'a  man,'  says 
Herrera,  '  of  not  less  worth  than  his  brother,  the  admiral, 
and  who,  if  he  had  been  employed,  would  have  given  great 
proofs  of  it ;  for  he  was  an  excellent  seaman,  valiant,  and  of 
great  heart. 'f  Charlevoix  attributes  the  inaction  in  which 
Don  Bartholomew  had  been  suffered  to  remain  for  several 
years,  to  the  jealousy  and  parsimony  of  the  king.  He 
found  the  house  already  too  powerful ;  and  the  Adelantado, 
had  he  discovered  Mexico,  was  a  man  to  make  as  good  con- 
ditions as  had  been  made  by  the  admiral  his  brother.|  It 
was  said,  observed  Herrera,  that  the  king  rather  preferred 
to  employ  him  in  his  European  affairs,  though  it  could  only 
have  been  .0  divert  him  from  other  objects.  On  his  death 
the  king  resumed  to  himself  the  island  of  Mona,  which  he 
had  given  to  him  for  life,  and  transferred  his  repartimiento 
of  two  hundred  Indians  to  the  vice-queen  Dona  Maria. 

"  While  the  Admiral  Don  Diego  was  pressing  for  an  au- 
dience in  his  vindication  at  court,  King  Ferdinand  died  on 
the  23d  January  1516.  His  grandson  and  successor,  Prince 
Charles,  afterwards  the  Emperor  Charles  Y.,  was  in  Flan- 
ders.""^ 

At  this  period  Sebastian  Cabot  was  in  Spain. 
"Cabot,"  says  Peter  Martyr,   "is  my  very  friend 


*  Herrera,  Decad.  3,  L.  3,  cap.  7. 

t  Idem.  Decad.  1,  L.  10,  c.  16. 

t  Cbarlevoiz,  Hist.  St.  Doming.  L.  5. 


( Irving's  Columbus,  toI.  3,  p.  319,  30, 
Appendix  No.  3. 


268 


''^'  TOTAOE    OF    CABOT  TO  BRAZIL. 


[book  I. 


whom  I  use  familiarly,  and  delight  to  have  him  some- 
times keep  me  company  in  my  own  house."  An  ex- 
pedition had,  in  1515,  been  appointed  to  proceed  un- 
der the  command  of  Cabot  the  ensuing  March,  but 
the  death  of  Ferdinand  seems  to  have  put  an  end  to 
it,  and  Cabot  then  went  to  England.*  ,^,^> 

About  the  eighth  year  of  the  reign  of  Henry  the 
Eighth,  (in  1516  or  1517,)  Cabot  made  a  voyage  with 
Sir  Thomas  Pert,  which,  Mr.  Biddle  argues,  was  in 
search  of  a  northwest  passage.f  It  has  usually  been 
supposed  to  be  to  Brazil,  Hispaniola  and  Porto  Rico. 
There  is  a  notice  of  it  in  the  third  volume  of  Hak- 
luyt,t  and  also  in  Purchases  Pilgrims. 

In  1518,  Cabot  resumed  the  office  of  chief  pilot  of 
Spain,^  and  again  became  a  resident  of  Seville.        | 


*  Third  vol.  of  Hakluyt,  p.  8, 9.    Bid- 
die'i  Memoir  of  Cabot,  p.  100, 101, 109. 
t  Biddle*!  Memoir,  p.  103. 


S  Biddle's  Memoir,  p.  119. 


^iivr 


■  )i 


i't :' 


f      :  ^r     . 


CHAP.  XXX.] 


PEDRARIAS    AND    NUNEZ. 


269 


<  -  -  .  «  .  s      . 


■ys  vf;  'ir,  ^x^^..    CHAPTER  XXX. 


Of  the  reconciliation  between  Pedrarias  and  Vasco  Nu&ez  v  a  marriage 
agreed  upon  between  Nufiez  and  the  eldest  daughter  of  Pedrarias,  to 
take  place  on  her  arrival  from  Spain ;  authority  to  Nufiez  in  1516  to 
make  an  expedition  to  explore  the  Southern  Ocean ;  his  proceedings ; 
the  perfidy  of  Andres  Garabito ;  the  hypocrisy  of  Pedrarias ;  and 
his  arrest  of  Nufiez. 

"  While  Pedrarias  was  harassed  and  perplexed  by  these 
complicated  evils,  he  was  haunted  by  continual  apprehen- 
sions of  the  ultimate  ascendancy  of  Yasco  Nunez.  He 
,knew  him  to  be  beloved  by  the  people,  and  befriended  by 
the  bishop ;  and  he  had  received  proofs  that  his  services 
were  highly  appreciated  by  the  king.  He  knew  also  that 
representations  had  been  sent  home  by  him  and  his  parti- 
zans,  of  the  evils  and  abuses  of  the  colony  under  the  pre- 
sent rule,  and  of  the  necessity  of  a  more  active  and  effi- 
cient governor.  He  dreaded  lest  these  representations 
should  ultimately  succeed ,'  that  he  should  be  undermined 
in  the  royal  favour,  and  Yasco  Nunez  be  elevated  upon  his 
ruins.      *  '  • 

"  The  politic  bishop  perceived  the  uneasy  state  of  the 
governor's  mind,  and  endeavoured,  by  means  of  his  appre- 
hensions, to  effect  that  reconciliation  which  he  had  sought 
in  vain  to  produce  through  more  generous  motives.  He 
represented  to  him  that  his  treatment  of  Yasco  Nunez  was 
odious  in  the  eyes  of  the  people,  and  must  eventually  draw 
on  him  the  displeasure  of  his  sovereign.  '  But  why  per- 
sist,' added  he,  <  in  driving  a  man  to  become  your  deadliest 
enemy,  whom  you  may  grapple  to  your  side  as  your  firmest 
friend?     You  have  several  daughters — give  him  one  in 


270 


PBDRARIAS   AND   MUNSZ. 


[BOOK   I. 


marriage ;  you  will  then  have  for  a  son-in-law  a  man  of 
merit  and  popularity,  who  is  a  hidalgo  by  birth,  and  a  fa- 
vourite of  the  king.  You  are  advanced  in  life  and  infirm ; 
he  is  in  the  prime  and  vigour  of  his  days,  and  possessed  of 
great  activity.  You  can  make  him  your  lieutenant ;  and 
while  you  repose  from  your  toils,  he  can  carry  on  the  af- 
fairs of  the  colony  with  spirit  and  enterprise  ,*  and  all  his 
achievements  will  redound  to  the  advancement  of  your  fa- 
mily and  the  splendour  of  your  administration.' 

"  The  governor  and  his  lady  were  won  by  the  eloquence 
of  the  bishop,  and  readily  listened  to  his  suggestions  ,*  and 
Yasco  Nunez  was  but  too  happy  to  eflfect  a  reconciliation 
on  such  flattering  terms.  Written  articles  were  accordingly 
drawn  up  and  exchanged,  contracting  a  marriage  between 
him  and  the  eldest  daughter  of  Pedrarias.  The  young 
lady  was  then  in  Spain,  but  was  to  be  sent  for,  and  the  nup- 
tials were  to  be  celebrated  on  her  arrival  at  Darien. 

"  Having  thus  fulfilled  his  office  of  peace-maker,  and  set- 
tled, as  he  supposed,  all  feuds  and  jealousies  on  the  sure 
and  permanent  foundation  of  family  alliance,  the  worthy 
bishop  departed  shortly  afterwards  for  Spain."* 

The  governor  now  authorized  Vasco  Nunez  to 
build  brigantines  and  make  all  the  necessary  prepa- 
rations for  his  long  desired  expedition  to  explore  the 
Southern  Ocean.t  ,    . 

"  The  place  appointed  for  these  purposes  was  the  port  of 
Careta,  situated  to  the  west  of  Darien ;  from  whence  there 
was  supposed  to  be  the  most  convenient  route  across  the 
mountains.  A  town  called  Ada  had  been  founded  at  this 
port ;  and  the  fortress  was  already  erected,  of  which  Lope 
de  Olano  was  alcalde ;  Yasco  Nunez  was  now  empowered 
to  continue  the  building  of  the  town.     Two  hundred  men 


*  Voyaiea  of  Gomptiiioiii  of  ColumboB,  p.  390  to  953.       f  Id.  p.  954. 


CHAF.  XM.]  EXPEDITION   OF    NUNsf  IN    1516. 


271 


were  placed  under  his  command  to  aid  him  in  carrying  his 
plans  into  execution,  and  a  sum  of  money  was  advanced 
to  him  out  of  the  royal  treasury.  His  supply  of  funds, 
however,  was  not  sufficient;  but  he  received  assistance 
from  a  private  source.'  There  was  a  notary  at  Darien, 
named  Hernando  de  Arguello,  a  man  of  some  consequence  in 
the  community,  and  who  had  been  one  of  the  most  furious 
opponents  of  the  unfortunate  Nicucsa.  He  had  amassed 
considerable  property,  and  now  embarked  a  great  part  of  it 
in  the  proposed  enterprise,  on  condition,  no  doubt,  of  shar- 
ing largely  in  its  anticipated  profits."* 

After  a  series  of  toils  and  hardships,  Yasco  Nunez 
had  the  satisfaction  of  beholding  two*  brigantines  con- 
structed and  floating  on  a  river  called  then  the  Balsas, 
which  flowed  into  the  Pacific*  As  soon  as  they  could 
be  equipped  for  sea,  he  embarked  in  them  with  as 
many  Spaniards  as  they  could  carry;  and  issuing 
forth  from  the  river,  launched  triumphantly  on  the 
great  ocean  he  had  discovered.  The  first  cruise  of 
Vasco  Nunez  was  to  the  group  of  Pearl  islands,  on 
the  principal  one  of  which  he  disembarked  the  greater 
part  of  his  crews.  While  the  brigantines  went  back 
to  bring  off  the  remainder,  he  ranged  the  islands  with 
his  men  to  collect  provisions  and  establi;,!:  a  complete 
sway  over  the  natives.  On  the  return  of  his  vessels, 
and  while  preparations  were  making  for  the  building 
of  others,  he  embarked  with  a  hundred  men,  and 
passed  on  a  reconnoitering  cruise  about  twenty 
leagues  beyond  the  gulf  of  San  Miguel.  It  was  his 
purpose  to  go  towards  the  region  pointed  out  by  the 
Indians  as  abounding  in  riches,  but  the  wind  being 

*  Voyagei  of  Companions  of  Columbus,  p.  S!54, 5. 


272 


EXPEDITK9N    or    NUNES    IN    1516. 


[BOOK   I. 


contrary  he  had  to  alter  his  course :  thus  a  cruise  was 
abandoned  which,  if  it  could  have  been  persevered 
in,  might  have  terminated  in  the  discovery  of  Peru. 
Steering  for  the  main  land,  he  anchored  on  that  part 
of  the  coast  governed  by  the  cacique  Chuchama, 
who  had  massacred  Bernardo  Morales  and  his  com- 
panions. Nufiez  coming  suddenly  upon  the  dwelling 
of  the  cacique,  the  Indians  sallied  forth  to  defend 
their  homes,  but  were  routed  with  great  loss.  Nunez 
then  re-embarked  and  returned  to  Isla  Rica.  While 
occupied  here  in  completing  the  building  of  his  bri- 
gantines,  a  rumour  reached  him  that  a  new  governor 
named  Lope  de  Sosa  was  coming  out  from  Spain  to 
supersede  Pedrarias.  Upon  a  consultation  between 
Nufiez  and  several  of  his  confidential  officers,  it  was 
agreed  that  a  trusty  person  should  be  sent  to  Ada 
under  pretence  of  procuring  munitions  for  the  ships. 
Should  he  find  Pedrarias  in  quiet  possession  of  the 
government,  he  was  to  account  to  him  for  the  delay 
of  the  expedition ;  to  request  that  the  time  allotted  to 
it  might  be  extended,  and  ask  for  reinforcements  and 
supplies.  Should  he  find  however  that  a  new  go- 
vernor was  actually  arrived,  he  was  to  return  imme- 
diately with  the  tidings.*    '•'-'"•      -' 


».AJ    />   "*J 


H'^.: 


tf.\- 


^-  "  The  person  entrusted  with  the  reconnoitering  expedi- 
tion to  Ada,  was  Andres  Garabito,  in  whose  fidelity  and 
discretion,  Yasco  Nunez  had  implicit  confidence.  His  con- 
fidence was  destined  to  be  fatally  deceived.  According  to 
the  assertions  of  contemporaries,  this  Garabito  cherished  a 
secret  and  vindictive  enmity  against  his  commander,  ari- 

*  Voyages  of  Companions  of  Columbus,  p.  355  to  2GI. 


CHAP.  IXX.J 


PFHriDY    or    ANDRES    OARABITO. 


273 


sing  from  a  simple  but  a  natural  cause.  Yasco  Nu&ez  had 
continued  to  have  a  fondness  for  the  Indian  damsel,  daugh- 
ter of  the  cacique  Careta,  whom  he  had  received  from  her 
father  as  a  pledge  of  amity.  Some  dispute  arose  concern- 
ing her  on  one  occasion  between  him  and  Garabito,  in  the 
course  of  which  he  expressed  himself  in  severe  and  galling 
language.  Garabito  was  deeply  mortified  at  some  of  his 
expressions,  and,  being  of  a  malignant  spirit,  determined  on 
a  dastardly  revenge.  He  wrote  privately  to  Pedrarias,  as- 
suring him  that  Vasco  Nunez  had  no  intention  of  solemni- 
zing his  marriage  with  his  daughter,  being  completely  un- 
der the  influence  of  an  Indian  paramour ;  that  he  made  use 
of  the  friendship  of  Pedrarias  merely  to  further  his  own  sel- 
fish views,  intending,  as  soon  as  his  ships  were  ready,  to 
throw  off  all  allegiance,  and  to  put  to  sea  as  an  independent 

commander.  •  u^v^'  ji'"'.-  '■5'?>:! 'Jl  'Jh  l,aa  h^.:-. 

,  "  This  mischievous  letter,  Garabito  had  written  imme- 
diately after  the  last  departure  of  Yasco  Nunez  from  Ada. 
Its  effects  upon  the  proud  and  jealous  spirit  of  the  gover- 
nor may  easily  be  conceived.  All  his  former  suspicions 
were  immediately  revived.  They  acquired  strength  during 
a  long  interval  that  elapsed  without  tidings  being  received 
from  the  expedition.  There  were  designing  and  prejudiced 
persons  at  hand,  who  perceived  and  quickened  these  jealous 
feelings  of  the  governor.  Among  these  was  the  Bachelor 
Corral,  who  cherished  a  deep  grudge  against  Yasco  Nunez 
for  having  once  thrown  him  into  prison  for  his  factious  con- 
duct ;  and  Alonzo  de  la  Puente,  the  royal  treasurer,  whom 
Yasco  Nunez  had  affronted  by  demanding  the  repayment  of 
a  loan.  Such  was  the  tempest  that  was  gradually  gather- 
ing in  the  factious  little  colony  of  Darien.  '\'  "'":":~'" 
"  The  subsequent  conduct  of  Garabito  gives  much  con- 
firmation to  the  charge  of  perfidy  that  has  been  advanced 
against  him.  When  he  arrived  at  Ada,  he  found  that  Pe- 
drarias remained  in  possession  of  the  government ;  for  his 


274 


HrroCRisT  or  pedramai.  ^"^ 


[BOOK  I. 


intended  successor  had  died  in  the  very  harbour.  The  con- 
duct  and  conversation  of  Qarabito  was  such  as  to  arouse 
suspicions ;  he  was  arrested,  and  his  papers  and  letters  were 
sent  to  Pedrarias.  When  examined,  he  readily  suffered 
himself  to  be  wrought  upon  by  threats  of  punishment  and 
promises  of  pardon,  and  revealed  all  that  he  knew,  and  de- 
clared still  more  that  he  suspected  and  surmised,  of  the 
plans  and  intentions  of  Yasco  Nunez.  «  ,«»'.-.-i%^-i<.i. 

"  The  arrest  of  Qarabito,  and  the  seizure  of  his  letters, 
produced  a  great  agitation  at  Darion.  It  was  considered  a 
revival  of  the  ancient  animosity  bet!?eeii  the  governor  and 
Yasco  Nufiez,  and  the  friends  of  the  latter  trembled  for  his 
safety. 

"  Hernando  de  Argnello,  especially,  was  in  great  alarm. 
He  had  embarked  the  most  of  his  fortune  in  the  expedi- 
tion, and  the  failure  of  it  would  be  ruinous  to  him.  He 
wrote  to  Yasco  Nufiez,  informing  him  of  the  critical  pos- 
ture of  affairs,  and  urging  him  to  put  to  sea  without  delay. 
He  would  be  protected  at  all  events,  he  said,  by  the  Jero- 
nimite  Fathers  at  San  Domingo,  who  were  at  that  time  all- 
powerful  in  the  new  world,  and  who  regarded  his  expedi- 
tion as  calculated  to  promote  the  glory  of  God  as  well  as 
the  dominion  of  the  king.*  This  letter  fell  into  the  hands 
of  Pedrarias,  and  convinced  him  of  the  existence  of  a  dan- 
gerous plot  against  his  authority.  He  immediately  ordered 
Arguello  to  be  arrested;  and  now  devised  means  to  get 
Yasco  Nuiiez  within  his  power.  While  the  latter  remained 
on  the  shores  of  the  South  Sea  with  his  brigantines  and  his 


*  In  consequence  of  the  eloquent  refire- 
■entationi  made  to  the  Bpaniah  lovern- 
ment  by  the  venenble  Lu  Caaai,  of  the 
cruel  wrongt  and  oppreMiona  practised 
upon  the  Indiana  in  the  colonies,  the  Car- 
dinal Xlmenes,  In  1S16,  sent  out  three  Je- 
roalmite  Friars,  chosen  for  their  seal  and 
abilities,  clothed  with  flill  powers  to  in- 
quire into  and  remedy  all  abases,  and  to 


talie  all  proper  measures  for  the  good  go- 
vernment, religious  instruction,  and  effec- 
tual protection  of  the  natives.  The  exer- 
cise of  their  powers  at  San  Domingo  made 
a  great  sensation  in  the  new  world,  and, 
for  a  time,  had  a  beneficial  eflbct  in  cheek- 
ing the  oppressive  and  licentious  conduct 
of  the  colonists. 


■"PCija  ••^^—- 


CHAP.   III.] 


HTPOCRIBT    or    PKDRARIAS. 


WI6 


band  of  hearty  and  devoted  foUowera,  Pedrariai  knew  that 
it  would  be  in  vain  to  attempt  to  take  him  by  force.  Dis- 
sembling his  suspicions  and  intentions,  therefore,  he  wrote 
to  him  in  the  most  amicable  terms,  requesting  him  to  repair 
immediately  to  Ada,  as  he  wished  to  hold  a  conference  with 
him  about  the  impending  expedition.  Fearing,  however, 
that  Yasco  Nu&ez  might  suspect  his  motives  and  refuse  to 
comply,  he  at  the  same  time  ordered  Francisco  Pizarro  to 
muster  all  the  armed  force  he  could  collect,  and  to  seek  and 
arrest  his  late  patron  and  commander  wherever  he  might  be 
found. 

"  So  great  was  the  terror  inspired  by  the  arrest  of  Argu- 
ello,  and  by  the  general  violence  of  Pedrarias,  that,  though 
Yasco  Nufiez  was  a  favourite  with  the  great  mass  of  the 
people,  no  one  ventured  to  warn  him  of  the  danger  that  at- 
tended his  return  to  Ada."*  \,  \  .;.  *:      -.>  •  i  ,.: 

When  Yasco  Nunez  received  the  hypocritical  letter 
of  Pedrarias  inviting  him  to  an  interview  at  Ada,  it 
awakened  no  suspicion  in  his  breast.  Leaving  his 
ships  in  command  of  Francisco  Companon,  he  de- 
parted immediately  to  meet  the  governor  at  Ada,  un- 
attended by  any  armed  force.f 

"  The  messengers  v  ho  had  brought  the  letter  maintained 
at  first  a  cautious  silence  as  to  the  events  which  had  trans« 
pired  at  Darien.  They  were  gradually  won,  however,  by 
the  frank  and  genial  manners  of  Yasco  Nunez,  and  grieved 
to  see  so  gallant  a  soldier  hurrying  into  the  snare.  Having 
crossed  the  mountains  and  drawn  near  to  Ada,  their  kind 
feelings  got  the  better  of  their  caution,  and  they  revealed 
the  true  nature  of  their  errand,  and  the  hostile  intentions 
of  Pedrarias.  Yasco  Nunez  was  struck  with  astonishment 
at  the  recital ;  but,  being  unconscious,  it  is  said,  of  any  evil 

*  Voyages  of  Companions  of  Columbus,  p.  969  to  96S.       f  I**.  966, 7. 


276 


ARREST   or    NUNEZ. 


m 


[book  I. 


intention,  he  could  scarcely  credit  this  sudden  hostility  in  a 
man  who  had  but  recently  promised  him  his  daughter  in 
marriage.  He  imagined  the  whole  to  be  some  groundless 
jealousy  which  his  own  appearance  would  dispel,  and  ac- 
cordingly continued  on  his  journey.  He  had  not  proceeded 
far,  however,  when  he  was  met  by  a  band  of  armed  men, 
led  by  Francisco  Pizarro.  The  latter  stepped  forward  to 
arrest  his  ancient  commander.  Yasco  Nunez  paused  for  a 
moment,  and  regarded  him  with  a  look  of  reproachful  asto- 
nishment. 'How  is  this,  Francisco,'  exclaimed  he.  'Is 
this  the  w«ty  you  have  been  accustomed  to  receive  me  ?' 
Offering  no  further  remonstrance,  he  suffered  himself  qui- 
etly to  be  taken  prisoner  by  his  former  adherent,  and  con- 
ducted in  chains  to  Ada.  Here  he  was  thrown  into  prison, 
and  Bartolome  Hurtado,  once  his  favourite  o:1!cer,  was  sent 
to  take  command  of  his  squadron."* 


r»!' 


I, 


f  S    _)*TTv : 


/' 


^h})!,  >  S  ♦  Voyage*  <•'  Coropanlom  of  Colambuf ,  p.  267, 8.  ^'  • '•     -  -  ' 


'\ 


CHAP.   XXII.] 


TRIAL   OF    VASCO    NUNEZ. 


27r 


•    ■■'■  ""  •  ,-  V  -■.■   .5-..(  ,,    ■'t     .. 


'rt-^  f.  >!';:-?•?--  CHAPTER    XXXI.      ['■■-■■':l--'^^'^"' 

Of  the  trial  and  execution  in  1517  of  Vasco  Nuflez  de  Balboa,  the  dis- 
,  coverer  of  the  Pacific  Ocean. 

"  Don  Pedrarias  concealed  his  exultation  at  the  success 
of  the  stratagem  by  which  he  had  ensnared  his  generous 
and  confiding  rival.  He  even  visited  him  in  prison,  and 
pretended  deep  concern  at  being  obliged  to  treat  him  with 
this  temporary  rigour,  attributing  it  entirely  to  certain  ac- 
cusations lodged  against  him  by  the  treasurer  Alunzo  de 
la  Puente,  which  his  official  situation  compelled  him  to  no- 
tice and  investigate. 

<  Be  not  afflicted,  however,  my  son  !'  said  the  hypocrite, 
'an  investigation  will,  doubtless,  not  merely  establish  your 
innocence,  but  serve  to  render  your  zeal  and  loyalty  towards 
your  sovereign  still  more  conspicuous.' 

"  While  Pedrarias  assumed  this  soothing  tone  towards  his 
prisoner,  he  urged  the  Alcalde  Mayor  Espinosa  to  proceed 
against  him  with  the  utmost  rigour  of  the  law. 

"The  charge  brought  against  him  of  a  treasonable  con- 
spiracy to  cast  off  all  allegiance  to  the  crown,  and  to  as- 
sume an  independent  sway  on  the  borders  of  the  southern 
sea,  was  principally  supported  by  the  confessions  of  Andres 
Garabito.  The  evidence  is  also  cited  of  a  soldier,  who  stood 
sentinel  one  night  near  the  quarters  of  Yasco  Nunez,  on 
Isla  Rica,  and  who,  being  driven  to  take  shelter  from  the 
rain  under  the  eaves  of  the  house,  overheard  a  conversation 
between  that  commander  and  certain  of  his  officers,  wherein 
they  agreed  to  put  to  sea  with  the  squadron  on  their  own 
account,  and  to  set  the  governor  at  defiance.     This  testi- 


278 


TRIAL   or    VASCO   NUNEI. 


{.'■ 


j,.[BOOK  I. 


mony,  according  to  Las  Casas,  arose  from  a  misconstructioo 
on  the  part  of  the  sentinel,  who  only  heard  a  portion  of 
their  conversation,  relating  to  their  intention  of  sailing, 
without  waiting  for  orders,  in  case  a  new  governor  should 
arrive  to  supersede  Pedrarias. 

"  The  governor  in  the  meantime  informed  himself  from 
day  to  day  and  hour  to  hour,  of  the  progress  of  the  trial, 
aud,  considering  the  evidence  sufficiently  strong  to  warrant 
his  personal  hostility,  he  now  paid  another  visit  to  his  pri- 
soner, and,  throwing  off  all  affectation  of  kindness,  up- 
braided him  in  the  most  passionate  manner. 

"  '  Hitherto,'  said  he,  '  I  have  treated  you  as  a  son,  be- 
cause I  thought  you  loyal  to  your  king,  and  to  me  as  his 
representative ;  but  as  1  find  you  have  meditated  rebellion 
against  the  crown  of  Castile,  I  cast  you  off  from  my  affec- 
tions, and  shall  henceforth  treat  you  as  an  enemy.' 

"  Yasco  Nunez  indignantly  repelled  the  charge,  and  ap- 
pealed to  the  confiding;  frankness  of  his  conduct  as  a  proof 
of  innocence.  '  Plad  i  !i>een  conscious  of  my  guilt,'  said 
he,  '  what  could  have  induced  me  to  come  here  and  put 
myself  into  your  hands  ?  Had  I  meditated  rebellion,  what 
prevented  me  from  carrying  it  into  effect  ?  I  had  four  ships 
ready  to  weigh  anchor,  three  hundred  brave  men  at  my 
command,  and  an  open  sea  before  me.  What  had  I  to  do 
but  to  spread  sail  and  press  forward  ?  There  was  no  doubt 
of  finding  a  land,  whether  rich  or  poor,  sufficient  for  me 
aud  mine,  far  beyond  the  reach  of  your  control.  In  the 
innocence  of  my  heart,  however,  I  came  here  promptly,  at 
your  mere  request,  and  my  reward  is  slander,  indignity  and 
chains!' 

"  The  noble  and  ingenuous  appeal  of  Yasco  Nunez  had 
no  effect  on  the  prejudiced  feelings  of  the  governor;  on 
the  contrary,  he  was  but  the  more  exasperated,  against  his 
prisoner,  and  ordered  that  his  irons  should  be  doubled. 


OHAP.  XUI.] 


TRIAL  OF  VA9C0  NUNEZ. 


279 


"  The  trial  was  now  urged  by  him  with  increased  eager- 
ness. Lest  the  present  accusation  should  not  be  sufficient 
to  effect  the  ruin  of  his  victim,  the  old  inquest  into  his  con- 
duct as  governor,  which  had  remained  suspended  for  many 
years,  was  revived,  and  he  was  charged  anew  with  the 
wrongs  inflicted  on  the  Bachelor  Enciso,  and  with  the 
death  of  the  unfortunate  Nicuesa.  . 

"Notwithstanding  all  these  charges,  the  trial  went  on 
slowly,  with  frequent  delays ;  for  the  alcalde  mayor,  Gas- 
par  de  Espinosa,  seems  to  have  had  but  little  relish  for  the 
task  assigned  him,  and  to  have  needed  frequent  spurring 
from  the  eager  and  passionate  governor.  He  probably  con- 
sidered the  accused  as  technically  guilty,  though  innocent 
of  all  intentional  rebellion,  but  was  ordered  to  decide  ac- 
cording to  the  strict  letter  of  the  law.  He  therefore  at 
length  gave  a  reluctant  verdict  against  Yasco  Nunez,  but 
^'ecommended  him  to  mercy,  on  recount  of  his  great  ser- 
vices, or  entreated  that,  at  least,  he  might  be  permitted  to 
appeal.  'No!'  said  the  unrelenting  Pedrarias,  'if  he  has 
merited  death,  let  him  suffer  death !'  He  accordingly  con- 
demned him  to  be  beheaded.  The  same  sentence  was 
passed  upon  several  of  his  officers,  who  were  implicated  in 
his  alleged  conspiracy ;  among  these  was  Hernando  de  Ar- 
guello,  who  had  written  the  letter  to  Yasco  Nunez,  inform- 
ing him  of  the  arrest  of  his  messenger,  and  advising  him 
to  put  to  sea,  without  heeding  the  hostility  of  Pedrarias. 
As  to  the  perfidious  informer  Garabito,  he  was  pardoned 
and  set  at  liberty."* 

"  It  was  a  day  of  gloom  and  horror  at  Ada,  when  Yasco 
Nunez  and  his  companions  were  led  forth  to  execution. 
The  populace  were  moved  to  tears  at  the  unhappy  fate  of 
a  man,  whose  gallant  deeds  had  excited  their  admiration, 
and  whose  generous  qualities  had  won  their  hearts.  Most 
of  them  regarded  him  as  the  victim  of  a  jealous  tyrant ; 


*  Voyages  of  Companinns  of  Columbus,  p.  369  to  372. 


280 


EXECUTION   OF    VASCO    NUNEZ. 


[book  I. 


and  even  those  who  thonght  him  guilty,  saw  something 
brave  and  brilliant  in  the  very  crime  imputed  to  him. 
Such,  however,  was  the  general  dread  inspired  by  the  se- 
vere measures  of  Pedrarias,  that  no  one  dared  to  lift  up  his 
voice,  either  in  murmur  or  remonstrance. 

"  The  public  crier  walked  before  Yasco  Nunez,  proclaim- 
ing, '  This  is  the  punishment  inflicted  by  command  of  the 
king  and  his  lieutenant,  Don  Pedrarias  Davila,  on  this  man, 
as  a  traitor  and  an  usurper  of  the  territories  of  the  crown.' 

"  When  Yasco  Nuiiez  heard  these  words,  he  exclaimed 
indignantly,  '  It  is  false !  never  did  such  a  crime  enter  my 
mind.  I  have  ever  served  my  king  with  truth  and  loyalty, 
and  sought  to  augment  his  dominions.' 

"  These  words  were  of  no  avail  in  his  extremity,  but 
they  were  fully  believed  by  the  populace. 

"  The  execution  took  place  in  the  public  square  of  Ada ; 
and  we  are  assured  by  the  historian  Oviedo,  who  was  in 
the  colony  at  the  time,  that  the  cruel  Pedrarias  was  a  secret 
witness  of  the  bloody  spectacle,  which  he  contemplated 
from  between  the  reeds  of  the  wail  of  a  house,  about  twelve 
paces  from  the  scaffold  !*         .>;■-■,■'..,.     .- .'   i.*,<v;--v«' 

"Yasco  Nunez  was  the  first  to  suffer  death.  Having 
confessed  himself  and  partaken  of  the  sacrament,  he  as- 
cended the  scaffold  with  a  firm  step  and  a  calm  and  manly 
demeanour;  and  laying  his  head  upon  the  block,  it  was 
severed  in  an  instant  from  his  body.  Three  of  his  officers, 
Yalderrabano,  Botello,  and  Hernan  Muiios,  were  in  like 
manner  brought  one  by  one  to  the  block,  and  the  day  had 
nearly  expired  before  the  last  of  them  was  executed. 

"  One  victim  still  remained.  It  was  Hernando  de  Argu- 
ello,  who  had  been  condemned  as  an  accomplice,  for  having 
written  the  intercepted  letter. 

"The  populace  could  no  longer  restrain  their  feelings. 
They  had  not  dared  to  intercede  for  Yasco  Nunez,  knowing 


*  Oviedo,  Hist.  Ind.  p.  9,  c.  9,  MS. 


CHAP.   XXXI.] 


EXECUTION    or    VASCO   NUNEZ. 


281 


the  implacable  enmity  of  Pedrarias ;  but  they  now  sought 
the  governor;  and  throwing  themselves  at  his  feet,  entreated 
that  this  man  might  be  spared,  as  he  had  taken  no  active 
part  in  the  alleged  treason.  The  daylight,  they  said,  was 
at  an  end,  and  it  seemed  as  if  God  had  hastened  the  night, 
to  prevent  the  execution.  <^.7 

"  The  stern  heart  of  Pedrarias  was  not  to  be  touched. 
'  No,'  said  he,  '  I  would  sooner  die  myself  than  spure  one 
of  them.'  The  unfortunate  Arguello  was  led  to  the  block. 
The  brief  tropical  twilight  was  past,  and  in  the  gathering 
gloom  of  the  night  the  operations  on  the  scaffold  could  not 
be  distinguished.  The  multitude  stood  listening  in  breath- 
less silence,  until  the  stroke  of  the  executioner  told  that  all 
was  accomplished.  They  then  dispersed  to  their  homes 
with  hearts  filled  with  grief  and  bitterness,  and  a  night  of 
lamentation  succeeded  to  this  day  of  horrors.  *  •'" 

.  "  The  vengeance  of  Pedrarias  was  not  satisfied  with  the 
death  of  his  victim ;  he  confiscated  his  property  and  dis- 
honoured his  remains,  causing  his  head  to  be  placed  upon 
a  pole  and  exposed  for  several  days  in  the  public  square.*  - 

**  Thus  perished,  in  his  forty-second  year,  in  the  prime 
and  vigour  of  his  days  and  the  full  career  of  his  glory,  one 
of  the  most  illustrious  and  deserving  of  the  Spanish  disco- 
verers— ^a  victim  to  the  basest  and  most  perfidious  envy."t 

From  the  statement  of  the  French  editor  referred 
to  on  page  255,  it  might  be  inferred  that  Oviedo  left 
Darien  in  1515.  Mr.  Irving,  it  will  be  perceived, 
speaks  of  him  as  in  the  colony  when  Nunez  was  exe- 
cuted. Supposing  this  to  be  so,  it  must  have  been 
1517  before  he  went  to  Saint  Domingo  and  thence  to 
Spain. 

*  Oviedo,  ubl  siip.       t  Voyages  of  Companiona  of  Columbus,  p.  075, 6. 

36 


n'- 


282 


VOTAGB    TO   CORIANA    IN    1517. 


t' 


/  ).<\  ^'']}'if>fi't  h'^  ' 


'■    '..f-'i.^. 


-■<■; 


[book  I. 


.■  '  I  i  *      r  .    ' '  * 


.*v- 


CHAPTER  XXXII.        -- 

Of  the  voyage  of  Juan  de  Ampiea  to  Coriana  in  1517 ;  and  the  building 
of  the  town  of  Coro ;  also  of  Oviedo,  the  celebrated  historian. 

'  Pedro  Alonzo  Nino,  in  the  voyage  mentioned  in 
the  tenth  chapter,  coasted  to  an  Indian  village 
named  Coriana.  When  famine  and  bad  treatment 
had  destroyed  the  greatest  part  of  the  population  of 
Hayti,  and  they  began  to  be  in  want  of  slaves  to 
work  in  the  mines,  vessels  from  that  isle  went  to  dif- 
ferent parts  of  Terra  Firma  and  took  all  the  Indians 
they  could,  and  carried  them  to  be  sold  at  Saint  Do- 
mingo. There  these  unhappy  beings  perished  by 
thousands.  At  length  the  abuse  became  so  great, 
that  the  authorities  of  Saint  Domingo  sent  into  the 
province  in  which  Coriana  was  Juan  de  Ampies,  as 
governor,  to  found  an  establishment  there  and  pro- 
tect the  natives.  Ampies  set  out  with  a  vessel  and 
sixty  men:  he  disembarked  at  Coriana  in  1517,  and 
formed  an  alliance  with  Mannaure,  the  principal  ca- 
cique of  the  Caquetios,  who  inhabited  this  province ; 
an  alHance  so  respected  by  the  Indians,  says  Father 
Simon,  that  notwithstanding  the  bad  treatment  and 
cruelties  of  the  Spaniards,  they  could  not  bring  them- 
selves to  break  it.  In  the  place  of  Coriana,  Ampies 
built  a  town  named  Coro,  which  was  soon  peopled  by 
a  great  number  of  Spanish  adventurers,  drawn  from 
all  quarters  by  the  rumor  of  the  riches  of  this  country. 


CHAP.    XXXII.] 


OVIBDO,   THK    HISTORIAN.       \;yt 


283 


In  1519,  under  the  emperor's  orders  Gonzalo  Fer- 
nandez de  Oviedo  returned  to  America  to  take  part 
in  the  confiscations  of  the  property  of  Vasco  JNunez, 
which  amounted  to  a  large  sum.  He  arrived  the 
24th  of  June  1620,  at  the  port  of  Darien.  After 
losing  here  his  wife  and  a  son,  he  went  to  Panama  to 
join  Pedrarias,  who  afterwards  made  him  governor  of 
Darien.  He  returned  to  Spain  in  1523.  It  was 
about  this  time  that  he  published  the  first  edition  of 
his  History  of  Nicaragua.  In  1526,  Oviedo  set  out 
again  for  America.  He  joined  at  Nicaragua  Pedro 
Lopes  de  Salcedo,  and  became  governor  of  Cartha- 
gena.  In  1535,  he  was  alcaid  of  Saint  Domingo, 
and  historiographer  of  the  Indias.  He  died  in  1557 
at  Valladolid,  at  the  age  of  69  years. 

This  chapter  is  taken  from  the  preface  to  his  His- 
tory of  Nicaragua,  and  from  the  preface  to  a  volume 
entitled  ^'  Belle  ct  agreable  narration  du  premier  voy- 
age de  Nicolas  Federmann  le  Jeune,  d'  Ulm  aux  indes 
de  la  mer  Oceane  et  de  tont  cequi  lui  est  arrive  dans 
a  pays  jusqu'a  son  retour  en  espagne  ecrite  brieve- 
ment,  et  divertissante  a  lire."  Both  volumes  have 
been  republished  at  Paris,  by  Henri  Ternaux,  in  his 
collection  of  voyages,  relations  and  memoirs;  the 
prefaces  of  the  French  editor  are  those  from  which 
this  chapter  is  taken. 


%^r^!r.Y'' 


•» 


284 


DISCOVERT    or    YUCATAN    IN    1517. 


[boob  I. 


*t^>*7-  ^«*t^'''^  ^1-S'''«' >'<■«*■' "t}0*V      'HI    ^.'ItiKfv^    jni    ji. 

^•^O'^lo-.V^^i/       ■<"?    -'n-^jl'^-.f!  ,:'^i;;-*».  f'J    '        '■,'•     '^!    r     Jill     -1; 

en  f,m<,(n  i  o)     CHAPTER   XXXIII.       '*   ^  ^  ^''■''■■ 
^■t=  vS'  •       ■     .  v^,i<j,  '.r 

Of  the  discovery  of  Yucatan  by  Francisco  Hernandez  de  Cordova  in 
1517 ;  the  voyage  thither  of  Juan  de  Grijalva  in  1518 ;  the  rescue 
there  in  1519,  by  Hernando  Cortez  of  Jeronimo  de  Aguilar,  one  of 
the  companions  of  Valdivia,  whose  vessel  was  stranded  on  that  coast 
several  years  before  ;  and  the  famous  voyage  of  Magellan. 

'  Several  years  had  elapsed  in  the  manner  mentioned 
in  chapter  twenty-fourth,  when  in  1517  intelUgence 
was  brought  to  the  province  where  Aguilar  was,  of  the 
arrival  on  the  neighbouring  coast  of  great  vessels  of 
wonderful  construction,  filled  with  white  and  bearded 
men.  It  was  in  fact  the  squadron  of  Francisco  Her- 
nandez de  Cordova.  Yucatan  was  discovered  this 
year  by  him,  and  by  the  pilot  Juan  Alaminos,  a  native 
of  Palos,  who  had  accompanied  Columbus  in  his 
fourth  voyage.  Cordova  was  for  some  time  along 
the  coast  of  Yucatan,  and  lost  many  men  in  his  dif- 
ferent rencontres  with  the  natives.  The  heart  of  Je- 
ronimo de  Aguilar  beat  quick  with  hope  when  he 
heard  of  European  ships  at  hand.  He  was  distant 
from  the  coast  however,  and  was  too  closely  Watched 
by  the  Indians  to  have  any  chance  of  escape.  After 
Cordova  left  this  coast,  he  was  driven  by  a  storm 
upon  the  shore  of  Florida:  thence  he  returned  to 
Cuba,  where  he  died  ten  days  after  his  arrival.* 


*  Voyagea  of  Companions  of  Columbus,  p.  983.    "  Recueil  de  pieces  relatives  a  la  con- 
qudte  du  Mejique."    See  note  at  the  end  of  next  paragraph. 


oBA*. xxKiii.]  orijalva's  votaoe  to  Yucatan;  1618. 


285 


A  new  expedition  was  determined  on.  Diego  Ve- 
lasquez chose  to  command  it  Juan  de  Grijalva,  a 
native  of  Cuellar,  who  had  distinguished  himself  in 
several  expeditions  against  the  Indians  of  Cuba.  On 
the  first  of  March  1518,^  his  fleet  set  out  from  Cuba. 
He  saw  on  the  4th  houses  on  a  promontory,  and  gave 
to  this  land  the  name  of  Saint  Croix.  The  next  day 
he  reconnoitered  the  coast  of  Yucatan  and  the  isle  of 
Cuzamil.  In  the  account  of  this  voyage  it  is  men- 
tioned that  some  Indians,  among  whom  was  the  chief 
of  their  village,  approaching  the  vessels,  the  Spaniards 
asked  nevs  of  the  christians  whom  Francisco  Her- 
nandez had  left  in  Yucatan,  and  was  told  in  reply  that 
one  of  them  was  dead  and  the  other  still  alive ;  that 
they  followed  the  coast  to  find  the  survivor,  and  on 
the  6th,  went  on  land,  but  at  first  saw  no  one ;  that 
they  mounted  upon  a  tower  there  with  a  circum- 
ference of  one  hundred  and  eighty  feet,  planted  the 
standard  upon  one  of  the  fronts,  and  took  possession 
in  the  name  of  the  king ;  that  afterwards  they  saw 
some  Indians  and  went  into  their  village ;  that  amongst 
the  houses  were  five  well  constructed,  with  a  base 
very  large  and  massive,  and  surmounted  by  turrets ; 
that  the  village  was  paved  with  hollow  stones,  the 
streets  rising  at  the  sides  and  descending  in  the  mid- 
dle, which  was  paved  entirely  with  large  stones ;  that 
the  sides  were  occupied  by  the  houses  of  the  inhabi- 
tants, constructed  of  stones  from  the  foundation  to 
half  the  height  of  the  walls,  and  covered  with  straw  ; 
and  that  judging  by  the  buildings,  these  Indians  were 
very  ingenious.     Other  villages  are  described  on  the 

■'  i  '..■'■  *  ',■■■' 

*  The  date  given  by  some  others  is  April,  and  by  one  January  1518. 


i-.iitfsi'.V^V  ■:  i^i.-.z,  .JL . 


286 


ARCHITECTURE    Or    YUCATAN    IN    1518.  ["OO^  >• 


coast ;  one  so  large  that  Seville  would  not  have  ap- 
peared more  considerable  nor  better.  And  mention 
is  made  of  a  very  beautiful  tower  on  a  point  of  land 
which  they  were  told  was  inhabited  by  women  who 
lived  without  men.  They  went  to  see  the  cacique 
Lazaro,  who  had  given  an  honourable  reception  to 
Francisco  Hernandez.  The  Indians  seem  however 
not  to  have  desired  their  company ;  they  told  them 
to  quit  the  country,  and  this  not  being  done  quick 
enough  there  was  a  passage  of  arms,  in  which  forty 
of  the  Spaniards  were  wounded  and  one  killed.  The 
Spaniards  re-embarked  and  quitted  the  country  of 
this  cacique^  the  29th  of  March.  The  last  day  of 
May  they  discovered  a  very  good  port,  to  which  they 
gave  the  nafne  of  Port  Desire.  Here  they  made 
some  cabins  of  boughs,  and  remained  twelve  days. 
After  which  they  went  to  reconnoiter  another  country 
named  Mulua,  which  having  done  they  proceeded  on 
their  route  the  first  day  of  July.  They  saw  a  large 
river,  from  which  sweet  water  goes  into  the  sea  for 
six  miles :  they  gave  to  it  the  name  of  the  river  of 
Grijalva :  the  province  was  named  Protonta.  They 
saw  a  river  having  two  mouths,  out  of  which  came 
sweet  water ;  and  they  gave  to  it  the  name  of  Saint 
Barnabas,  because  they  arrived  the  day  of  the  feast 
of  this  saint.  Near  the  mountains  they  anchored  at 
a  little  isle,  to  which  they  gave  the  name  of  the  Isle 
of  Sacrafices.  They  saw  some  very  high  edifices 
built  with  Ume,  and  a  monument  like  a  round  tower, 
fifteen  steps  broad ;  at  its  summit  was  a  block  of  mar- 
ble, such  as  is  found  in  Castile,  surmounted  by  an 
animal  like  a  lion,  sculptured  in  marble,  in  whose 


CHAP.  XXXIII.] 


HERNANDO    CORTEZ. 


287 


hoad  there  was  a  hole  wherein  to  put  perfumes.  The 
natives  in  different  parts  of  Yucatan  wore  cotton 
cloth.  They  gave  to  the  Spaniards  vases  of  gold 
and  mantles  or  coverings  of  cotton,  so  woven  as  to 
represent  figures  of  birds  and  animals  of  different 
kinds.  They  are  described  as  being  -very  civilized, 
and  as  having  laws,  and  public  edifices  dedicated  to 
the  administration  of  justice.  This  account  is  stated 
to  have  been  published  in  Italian  at  Venice  in  1522.* 

The  hopes  of  Jeronimo  de  Aguilar  had  been  re- 
vived by  the  arrival  of  the  ships  just  mentioned,  but 
the  watchfulness  of  the  Indians  prevented  him  from 
attempting  to  escape.f 

Velasquez,  dissatisfied  with  Grijalva  for  not  having 
founded  any  establishment  in  so  rich  a  country,  gave 
him  a  bad  reception,  and  refused  him  the  command 
of  a  new  expedition.  He  made  Hernando  Cortez 
the  commander  of  it.  Grijalva,  after  this,  was  at 
Saint  Domingo  in  1523,  living  in  a  miserable  manner. 
He  went  then  to  Terra  Firma  to  join  Pedrarias 
Davila,  and  was  sent  by  him  to  Nicaragua,  where  he 
was  killed,  as  well  as  many  others,  in  a  revolt  of  the 
Indians  of  the  valley  of  Ulanchos4 

"  Seven  years  had  gone  by  since  Aguilar's  capture,  and  he 
had  given  up  all  hopes  of  being  restored  to  his  country  and 


*The  title  of  the  publication  in,  "  Itine- 
rairc  dii  voyage  de  la  flotte  du  roi  catho- 
lique  L'ile  de  Yucatan  Dans  L'Inde.  Fait 
en  I'an  1518,  sous  le§  ordres  du  capitaine 
g6n6i'al  Juan  de  Grijalva,  Redig6  et  d6dl6 
A  E<.  A.{  par  le  chapelain  en  chef  de  ladite 
flotte."  It  forms  a  part  of  "  Recueil  do 
places  relatives  a  la  conquStedu  Mexique;" 
In  which  volume  there  are  nine  other 
pieces,  for  the  most  part  not  edited  before. 


This  volume  is  one  of  the  "  Voyages,  re- 
lations et  m6moires  originaux  pour  servir  a 
I'histoire  de  la  d^couverte  de  L'Am6rique, 
publics  pour  la  premiere  fois  en  Franfais, 
par  H.  Ternauz-Oompans,"  at  Paris  in 
1838. 

t  Voyages  of  Companions  of  Columbus, 
p.  283. 

X  Preface  to  "  Recueil  de  pidces  rela- 
tives a  la  conqudte  du  Mexique." 


288 


JERONIMO    DE    AOUILAR. 


[book  I. 


friends,  when,  in  1519,  there  arrived  one  day  at  the  village 
three  Indians,  natives  of  the  small  island  of  Cozumel,  which 
lies  a  few  leagues  in  the  sea,  opposite  the  eastern  coast  of 
Yucatan.  They  brought  tidings  of  another  visit  of  white 
bearded  men  to  their  shores,  and  one  of  them  delivered  a 
letter  to  Aguilar,  which,  being  entirely  naked,  he  had  con- 
cealed it  in  the  long  tresses  of  his  hair  which  were  bound 
round  his  head.  '=*•';   •  '    '  ^  "«* 

"Agnilar  received  the  letter  with  wonder  and  delight, 
and  read  it  in  presence  of  the  cacique  and  his  warriors.  It 
proved  to  be  from  Hernando  Cortes,  who  was  at  that  time 
on  his  great  expedition,  which  ended  in  the  conquest  of 
Mexico.  He  had  been  obliged  by  stress  of  weather  to  an- 
chor at  the  island  of  Cozumel,  where  he  learned  from  the 
natives,  that  several  white  men  were  detained  in  captivity 
among  the  Indians  on  the  neighbouring  coast  of  Yucatan. 
Finding  it  impossible  to  approach  the  main  land  with  his 
ships,  he  prevailed  upon  three  of  the  islanders,  by  means 
of  gifts  and  promises,  to  venture  upon  an  embassy  among 
their  cannibal  neighbours,  and  to  convey  a  letter  to  the 
captive  white  men.  Two  of  the  smallest  caravels  of  the 
squadron  were  sent  under  the  command  of  Diego  de  Ordas, 
who  was  ordered  to  land  the  three  messengers  at  the  point 
of  Cotoche,  and  to  wait  there  eight  days  for  their  return,    r 

•'  The  letter  brought  by  these  envoys  informed  the  Chris- 
tian captives  of  the  force  and  destination  of  the  squadron 
of  Cortes,  and  of  his  having  sent  the  caravels  to  wait  for 
them  at  the  point  of  Cotoche,  with  a  ransom  for  their  deli- 
verance, inviting  them  to  hasten  and  join  him  at  Cozumel. 

"  The  transport  of  Aguilar  on  first  reading  the  letter,  was 
moderated  when  he  reflected  on  the  obstacles  that  might 
prevent  him  from  profiting  by  this  chance  of  deliverance. 
He  had  made  himself  too  useful  to  the  cacique  to  hope  that 
he  would  readily  give  him  his  liberty,  and  he  knew  the  jea- 
lous and  irritable  nature  of  the  savages  too  well  not  to  fear 


CHAV.  xixni.] 


JBRONIMO   DE   AGUILAB. 


289 


that  even  an  application  for  leave  to  depart  might  draw 
upon  him  the  severest  treatment.  He  endeavoured,  there- 
fore, to  operate  upon  the  cacique  through  his  apprehensions. 
To  this  end  he  informed  him  that  the  piece  of  paper  which 
he  held  in  his  hand  brought  him  a  full  account  of  the 
mighty  armament  that  had  arrived  on  the  coast.  He  de- 
scribed the  number  of  the  ships  and  various  particulars  con- 
cerning the  squadron,  all  which  were  amply  corroborated 
by  the  testimony  of  the  messengers.  The  cacique  and  his 
warriors  were  astonished  at  this  strange  mode  of  conveying 
intelligence  from  a  distance,  and  regarded  the  letter  as 
something  mysterious  and  supernatural.  Aguilar  went  on 
to  relate  the  tremendous  and  superhuman  powers  of  the 
people  in  these  ships,  who,  armed  with  thunder  and  light- 
ning, wreaked  destruction  on  all  who  displeased  them,  while 
they  dispensed  inestimable  gifts  and  benefits  on  such  as 
.proved  themselves  their  friends.  He,  at  the  same  time 
spread  before  the  cacique  various  presents  brought  by  the 
messengers,  as  specimens  of  the  blessings  to  be  expected 
from  the  friendship  of  the  strangers.  The  intimation  was 
effectual.  The  cacique  was  filled  with  awe  at  the  recital 
of  the  terrific  powers  of  the  white  men,  and  his  eyes  were 
dazzled  by  the  glittering  trinkets  displayed  before  him. 
He  entreated  Aguilar,  therefore,  to  act  as  his  embassador 
and  mediator,  and  to  secure  him  the  amity  of  the  strangers. 
"  Aguilar  saw  with  transport  the  prospect  of  a  speedy 
deliverance.  In  this  moment  of  exultation,  he  bethought 
himself  of  the  only  surviving  comrade  of  his  past  fortunes, 
Gonsalo  Guerrero,  and,  sending  the  letter  of  Cortes  to  him, 
invited  him  to  accompany  him  in  his  escape.  The  sturdy 
seaman  was  at  this  time  a  great  chieftain  in  his  province, 
and  his  Indian  bride  had  borne  him  a  numerous  progeny. 
His  heart,  however,  yearned  after  his  native  country,  and 
he  might  have  been  tempted  to  leave  his  honours  and  dig- 
nities, his  infidel  wife  and  half  savage  offspring  behind 

37 


■y-.i 


290 


JBRONIMO   DE    AOUILAB. 


[BOOK  I, 


him,  but  an  insuperable,  though  somewhat  ludicrous,  obsta- 
cle presented  itself  to  his  wishes.  Having  long  since 
given  over  all  expectation  of  a  return  to  civilized  life,  he 
had  conformed  to  the  customs  of  the  country,  and  had 
adopted  the  external  signs  and  decorations  that  marked 
him  as  a  warrior  and  a  man  of  rank.  His  face  and  hands 
Were  indelibly  painted  or  tattooed ;  his  ears  and  lips  were 
slit  to  admit  huge  Indian  ornaments,  and  his  nose  was 
drawn  down  almost  to  his  mouth  by  a  massy  ring  of  gold, 
and  a  dangling  jewel.  '^^  M^l'n.mm.,^  - ^^p.^mmf^A 

m  «<Thus  curiously  garbled  and  disfigured,  the  honest  sea- 
man felt,  that  however  he  might  be  admired  in  Yucatan, 
he  should  be  apt  to  have  the  rabble  at  his  heels  in  Spain. 
He  made  up  his  mind,  therefore,  to  remain  a  great  man 
among  the  savages,  rather  than  run  the  risk  of  being  shown 
as  a  man-monster  at  home. 

"Finding  that  he  declined  accompanying  him,  Jeronimo 
de  Aguiiar  set  off  for  the  point  of  Cotoche,  escorted  by 
three  Indians.  The  time  he  had  lost  in  waiting  for  Guer- 
rero had  nearly  proved  fatal  to  his  hopes,  for  when  he  ar- 
rived at  the  point,  the  caravels  sent  by  Cortes  had  departed, 
though  several  crosses  of  reeds  set  up  in  different  places 
gave  tokens  of  the  recent  presence  of  Christians. 

"  The  only  hope  that  remained,  was,  that  the  squadron 
of  Cortes  might  yet  linger  at  the  opposite  island  of  Cozu- 
rael ;  but  how  was  he  to  get  there  ?  While  wandering 
disconsolately  along  the  shore,  he  found  a  canoe,  half  bu- 
ried in  sand  and  water,  and  with  one  side  in  a  state  of  de- 
cay ;  with  the  assistance  of  the  Indians  he  cleaned  it,  and 
set  it  afloat,  and  on  looking  further  he  found  the  stave  of  a 
hogshead  which  might  serve  for  a  paddle.  It  was  a  frail 
embarkation  in  which  to  cross  an  arm  of  the  sea,  several 
leagues  wide,  but  there  was  no  alternative.  Prevailing  on 
the  Indians  to  accompany  him,  he  launched  forth  in  the 
canoe  and  coasted  the  main  land  until  he  came  to  the  nar- 


i^^,!f^' 


CHAP.   XXXIII.] 


JERONIMO  DE  AOUILAR. 


291 


rowest  part  of  the  strait,  where  it  was  but  four  leagues 
across  ,*  here  he  stood  directly  for  Cozumel,  contending,  as 
well  as  he  was  able,  with  a  strong  current,  and  at  length 
succeeded  in  reaching  the  island.  ^« 

"  He  had  scarce  landed,  when  a  party  of  Spaniards,  who 
had  been  lying  in  wait,  rushed  forth  from  their  conceal- 
ment, sword  in  hand.  The  three  Indians  would  have  fled, 
but  Aguilar  reassured  them,  and  calling  out  to  the  Spa- 
niards in  their  own  language,  assured  them  that  he  was  a 
Christian.  Then,  throwing  himself  upon  his  knees,  and 
raising  his  eyes,  streaming  with  tears  to  heaven,  he  gave 
thanks  to  God  for  having  restored  him  to  his  countrymen. 

"  The  Spaniards  gazed  at  him  with  astonishment :  from 
his  language  he  was  evidently  a  Castilian,  but  to  all  ap- 
pearance he  was  an  Indian.  He  was  perfectlv  naked ;  wore 
his  hair  braided  round  his  head  in  the  manner  of  the  coun- 
'  try,  and  his  complexion  was  burnt  by  the  sun  to  a  tawny 
colour.  He  had  a  bow  in  his  hand,  a  quiver  at  his  shoul- 
der, and  a  net-work  pouch  at  his  side,  in  which  he  carried 
his  provisions,  ^--u  ii--;';.,;  ^- •:■■•.■  -i  ;;-•»>.;  „■...,,  ';,:■:„  .>»,:•■., 
I':."  The  Spaniards  proved  to  be  a  reconnoitering  party, 
sent  out  by  Cortes  to  watch  the  approach  of  the  canoe, 
which  had  been  descried  coming  from  Yucatan.  Cortes 
had  given  up  all  hopes  of  being  joined  by  the  captives,  the 
caravel  having  waited  the  allotted  time  at  Cotoche,  and  re- 
turned without  news  of  them.  He  had,  in  fact,  made  sail 
to  prosecute  his  voyage,  but  fortunately  one  of  his  ships 
had  sprung  a  leak,  which  had  obliged  him  to  return  to  the 
island. 

"  When  Jeronimo  de  Aguilar  and  his  companions  arrived 
in  presence  of  Cortes,  who  was  surrounded  by  his  officers, 
they  made  a  profound  reverence,  squatted  on  the  ground, 
laid  their  bows  and  arrows  beside  them,  and  touching  their 
right  hands,  wet  with  spittle  on  the  grouted,  rubbed  them 
about  the  region  of  the  heart,  such  being  their  sign  of  the 
most  devoted  submission. 


292 


JERONIMO   DE    AOUILA|l. 


[BOOS    I. 


"  Cortes  greeted  Aguilar  with  a  hearty  welcome,  and  rais- 
ing him  from  the  earth,  took  from  his  own  person  a  large 
yellow  mantle  lined  with  crimson,  and  threw  it  over  his 
shoulders.  The  latter,  however,  had  for  so  long  a  time 
gone  entirely  naked,  that  even  this  scanty  covering  was  at 
first  almost  insupportable,  and  he  had  become  so  accustomed 
to  the  diet  of  the  natives,  that  he  found  it  difficult  to  re- 
concile his  stomach  to  the  meat  and  drink  set  before  him. 

"  When  he  had  sufficiently  recovered  from  the  agitation 
of  his  arrival  among  Christians,  Cortes  drew  from  him  the 
particulars  of  his  story,  and  found  that  he  was  related  to 
one  of  his  own  friends,  the  licentiate  Marcos  de  Aguilar. 
He  treated  him,  therefore,  with  additional  kindness  and  re- 
spect, and  retained  him  about  his  person  to  aid  him  as  an 
interpreter  in  his  great  Mexican  expedition. 

"  The  happiness  of  Jeronimo  de  Aguilar  at  once  more 
being  restored  to  his  countrymen,  was  doomed  to  suffer 
some  alloy  from  the  disasters  that  had  happened  in  his  fa- 
mily. Peter  Martyr  records  a  touching  anecdote  of  the 
effect  that  had  been  produced  upon  his  mother  by  the 
tidings  of  his  misfortune.  A  vague  report  had  reached  her 
in  Spain,  that  her  son  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  canni- 
bals. All  the  horrible  tales  that  circulated  in  Spain,  con- 
cerning the  treatment  of  these  savages  to  their  prisoners, 
rushed  to  her  imagination,  and  she  went  distracted.  When- 
ever she  beheld  roasted  meat,  or  flesh  upon  the  spit,  she 
would  fill  the  house  with  her  outcries.  'Oh,  wretched 
mother !  oh  most  miserable  of  women !'  would  she  ex- 
claim, '  behold  the  limbs  of  my  murdered  son.'* 

"  It  is  to  be  hoped,  that  the  tidings  of  his  deliverance 
had  a  favourable  eflect  upon  her  intellects,  and  that  she 
lived  to  rejoice  at  his  after  fortunes.  He  served  Hernando 
Cortez  with  great  courage  and  ability  throughout  his  Mexi- 
can conquests,  acting  sometimes  as  a  soldier,  sometimes  as 


*  p.  Martyr,  decad.  4,  c.  6. 


CRAP.   XXXIII.] 


VOTAGE    OF    MAGELLAN. 


293 


interpreter  and  ambassador  to  the  Indians,  and  in  reward  of 
his  fidelity  and  services,  was  appointed  regidor,  or  civil  go- 
vernor of  the  City  of  Mexico."*  .  :,<     ;  'ij. 

•  .1. 
At  this  period  Mr.  Irving  closes  his  narrative  of 

the  Voyages  and  Discoveries  of  the  Companions  of 
Columbus.  The  period  is  deemed  suitable  for  ending 
this  account  of  discoveries  in  the  west  generally. 
The  present  volume,  from  its  nature,  is  not  one  in 
which  it  would  be  suitable  to  draw  further  from  the 
collection  of  pieces  relative  to  the  conquest  of  Mexico, 
or  to  narrate  the  horrible  Cruelties  of  the  conquerors 
of  that  country.  These  are  appropriate  to  a  History 
of  Mexico,  and  have  been  the  subject  of  interesting 

works.t 

'  The  famous  voyage  of  Fernando  de  Magalhaens 
or  Magellan,  the  Portuguese  navigator,  cannot  how- 
ever be  allowed  to  pass  wholly  unnoticed.  He  had 
served  under  Albuquerque  in  the  East  Indias,  and  dis- 
tinguished himself,  especially  at  the  taking  of  Ma- 
lacca in  1510.     Entering  afterwards  in  the  service  of 


*  Voyages  of  Companions  of  Columbun, 
p.  QB4  to  289. 

t  Several  of  these  are  in  the  collection  of 
Voyages,  Relations  and  Memoirs  published 
at  Paris  in  1838  by  H.  Ternivux,  to  wit : 

Rapport  siir  lea  differentes  classes  de 
chefs  de  la  Nouvellc-Espagne  sur  les  lois, 
les  moeurs  dcs  habitaots,  sur  les  impots  es- 
tabl6'8  avant  et  depuis  la  conquete  etc.  etc. 
Tar  Alonzo  de  Ziirita  ex-auditeur  a  1 'au- 
dience royale  de  Mexico. 

Histoire  des  Cbichim6que8  oa  des  anciens 
rois  de  Tezcuco,  par  Fernando  D'Alva  Ix- 
tlilx6chitl  traduit  sur  le  manuscrit  es- 
pagnol  premiere  et  seconde  partie. 

Premier  et  second  recueil  de  pieces  sur  Le 
Mexique  in6dites. 


"  Craut6s  Horribles  dea  conqu6rants  du 
Mexique,  et  Dea  Indiena  qui  lea  aiddrent 
a  soumettre  cet  empire  a  la  couronne  d'Ea- 
pagne,  MSmoire  de  don  Fernando  D'Alva 
Ixtlilxfichitl ;  supplement  a  I'histoire  du 
p€re  Sahagun,  publi€  etdedi6au  gouverne- 
mcnt  supreme  dc  la  confederation  mezi- 
caine,  par  Charles-Marie  de  Bustamente ;" 
printed  at  Mexico  in  1829. 

We  have  had  also  in  the  United  States  a 
"  History  of  tlie  Conquest  of  Mexico,  with 
a  preliminary  view  of  the  ancient  Mexi- 
can civilization,  and  the  Life  of  the  Con- 
queror Hernando  Cortfis,  by  William  H. 
Prescott,  author  of  the  History  of  Ferdi* 
nand  and  Isabella.  In  three  volumes;" 
eighth  edition,  published  at  New  York  in 
1847. 


294 


VOTAOE    or    MAGELLAN. 


[book  I. 


Charles  the  Fifth,  he  was  entrusted  hy  him  with  the 
command  of  a  fleet  to  explore  a  passage  to  the  Mo- 
lucco  islands,  by  sailing  westward.  He  commenced 
his  voyage  the  20th  of  September  1519,  entered 
about  the  end  of  October  1520  the  straits  since  called 
after  him,  and  on  the  27th  of  November  discovered 
the  Pacific  Ocean.  Continuing  his  cruise,  he  arrived 
at  the  Ladrone  islands,  and  subsequently  at  the  Philip- 
pines, on  one  of  which  he  lost  his  life  in  a  skirmish 
with  the  natives  in  1521.  This  brief  allusion  to  Ma- 
gellan must  suftice. 

The  plan  of  this  work  makes  it  necessary,  gradually 
as  we  come  down,  in  point  of  time,  to  circumscribe 
the  locality  of  the  voyages  of  which  it  treats.  The 
next  book  will  be  of  those  on  the  Atlantic  coast  of 
North  America. 


r 


'^       I:*- 


-  ''iV^ 


it' 


^.1-v   I  .    r   : 


'    .     .  '  1  i 


>(  :^'    'i  fjv'       fl.-J<U 


:'r<;.^i'--!<' 


BOOK  II. 


VOYAGES  TO  AND  ALONG  THE  ATLANTIC  COAST  OF 
NORTH  AMERICA  FROM  1520  TO  1573. 


>  CHAPTER   I.  r    -       . 

Of  the  voyages  of  Luke  Vasquez  d'  Aylon  to  Florida  in  1520  and  1524 ; 

and  that  of  Juan  Ponce  de  Leon  in  1521. 
• 

After  Florida  came  into  possession  of  the  English, 
a  small  volume,  of  one  hundred  and  two  pages,  was 
published  at  London  in  1763,  entitled 

"  An  account  of  the  first  discovery  and  natural  history  of 
Florida,  with  a  particular  detail  of  the  several  expeditions 
and  descents  made  on  that  coast,  collected  from  the  best 
authorities,  by  William  Roberts,  illustrated  by  a  general 
map  and  some  particular  plans,  together  with  a  geographi- 
cal description  of  that  country  by  T.  Jeffreys,  geographer 
to  his  majesty." 

This  account  was  published  at  a  period  when  the 
settlement  of  Florida  was  under  the  consideration  of 
the  English  government,  and  it  was  supposed  would 
be  of  service  to  such  ships  as  might  be  sent  thither. 
Mr.  Jeffreys  considered  his  geographical  description 
of  the  sea  coast,  in  a  much  nearer  degree  accurate, 


296 


VOYAGE    OF    VAStlUEZ    TO    FLORIDA;    1620.      ["OO*  "• 


than  any  then  extant,  as  he  had  digested  it  from  a 
considerable  number  of  original  Spanish  and  French 
charts,  found  on  board  of  vessels  of  those  nations, 
made  prizes.  The  map  is  useful  at  the  present  day, 
as  shewing  the  names  by  which  places  were  then 
known. 

At  page  27  of  the  volume  of  Mr.  Roberts,  is  the 
following : 

"In  the  year  1620,  Luke  Vasqnez  of  Aylon,  a  licentiate, 
being  in  want  of  hands  to  work  in  the  mines,  entered  into 
a  resolution,  with  some  associates,  to  try  if  they  could  steal 
off  a  number  of  savages  from  the  neighbouring  islands,  to 
be  employed  in  this  business.  For  this  purpose  they  equip- 
ped two  ships,  and  sailed  out  of  the  harbour  of  Plata,  situ- 
ated on  the  north  side  of  Hispaniola,  and  steered,  either  by 
.  hance  or  design,  which  it  was  is  uncertain,  a  northwestern 
course,  until  they  came  to  the  most  distant  of  the  Lucayos 
islands ;  and  thence,  to  what  was  then  part  of  Florida,  in 
thiry-two  degrees  north  latitude,  now  called  St.  Helena. 
At  the  sight  of  these  ships  making  towards  the  shore  with 
expanded  sails,  the  amazed  natives  ran  in  crowds  to  view 
them,  conceiving  that  they  must  be  some  monstrous  fishes 
driven  upon  the  coast ;  but,  as  soon  as  they  saw  men  with 
beards  and  covered  with  clothing,  land  out  of  these  floating 
mansions,  they  fled  in  a  panic.  The  Spaniards,  having 
stopped  two  of  them,  carried  them  off  into  their  ships; 
where,  after  having  entertained  them  with  meat  and  drink, 
they  sent  them  back  again  cloathed  in  the  Spanish  habit. 
The  king  of  the  country,  admiring  the  dress,  sent  fifty  of 
his  people  to  the  ships,  with  a  present  of  various  fruits  and 
provisions ;  and,  not  contented  with  doing  this,  he  made  a 
party  of  his  subjects  attend  the  Spaniards  in  the  nnany  ex- 
cursions into  the  neighbouring  provinces,  with  which,  at 
their  request,  he  gratified  their  inclinations ;  where  they 


CHAF.  I.]  VOYAGE  or  JUAN  PONCE  TO  FLORIDA;  1621. 


297 


werd  presented  with  gold,  plates  of  silver,  pearls,  &.C.,  and 
received  in  the  most  hospitable  manner.  The  Spaniards, 
having  made  their  own  observations,  as  they  passed,  upon 
the  customs  and  manners  of  the  inhabitants,  the  soil  and 
climate,  invited  a  large  number  of  the  natives  (after  they 
had  watered  their  ships  and  were  prepared  for  departure)  to 
an  entertainment  on  board  their  vessels ;  where,  having 
plied  their  guests  well  with  liquor,  they  took  that  wicked 
opportunity  to  weigh  anchor,  and  sail  away  with  these  un- 
happy deluded  people  towards  Hispaniola.  Many  of  the 
poor  wretches  pined  to  death  with  vexation,  and  from  an 
obstinate  refusal  of  food;  the  greater  part  of  what  re- 
mained, perished  in  one  of  the  vessels  that  foundered  at 
sea ;  and  some  of  them,  in  vain  appealing  to  the  violated 
rights  of  hospitality,  were  hurried  into  a  cruel  and  hopeless 
slavery.  Yasquez,  instead  of  the  punishment  due  to  so  in- 
human and  horrid  a  proceeding,  expected  and  obtained  oSh 
the  king,  the  reward  appointed  for  such  as  discovered  new 
lands,  together  with  the  usual  immunities  they  were  en- 
titled to." 

Of  the  next  expedition  to  Florida,  we  have  an  ac- 
count by  Mr.  Irving,  at  page  321  of  his  volume  of 
Voyages  and  Discoveries  of  the  Companions  of  Co- 
lumbus. Mentioning  Juan  Ponce  de  Leon,  after  he 
had  returned  from  his  enterprise  against  the  Caribs 
to  Porto  Rico,  Mr.  Irving  says  of  him : 


'*  He  continued  for  several  years  in  that  island,  in  a  state 
of  growling  repose,  until  the  brilliant  exploits  of  Hernando 
Cortes,  which  threatened  to  eclipse  the  achievements  of  all 
the  veteran  discoverers,  roused  his  dormant  spirit. 

"Jealous  of  being  cast  in  the  shade  in  his  old  days,  he 
determined  to  sally  forth  on  one  more  expedition.  He  had 
heard  that  Florida,  which  he  had  discovered,  and  which  he 
38 


298 


VOYAGE  or  JUAN  PONCE  TO  TLOBIDA  ;  1521.    [*00K  II. 


had  hitherto  considered  a  mere  island,  was  part  of  Terra 
Firma,  possessing  vast  and  unknown  regions  in  its  bosona. 
If  so,  a  grand  field  of  enterprise  lay  before  him,  wherein 
he  might  make  discoveries  and  conquests  to  rival,  if  not 
surpass,  the  far-famed  conquest  of  Mexico. 

"Accordingly,  in  the  year  1521,  he  fitted  out  two  ships 
at  the  island  of  Porto  Rico,  and  embarked  almost  the 
whole  of  his  property  in  the  undertaking.  His  voyage  was 
toilsome  and  tempestuous,  but  at  length  he  arrived  at  the 
wished-for  land.  He  made  a  descent  upon  the  coast  with 
a  great  part  of  his  men,  but  the  Indians  sallied  forth  with 
unusual  valour  to  defend  their  shores.  A  bloody  battle  en- 
sued, several  of  the  Spaniards  were  slain,  and  Juan  Ponce 
was  wounded  by  an  arrow,  in  the  thigh.  He  was  borne 
on  board  his  ship,  and  finding  himself  disabled  for  further 
action,  set  sail  for  Cuba,  where  he  arrived  ill  in  body  and 
dejected  in  heart. 

"  He  was  of  an  age  when  there  is  no  longer  prompt  and 
healthful  reaction,  either  mental  or  corporeal.  The  irrita- 
tions of  humiliated  pride  and  disappointed  hope,  exaspe- 
rated the  fever  of  his  wound,  and  he  died  soon  after  his  ar- 
rival at  the  island.  'Thus  fate,^  says  one  of  the  quaint 
old  Spanish  writers,  'delights  to  reverse  the  schemes  of 
man.  The  discovery  that  Juan  Ponce  flattered  himself 
was  to  lead  to  a  means  of  perpetuating  his  life,  had  the  ul- 
timate effect  of  hastening  his  death.'  .  .   .  -^ 

"  It  may  be  said,  however,  that  he  has,  at  least  attained 
the  shadow  of  his  desire,  since,  though  disappointed  in  ex- 
tending the  natural  term  of  his  existence,  his  discovery  has 
ensured  a  lasting  duration  to  his  name. 

"  The  following  epitaph  was  inscribed  upon  his  tomb, 
which  does  justice  to  the  warrior  qualities  of  the  stout  old 
cavalier: 


"  Mole  8ub  liac  fortia  requieicat  ossa  Leonis, 
Qui  vieit  flicliR  nomina  magna  inia." 


OBAP.  I.]   VOYAGE  OF  TASqUEZ  TO  FLORIDA ;  1624. 


299 


"  It  has  thus  been  paraphrased  iti  Spanish  by  the  licen- 
tiate Juan  de  Castellanos : 

^  "  Aqueite  lugar  eitrecho 

Ea  sepulchro  del  varon, 
Que  en  el  nombre  fue  Leon, 
Y  mucho  maaen  el  hecho."  *         . 

'* '  In  this  sepulchre  rest  the  bones  of  a  man,  who  was  a 
lion  by  name,  and  still  more  by  nature.'  " 

Of  Luke  Vasquez  of  Aylon,  it  is  said  by  Roberts, 
at  page  28,  that  after  he  had  received  a  reward  for 
what  he  had  before  done : 

"In  the  year  1624,  he  sent  more  ships  to  Florida,  and 
was  so  elated  with  the  accounts  he  had  from  them,  of  the 
fertility  of  the  soil,  and  the  great  plenty  of  gold,  silver  and 
pearls,  to  be  found  there,  that  he  hastened  thither  himself 
the  next  year,  with  three  ships;  but  having  lost  one  of 
them  when  near  the  cape  of  St.  Helen,  and  two  hundred 
of  his  people  whom  he  had  landed  being  entirely  destroyed 
by  the  natives,  more  through  their  own  negligence  and  su- 
pine security,  than  the  bravery  of  the  inhabitants ;  disap- 
pointed of  his  wishes,  and  broken  hearted,  he  returned  back 
again  to  Hispaniola." 

This  is  not  entirely  consistent  with  what  is  found 
in  Biedma's  account  of  the  expedition  of  De  Soto  to 
Florida  in  1539,  to  be  mentioned  hereafter  in  chap- 
ter xii.     His  language  is : 

"  Nous  apprimes  que  la  troupe  d'Ayllon  s'etait  avanced 
fort  peu  dans  1  interieur,  q'uelle  avait  suivi  presque  toujours 
le  bord  de  la  rner  jusqu'a  la  mort  de  ce  dernier,  et  que  ses 
compagnons  s'etaient  entretues,  ne  pouvant  s'accorder  entre 
eux  sur  le  choix  d'un  chef." 


300 


PROJECT   or    CORTBZ    IN    lff24. 


[aooK  II. 


CHAPTER  II. 

Of  the  project  of  Cortez  in  1524  for  examining  the  coast  of  the  Atlan- 
tic as  well  as  the  Pacific. 

The  project  in  1524  of  the  celebrated  Cortez  was 
attended  with  no  interesting  results.  Mr.  Biddle  in 
his  Memoir  of  Cabot,  p.  258,  9,  refers  to  the  letter 
in  which  Cortez  apprises  the  emperor  of  his  views 
on  the  subject.  r?;  , 


i( 


This  letter,  dated  16th  of  October  1524,  will  be  found 
in  Barcia's  Historiadores  Primitivos,  Tom.  1,  p.  151,  and  is 
faithfully  rendered  by  Ramusio,  vol.  iii.  fol.  294.  After 
expressing  great  zeal  for  the  service  of  the  emperor,  he  re- 
marks that  it  seemed  to  him  no  other  enterprise  remained 
by  which  to  manifest  his  devotion  >han  to  examine  the  re- 
gion between  the  river  Panuco  (in  Mexico)  and  Florida, 
recently  discovered  by  the  Adelantado  Ponce  de  Leon,  and 
also  the  coast  of  the  said  Florida  towards  the  north  until 
it  reaches  the  Baccalaos,  holding  it  for  certain  that  along 
the  coast  is  a  strait  conducting  to  the  South  sea.  He  states 
as  a  part  of  his  plan,  that  certain  vessels  in  the  Pacific 
should  sail  concurrently  along  the  western  coast  of  Ame- 
rica, while  the  others,  'as  I  have  said,  proceed  up  to  the 
point  of  junction  with  the  Baccalaos,  so  that  on  one  side 
or  the  other  we  cannot  fail  to  ascertain  the  secret.'  " 

"  It  is  material  to  remark,"  observes  Mr.  Biddle,  « that 
Cortez  has  no  other  designation  for  the  region  in  the  north 
than  that  which  Peter  Martyr,  in  his  decades  published 
eight  years  before,  had  stated  to  have  been  conferred  on  it 
by  Cabot." 


OBAP.  II.] 


PROJECT    or    CORTEZ   IN    1524 


At  this  period  there  was  a  very  important  enter- 
prise on  the  southern  continent ;  it  can  only  be  ad- 
verted to  here  in  the  briefest  manner.  Pedrarias  de 
Avila  having  colonized  the  City  of  Panama,  that  of 
Natay,  and  the  town  of  Nombre  de  Dios,  Francisco 
Pizarro  was  living  in  the  City  of  Panama,  when  he 
asked  permission  of  Pedrarias  to  go  to  make  disco- 
veries farther  south.  Pizarro  set  out  from  Panama 
the  14th  of  November  1524,  and  proceeded  to  con- 
quer Peru.  A  relation  of  this  conquest  by  Francisco 
de  Xeres,  a  secretary  of  Pizarro,  was  printed  at  Se- 
ville in  1534,  at  Venice  in  1535,  and  at  Salamanca  in 
1647,  and  was  reprinted  at  Paris  in  1837  by  H.  Ter- 
naux  in  his  collection  of  voyages,  relations  and  me- 
moirs, to  serve  for  the  history  of  the  discovery  of 
America,  in  which  collection  will  also  be  found, 

"  Metnoires  historiques  sur  1'  ancien  P^rou  par  le  licenci^ 
Fernando  Montisinos ;"  and 

"  Histoire  du  P6rou  par  Miguel  Cavello  Balboa." 

We  have  had  likewise  published  at  New  York,  in 
1847, 

"  History  of  the  Conquest  of  Pern,  with  a  preliminary 
view  of  the  civilization  of  the  Incas,  by  William  H.  Pres- 
cott;  corresponding  member  of  the  French  institute,  of  the 
royal  academy  of  history  at  Madrid,  &-c.  in  two  volumes." 


302 


VOYAOC    or    VKRAZZAKO    IN    1624. 


[■OOK   It. 


•   r   *.■*''.  I  *<.        I 


•  U    J^ 


;^M^^» 


}.< 


CHAPTER  III. 


Of  the  voyage  of  John  Dc  Verazzano  in  1524,  along  the  coast  of  Nortli 
'      /  America,  from  Carolina  to  Newfoundland.  :  .' ' 

In  1521,  Francis  the  First,  King  of  France,  sent 
forth  John  de  Verazzano,  a  Florentine,  with  four 
ships.  An  account  of  the  voyage  of  Verazzano  was, 
about  forty  years  after  its  completion,  published  at 
Venice,  in  the  Italian  language,  in  the  third  volume 
of  Ramusio's  collection  of  voyages  and  travels.  An 
English  translation  of  the  account  in  Ramusio  was 
published  in  1600  in  Hakluyt's  Collection,*  and  re- 
published from  Hakluyt  in  1611,  by  the  New  York 
Historical  Society.f  In  1834,  Mr.  Alfred  Hawkins 
published  an  interesting  account  of  Quebec,  wherein, 
noticing  Verazzano,  he  refers  to  a  manuscript  of  his, 
preserved  in  the  Strozzi  library  at  Florence,  and  ex- 
presses the  desire  that  some  Italian  scholar  would  fa- 
vour the  world  with  its  publication.!  The  North 
American  Review  for  October  1837,  contains  an  ac- 
count of  the  researches  of  George  W.  Greene,  Esq., 
the  American  consul  at  Rome.  He  found  at  Flo- 
rence a  manuscript  of  Verazzano's  letter  of  the  8th 
of  July  1524,  to  the  King  of  France,  differing,  in 
some  respects,  from  the  one  in  Ramusio.  Mr.  Greene 
having  furnished  to  the  Historical  Society  of  New 


•  Vol.  3,  p.  295  to 300.      t  Volume  Collections  for  1800,  p.  45.      t  Hawk ins's  Quebec,  p.  33- 


CBAr. 


▼OYAOC    or    VERAZZANO   IN    1624. 


303 


Vork  a  copy  of  this  manuscript,  a  translation  of  it 
from  the  Italian  was  made  by  Joseph  G.  Cogswell, 
Esq.,  a  member  of  that  society,  and  published  in 
1841  in  the  second  series  of  the  society's  collections. 
It  will  be  found  in  the  first  volume  of  the  second  se- 
ries, page  37  to  67.  The  following  extract  from  that 
volume  contains  Verazzano's  account  of  the  new 
country,  which  he  reached  on  the  20th  of  March, 
sailing  from  Madeira  towards  the  west,  a  little  north- 
wardly: 


(( 


At  first  it  appeared  to  be  very  low,  but  on  approaching 
it  to  within  a  quarter  of  a  league  from  the  shore  we  per- 
ceived, by  the  great  fires  near  the  coast,  that  it  was  inha- 
bited. Wv^i  perceived  that  it  stretched  to  the  south,  and 
coasted  along  in  that  direction  in  search  of  some  port,  in 
which  we  might  come  to  anchor,  and  examine  into  the  na- 
ture of  the  country,  but  for  fifty  leagues  we  could  find 
none  in  which  we  could  lie  securely.  Seeing  tLc  coast 
still  stretched  to  the  south,  wo  resolved  to  change  our 
course  and  stand  to  the  northward,  and  as  we  still  had  the 
same  difficulty,  we  drew  in  with  the  land  and  sent  a  boat 
on  shore.  Many  people  who  were  seen  coming  to  the  sea- 
side fied  at  our  approach,  but  occasionally  stopping,  they 
looked  back  upon  us  with  astonishment,  and  some  were  at 
length  induced  by  various  friendly  signs  to  come  to  us. 
These  showed  the  greatest  delight  on  beholding  us,  won- 
dering at  our  dress,  countenances  and  complexion.  They 
then  showed  us  by  signs  where  we  could  more  conveni- 
ently secure  our  boat,  and  offered  us  some  of  their  provi- 
sions. That  your  majesty  may  know  all  that  we  learned, 
while  on  shore,  of  their  manners  and  customs  of  life,  I  will 
relate  what  we  saw  as  briefly  as  possible.  They  go  en- 
tirely naked,  except  that  about  the  loins  they  wear  skins  of 
small  animals  like  martens  fastened  by  a  girdle  of  plaited 


304 


VOTAOE    OF    VEBAZZANO    IN    1524. 


[book    II. 


grass,  to  which  they  tie,  all  round  the  body,  the  tails  of 
other  animals  hanging  down  to  the  knees ,-  all  other  parts 
of  the  body  and  the  head  are  naked.  Some  wear  garlands 
similar  to  birds'  feathers. 

"The  complexion  of  these  people  is  black,  not  much  dif- 
ferent from  that  of  the  Ethiopians ;  their  hair  is  black  and 
thick,  and  not  very  long,  it  is  worn  tied  back  upon  the 
head  in  the  form  of  a  little  tail.  In  person,  they  are  of 
good  proportions,  of  middle  stature,  a  little  above  our  own, 
broad  across  the  breast,  strong  in  the  arms,  and  well  formed 
in  the  legs  and  other  parts  of  the  body;  the  only  excep- 
tion to  their  good  looks  is  that  they  have  broad  faces,  but 
not  all,  however,  as  we  saw  many  that  had  sharp  ones, 
with  large  black  eyes  and  a  fixed  expression.  They  are 
not  very  strong  in  body,  but  acute  in  mind,  active  and  swift 
of  foot,  as  far  as  we  could  judge  by  observation.  In  these 
last  two  particulars  they  resemble  the  people  of  the  east, 
especially  those  the  most  remote.  We  could  not  learn  a 
great  many  particulars  of  their  usages,  on  account  of  our 
short  stay  among  them  and  the  distance  of  our  ship  from 
the  shore. 

"  We  found  not  far  from  this  people  another  whose  mode 
of  life  we  judged  to  be  similar.  The  whole  shore  is  co- 
vered with  fine  sand,  about  fifteen  feet  thick,  rising  in  the 
form  of  little  hills  about  fifty  paces  broad.  Ascending  far- 
ther, we  found  several  arms  of  the  sea  which  make  in 
through  inlets,  washing  the  shores  on  both  sides  as  the 
coast  runs.  An  outstretched  country  appears  at  a  little  dis- 
tance rising  somewhat  above  the  sandy  shore  in  beautiful 
fields  and  broad  plains,  covered  with  immense  forests  of 
trees,  more  or  less  dense,  too  various  in  colours,  and  too  de- 
lightful and  charming  in  appearance  to  be  described.  I  do 
not  believe  that  they  are  like  the  Hercynian  forest  or  the 
rough  wilds  of  Scythia,  and  the  northern  regions  full  of 
vines  and  common  trees,  but  adorned  with  palms,  laurels, 


CBAP.  III.]  VOYAGE    OF    VEfUZZANO    IM    1524. 


305 


cypresses,  and  other  varieties  unknown  in  Europe,  that 
send  forth  the  sweetest  fragrance  to  a  great  distance,  but 
which  we  could  not  examine  more  closely  for  the  reasons 
before  given,  and  not  on  account  of  any  difSculty  in  tra- 
versing the  woods,  which,  on  the  contrary,  are  easily  pene- 
trated. 

"  As  the  '  East'  stretches  around  this  country,  I  think  it 
cannot  be  devoid  of  the  same  medicinal  and  aromatic  drugs, 
and  various  riches  of  gold  and  the  like,  as  is  denoted  by 
the  colour  of  the  ground.  It  abounds  also  in  animals,  as 
deer,  stags,  hares,  and  many  other  similar,  and  with  a  great 
variety  of  birds  for  every  kind  of  pleasant  and  delightful 
sport.  It  is  plentifully  supplied  with  lakes  and  ponds  of 
running  water,  and  being  in  the  latitude  of  34°,**  the  air  is 
salubrious,  pure  and  temperate,  and  free  from  the  extremes 
of  both  heat  and  cold.  There  are  no  violent  winds  in  these 
regions,  the  most  prevalent  are  the  northwest  and  west. 
In  summer,  the  season  in  which  we  were  there,  the  sky  is 
clear,  with  but  little  rain :  if  fogs  and  mists  are  at  any  time 
driven  in  by  the  south  wind,  they  are  instantaneously  dis- 
sipated, and  at  once  it  becomes  serene  and  bright  again. 
The  sea  is  calm,  not  boisterous,  and  its  waves  are  gentle. 
Although  the  whole  coast  is  low  and  without  harbours,  it  is 
not  dangerous  for  navigation,  being  free  from  rocks  and 
bold,  so  that  within  four  or  five  fathoms  from  the  shore, 
there  is  twenty-four  feet  of  water  at  all  times  of  tide,  and 
this  depth  constantly  increases  in  a  uniform  proportion. 
The  holding  ground  is  so  good  that  no  ship  can  part  her 
cable,  however  violent  the  wind,  as  we  proved  by  experi- 
ence :  for  while  riding  at  anchor  on  the  coast,  we  were 
overtaken  by  a  gale  in  the  beginning  of  March,  when  the 
winds  are  high,  as  is  usual  in  all  countries;  we  found  our 
anchor  broken  before  it  started  from  its  hold  or  moved  at 
all.  . 


*  In  the  louthern  part  of  what  ia  now  North  Carolina,  near  Cape  Fear. 

39 


306 


VOYAGE    OF    VERAZZANO    IN    1524. 


[book  II. 


(( We  set  sail  ifrom  this  place,  continuing  to  coast  along 
the  shore,  which  we  found  stretching  out  to  the  west 
(east?);  the  inhabitants  being  numerous,  we  saw  every- 
where a  multitude  of  fires.     While  at  anchor  on  this  coast, 
there  being  no  harbour  to  enter,  we  sent  the  boat  on  shore 
with  twenty-five  men  to  obtain  water,  but  it  was  not  pos- 
sible to  land  without  endangering  the  boat,  on  account  of 
the  immense  high  surf  thrown  up  by  the  sea,  as  it  was  an 
open  roadstead.     Many  of  the  natives  came  to  the  beach,  in- 
dicating by  various  friendly  signs  that  we  might  trust  our- 
selves on  shore.     One  of  their  noble  deeds  of  friendship 
deserves  to  be  made  known  to  your  majesty.     A  young 
sailor  was  attempting  to  swim  ashore  through  the  surf  to 
carry  them  some  knick-knacks,  as  little  bells,  looking- 
glasses,  and  other  like  trifles ;  when  he  came  near  three  or 
four  of  them,  he  tossed  the  things  to  them,  and  turned 
about  to  get  back  to  the  boat,  but  he  was  thrown  over  by 
the  waves,  and  so  dashed  by  them  that  he  lay  as  it  were 
dead  upon  the  beach.     When  these  people  saw  him  in  this 
situation,  they  ran  and  took  him  up  by  the  head,  legs  and 
arms,  and  carried  him  to  a  distance  from  the  surf;  the 
young  man,  finding  himself  borne  off  in  this  way,  uttered 
very  loud  shrieks  in  fear  and  dismay,  while  they  answered 
as  they  could  in  thejr  language,  showing  him  that  he  had 
no  cause  for  fear.     Afterwards  they  laid  him  down  at  the 
foot  of  a  little  hill,  when  they  took  off  his  shirt  and  trow- 
sers,  and  examined  him,  expressing  the  greatest  astonish- 
ment at  the  whiteness  of  his  skin.     Our  sailors  in  the  boat 
seeing  a  great  fire  made  up,  and  their  companion  placed 
very  near  it,  full  of  fear,  as  is  usual  in  all  cases  of  novelty, 
imagined  that  the  natives  were  about  to  roast  him  for  food. 
But  as  soon  as  he  had  recovered  his  strength  after  a  short 
stay  with  them,  showing  by  signs  that  he  wished  to  return 
aboard,  they  hugged  him  with  great  affection,  and  accom- 
panied him*  to  the  shore ;  then  leaving  him  that  he  might 


''^9ir:'^''/^>-ypfr^^^^7^'r'S^f'^Wr  ^'  rr.yjTfr-rytv*-^'*;  r. 


CHAP.  III.]  vOV    GE    OF   VERAZZANO    IN    1624. 


307 


feel  more  secure,  they  withdrew  to  a  little  hill,  from  which 
they  watched  him  until  he  was  safe  in  the  boat.  This 
young  man  femarked  that  these  people  were  black  like  the 
others,  that  they  had  shining  skins,  middle  stature,  and 
sharper  faces,  and  very  delicate  bodies  and  limbs,  and  that 
they  were  inferior  in  strength,  but  quick  in  their  minds ; 
this  is  all  that  he  observed  of  them. 

"  Departing  hence,  and  always  following  the  shore,  which 
stretched  to  the  north,  we  came,  in  the  space  of  fifty 
leagues,  to  another  land,  which  appeared  very  beautiful  and 
full  of  the  largest  forests.     We  approached  it,  and  going 
ashore  with  twenty  men,  we  went  back  from  the  coast 
about  two  leagues,  and  found  that  the  people  had  fled  and 
hid  themselves  in  the  woods  for  fear.     By  searching  around 
we  discovered  in  the  grass  a  very  old  woman  and  a  young 
girl  of  about  eighteen  or  twenty,  who  had  concealed  them- 
selves for  the  same  reason ;  the  old  woman  carried  two  in- 
fants on  her  shoulders,  anr!  behind  her  neck  a  little  boy 
eight  years  of  age ;  when  we  came  up  to  them  they  began 
to  shriek  and  make  signs  to  the  men  who  had  fled  to  the 
woods.     We  gave  them  a  part  of  our  provisions,  which 
they  accepted  with  delight,  but  the  girl  would  not  touch 
any ;  every  thing  we  offered  to  her  being  thrown  down  in 
great  anger.     We  took  the  little  boy  from  the  old  woman 
to  carry  with  us  to  Prance,  and  would  have  taken  the  girl 
also,  who  was  very  beautiful  and  very  tall,  but  it  was  im- 
possible because  of  the  loud  shrieks  she  uttered  as  we  at- 
tempted to  lead  her  away ;  having  to  pass  some  woods,  and 
being  far  from  the  ship,  we  determined  to  leave  her  and 
take  the  boy  only.     We  found  them  fairer  than  the  others, 
and  wearing  a  covering  made  of  certain  plants,  which  hung 
down  from  the  branches  of  the  trees,  tying  them  together 
with  threads  of  wild  hemp ;  their  heads  are  without  cover- 
ing and  of  the  same  shape  as  the  others.     Their  food  is  a 
kind  of  pulse  which  there  abounds,  different  in  colour  and 


308 


VOTAOIi    or    VBRAZZAKO    IN    1524. 


[book  II. 


size  from  ours,  and  of  a  very  delicious  flavour.     Besides, 
they  take  birds  and  fish  for  food,  using  snares  and  bows 
made  of  hard  wood,  with  reeds  for  arrows,  in  the  ends  of 
which  they  put  the  bones  of  fish  and  other  animals.     The 
animals  in  these  regions  are  wilder  than  in  Europe,  from 
being  continually  molested  by  the  hunters.     We  saw  many 
of  their  bo&ts  made  of  one  tree  twenty  feet  long  and  four 
feet  broad,  without  the  aid  of  stone  or  iron  or  other  kind  of 
metal.     In  the  whole  country,  for  the  space  of  two  hun- 
dred leagues,  which  we  visited,  we  saw  no  stone  of  any 
sort.     To  hollow  out  their  boats,  they  burn  out  as  much  of 
a  log  as  is  requisite,  and  also  from  the  prow  and  stern  to 
make  them  float  well  on  the  sea.     The  land,  in  situation, 
fertility  and  beauty,  is  like  the  other,  abounding  also  in  fo- 
rests filled  with  various  kinds  of  trees,  but  not  of  such  fra- 
grance, as  it  is  more  northern  and  colder,    v  .  -   -  ■■■^  \     sr, 
"  We  saw  in  this  country  many  vines  growing  naturally, 
which  entwine  about  the  trees,  and  run  up  upon  them  as 
they  do  in  the  plains  of  Lombardy.     These  vines  would 
doubtless  produce  excellent  wine  if  they  were  properly  cul- 
tivated and  attended  to,  as  we  have  often  seen  the  grapes 
which  they  produce  very  sweet  and  pleasant,  and  not  un- 
like our  own.     They  must  be  held  in  estimation  by  them, 
as  they  carefully  remove  the  shrubbery  from  around  them, 
wherever  they  grow,  to  allow  the  fruit  to  ripen  better.    We 
found  also  wild  roses,  violets,  lilies,  and  many  sorts  of 
plants  and  fragrant  flowers  diflerent  from  our  own.     We 
cannot  describe  their  habitations,  as  they  are  in  the  interior 
of  the  country,  but  from  various  indications  we  conclude 
they  must  be  formed  of  trees  and  shrubs.     We  saw  also 
many  grounds  for  conjecturing  that  they  often  sleep  in  the 
open  air,  without  any  covering  but  the  sky.     Of  their  other 
usages  we  know  nothing ;  we  believe,  however,  that  all  the 
people  we  were  among  live  in  the  same  way. 


CHAP.  III.]  VOTAOE    OF    VERAZZANO    IN    1524. 


309 


"  After  having  remained  here  three  days,  riding  at  anchor 
on  the  coast,  as  we  could  find  no  harbour,  we  determined 
to  depart,  and  coast  along  the  shore  to  the  northeast,  keep- 
ing sail  on  the  vessel  only  by  day,  and  coming  to  anchor 
by  night.  After  proceeding  one  hundred  leagues  we  found 
a  very  pleasant  situation  among  some  steep  hills,  through 
which  a  very  large  river,  deep  at  its  mouth,  forced  its  way 
to  the  sea ;  from  the  sea  to  the  estuary  of  the  river,  any 
ship  heavily  laden  might  pass,  with  the  help  of  the  tide, 
which  rises  eight  feet.  But  as  we  were  riding  at  anchor  in 
a  good  berth,  we  would  not  venture  up  in  our  vessel,  with- 
out a  knowledge  of  the  mouth ;  therefore  we  took  the  boat, 
and  entering  the  river,  we  found  the  country  on  its  banks 
well  peopled,  the  inhabitants  not  differing  much  from  the 
others,  being  dressed  out  with  the  feathers  of  birds  of  va- 
rious colours.  They  came  towards  us  with  evident  delight, 
raising  loud  shouts  of  admiration,  and  showing  us  where 
we  could  most  securely  land  with  our  boat.  We  passed  up 
this  river,  about  half  a  league,  when  we  found  it  formed  a 
most  beautiful  lake  three  leagues  in  circuit,  upon  which 
they  were  rowing  thirty  or  more  of  their  small  boats,  from 
one  shore  to  the  other,  filled  with  multitudes  who  came  to 
see  us.  All  of  a  sudden,  as  is  wont  to  happen  to  naviga- 
tors, a  violent  contrary  wind  blew  in  from  the  sea,  and 
forced  us  to  return  to  our  ship,  greatly  regretting  to  leave 
this  region  which  seemed  so  commodious  and  delightful, 
and  which  we  supposed  must  also  contain  great  riches,  as 
the  hills  showed  many  indications  of  minerals.  Weighing 
anchor,  we  sailed  fifty  leagues  towards  the  east,  as  the  coast 
stretched  in  that  direction,  and  always  in  sight  of  it ;  at 
length  we  discovered  an  island  of  a  triangular  form,  about 
ten  leagues  from  the  main  land,  in  size  about  equal  to  the 
island  of  Rhodes,  having  many  hills  covered  with  trees, 
and  well  peopled,  judging  from  the  great  number  of  fires 
which  we  saw  all  around  its  shores ;  we  gave  it  the  name 
of  your  majesty's  illustrious  mother. 


'■  ir,y^"-vfT^"" 


310 


TOTAGE    OF    VERAZZANO    IN    1524. 


[book  II. 


«  We  did  not  land  there,  as  the  weather  was  unfavoura- 
ble, but  proceeded  to  another  place,  fifteen  leagues  distant 
from  the  island,  where  we  found  a  very  excellent  harbour. 
Before  entering  it,  we  saw  about  twenty  small  boats  full  of 
people,  who  came  about  our  ship,  uttering  many  cries  of 
astonishment,  but  they  would  not  approach  nearer  than 
within  fifty  paces ;  stopping,  they  looked  at  the  structure 
of  our  ship,  our  persons  and  dress,  afterwards  they  all  raised 
a  loud  shout  together,  signifying  that  they  were  pleased. 
By  imitating  their  signs,  we  inspired  them  in  some  measure 
with  confidence,  so  that  they  came  near  enough  for  us  to 
toss  to  them  some  little  bells  and  glasses,  and  many  toys, 
which  they  took  and  looked  at,  laughing,  and  then  came 
on  board  without  fear.  Among  them  were  two  kings  more 
beautiful  in  form  and  stature  than  can  possibly  be  described ; 
one  was  about  forty  years  old,  the  other  about  twenty-four, 
and  they  were  dressed  in  the  following  manner :  The  old- 
est had  a  deer's  skin  around  his  body,  artificially  wrought 
in  damask  figures,  his  head  was  without  covering,  his  hair 
was  tied  back  in  various  knots ;  around  his  neck  he  wore  a 
large  chain  ornamented  with  many  stones  of  different  co- 
lours. The  young  man  was  similar  in  his  general  appear- 
ance. This  is  the  finest  looking  tribe,  and  the  handsomest 
in  their  costumes,  that  we  have  found  in  our  voyage. 
They  exceed  us  in  size,  and  they  are  of  a  very  fair  com- 
plexion (?) ;  some  of  them  incline  more  to  a  white  (bronze  ?), 
and  others  to  a  tawny  colour ;  their  faces  are  sharp,  their 
hair  long  and  black,  upon  the  adorning  of  which  they  be- 
stow great  pains ;  their  eyes  are  black  and  sharp,  their  ex- 
pression mild  and  pleasant,  greatly  resembling  the  antique. 
I  say  nothing  to  your  majesty  of  the  other  parts  of  the 
body,  which  are  all  in  good  proportion,  and  such  as  belong 
to  well-formed  men.  Their  women  are  of  the  same  form 
and  beauty,  very  graceful,  of  fine  countenances  and  pleas- 
ing appearance  in  manners  and  modesty;  they  wear  no 


CHAP.  III.]  VOTAOE    or    VGRAZZANO    IN    1524. 


311 


clothing  except  a  deer  skin,  ornamented  like  those  worn 
by  the  men ;  some  wear  very  ricfi  lynx  skins  upon  their 
arms,  and  various  ornaments  upon  their  heads,  composed  of 
braids  of  hair,  which  also  hang  down  upon  their  breasts  on 
each  side.  Others  wear  different  ornaments,  such  as  the 
women  of  Egypt  and  Syria  use.  The  older  and  the  mar- 
ried people,  both  men  and  women,  wear  many  ornaments 
in  their  ears,  hanging  down  in  the  oriental  manner.  We 
saw  upon  them  several  pieces  of  wrought  copper,  which  is 
more  esteemed  by  them  than  gold,  as  this  is  not  valued  on 
account  of  its  colour,  but  is  considered  by  them  as  the  most 
ordinary  of  the  metals — yellow  being  the  colour  especially 
disliked  by  them ;  azure  and  red  are  those  in  highest  esti- 
mation with  them.  Of  those  things  which  we  gave  them, 
they  prized  most  highly  the  bells,  azure  crystals,  and  other 
toys  to  hang  in  their  ears  and  about  their  necks ;  they  do 
not  value  or  care  to  have  silk  or  gold  stuffs,  or  other  kinds 
of  cloth,  nor  implements  of  steel  or  iron.  When  we 
showed  them  our  arms,  they  expressed  no  admiration,  and 
only  asked  how  they  were  made ;  the  same  was  the  case 
with  the  looking-glasses,  which  they  returned  to  us,  smi- 
ling, as  soon  as  they  had  looked  at  them.  They  are  very 
generous,  giving  away  whatever  they  have.  We  formed  a 
great  friendship  with  them,  and  one  day  we  entered  into 
the  port  with  our  ship,  having  before  rode  at  the  distance 
of  a  league  from  the  shore,  as  the  weather  was  adverse. 
They  came  off  to  the  ship  with  a  number  of  their  little 
boats,  with  their  faces  painted  in  divers  colours,  showing  us 
real  signs  of  joy,  bringing  us  of  their  provisions,  and  signi- 
fying to  us  where  we  could  best  ride  in  safety  with  our 
ship,  and  keeping  with  us  until  we  had  cast  anchor.  *We 
remained  among  them  fifteen  days,  to  provide  ourselves 
with  many  things  of  which  we  were  in  want,  during  which 
time  they  came  every  day  to  see  our  ship,  bringing  with 
them  their  wives,  of  whom  they  were  very  careful ;  for,  al- 


312 


VOYAOB    or    VERAZZANO    IN    1624. 


[BOOK    II. 


though  they  came  on  board  themselves,  and  remained  a  long 
while,  they  made  their  wives  stay  in  the  boats,  nor  could 
we  ever  get  them  on  board  by  any  entreaties  or  any  pre- 
sents we  could  make  them.  One  of  the  two  kings  often 
came  with  his  queen  and  many  attendants,  to  see  us  for  his 
amusement ;  but  he  always  stopped  at  the  distance  of  about 
two  hundred  paces,  and  sent  a  boat  to  inform  us  of  his  in- 
tended visit,  saying  they  would  come  and  see  our  ship— 
this  was  done  for  safety,  and  as  soon  as  they  had  an  answer 
from  us  they  came  off,  and  remained  awhile  to  look  around  ; 
but  on  hearing  the  annoying  cries  of  the  sailors,  the  king 
sent  the  queen,  with  her  attendants,  in  a  very  light  boat,  to 
wait,  near  an  island  a  quarter  of  a  league  distant  from  us. 
while  he  remained  a  long  time  on  board,  talking  with  us  by 
signs,  and  expressing  his  fanciful  notions  about  every  thing 
in  the  ship,  and  asking  the  use  of  all.  After  imitating  our 
modes  of  salutation,  and  tasting  our  food,  he  courteously 
took  leavo  of  us.  Sometimes,  when  our  men  staid  two  or 
three  days  on  a  small  island,  near  the  ship,  for  their  various 
necessities,  as  sailors  are  wont  to  do,  he  came  with  seven  or 
eight  of  his  attendants,  to  inquire  about  our  movements,  of- 
ten asking  us  if  we  intended  to  remain  there  long,  and  of- 
fering us  every  thing  at  his  command,  and  then  he  would 
shoot  with  his  bow,  and  run  up  and  down  with  his  people, 
making  great  sport  for  us.  We  often  went  five  or  six 
leagues  into  the  interior,  and  found  the  country  as  pleasant 
as  is  possible  to  conceive,  adapted  to  cultivation  of  every 
kind,  whether  of  corn,  wine  or  oil ;  there  are  open  plains 
twenty-five  or  thirty  leagues  in  extent,  entirely  free  from 
trees  or  other  hindrances,  and  of  so  great  fertility,  that 
whatever  is  sown  there  will  yield  an  excellent  crop.  On 
entering  the  woods,  we  observed  that  they  might  all  be  tra- 
versed by  an  army  ever  so  numerous ;  the  trees  of  which 
they  were  composed,  were  oaks,  cypresses,  and  others,  un- 
known in  Europe.     We  found,  also,  apples,  plumbs,  filberts, 


CHAP.  III.]  VOTAOE    or    VERAZZANO    IN    1624. 


313 


and  many  other  fruits,  but  all  of  a  different  kind  from  ours. 
The  animals,  which  are  in  great  numbers,  as  stags,  deer, 
lynxes,  and  mnny  other  species,  are  taken  by  snares,  and  by 
bows,  the  latter  being  their  chief  implement ;  their  arrows 
are  wrought  with  great  beauty,  and  for  the  heads  of  them, 
they  use  emery,  jasper,  hard  marble,  and  other  sharp  stones, 
in  the  place  of  iron.     They  also  use  the  same  kind  of  sharp 
stones  in  cutting  down  trees,  and  with  them  they  construct 
their  boats  of  single  logs,  hollowed  out  with  admirable  skill, 
and  sufficiently  commodious  to  contain  ten  or  twelve  per- 
sons ;  their  oars  are  short,  and  broad  at  the  enr'   and  are 
managed  in  rowing  by  force  of  the  arms  alone,  «vith  per- 
fect security,  and  as  nimbly  as  they  choose.     We  saw  their 
dwellings,  which  are  of  a  circular  form,  of  about  ten  or 
twelve  paces  in  circumference,  made  of  logs  split  in  halves, 
without  any  regularity  of  architecture,  and  covered  with 
roofs  of  straw,  nicely  put  on,  which  protect  them  from 
wind  and  rain.     There  is  no  doubt  that  they  would  build 
stately  edilSces  if  they  had  workmen  as  skilful  as  ours,  for 
the  whole  sea  coast  abounds  in  shining  stones,  crystals,  and 
alabaster,  and  for  the  same  reason  it  has  ports  and  retreats 
for  animals.     They  change  their  habitations  from  place  to 
place  as  circumstances  of  situation  and  season  may  require ; 
this  is  easily  done,  as  they  have  only  to  take  with  them 
their  mats,  and  they  have  other  houses  prepared  at  once. 
The  father  and  the  whole  family  dwell  together  in  one 
house  in  great  numbers ;  in  some  we  saw  twenty-five  or 
thirty  persons.     Their  food  is  pulse,  as  with  the  other  tribes, 
which  is  here  better  than  elsewhere,  and  more  carefully  cul- 
tivated ;  in  the  time  of  sowing,  they  are  governed  by  the 
moon,  the  sprouting  of  grain,  and  many  other  ancient  usa- 
ges.    They  live  by  hunting  and  fishing,  and  they  are  long- 
lived.     If  they  fall  sick,  they  cure  themselves  without  me- 
dicine, by  the  heat  of  the  fire,  and  their  death  at  last  comes 
from  extreme  old  age.     We  judge  them  to  be  very  affec- 

40 


314 


VOYAGE    or    VERABZANO    IN    1624.  ["OO"  "• 


tionate  and  ch  ritable  towards  their  relatives — making  (oud 
lamentations  in  their  adversity,  and  in  their  misery  calling 
to  mind  all  their  good  fortune.  At  their  departure  out  of 
life,  their  relations  mutually  join  in  weeping,  mingled  with 
singing,  for  a  long  while.  This  is  all  that  we  could  learn 
of  them.  This  region  is  situated  in  the  parallel  of  Rome, 
being  41°  40^  of  north  latitude,  but  much  colder  from  ac- 
cidental circumstances,  and  not  by  nature,  as  I  shall  here- 
after explain  to  your  majesty,  and  confine  myself  at  present 
to  the  description  of  its  local  situation.  It  looks  towards 
the  south,  on  which  side  the  harbour  is  half  a  league  broad ; 
afterwards,  upon  entering  it,  the  extent  between  the  coast 
and  north  is  twelve  leagues,  and  then  enlarging  itself  it 
forms  a  very  lage  bay,  twenty  leagues  in  circumference,  in 
which  are  five  small  islands,  of  great  fertility  and  beauty, 
covered  with  large  and  lofty  trees.  Among  these  islands 
any  fleet,  however  large,  might  ride  safely,  without  fear  of 
tempests  or  other  dangers.  Turning  towards  the  south,  at 
the  entrance  of  the  harbour,  on  both  sides,  there  are  very 
pleasant  hills,  and  many  streams  of  clear  water,  which  flow 
down  to  the  sea.  In  the  midst  of  the  entrance,  there  is  a 
rock  of  freestone,  formed  by  nature,  and  suitable  for  the 
construction  of  any  kind  of  machine  or  bulwark  for  the  de- 
fence of  the  harbour.* 

"  Having  supplied  ourselves  with  every  thing  necessary, 
on  the  fifth  of  May  we  departed  from  the  port,  and  sailed 
one  hundred  and  fifty  leagues,  keeping  so  close  to  the  coast 
ss  never  to  lose  it  from  our  sight ;  the  nature  of  the  coun- 
try appeared  mud   4he  same  as  before,  but  the  mountains 


*  The  nbore  deicription  applies  to  Nar- 
raganset  bay  and  the  harbour  o(  Newport 
in  Rhode  Islar!,  although  inistalctin  by  Dr. 
Miller,  in  his  Discourse  before  this  So- 
ciety, as  published  in  the  first  volume  of 
the  former  series  of  Collections,  for  the 
bay  and  harbour  of  New  York.  The  lat- 
ter are  briefly  described  in  a  preceding  pa- 


ragraph of  this  IranslatifMi,  p.  45,  with 
sufficient  clearness  to  admit  of  their  being 
easily  recognized.  The  island  "  of  a  tri- 
angular form,  resembling  the  island  of 
Bhodes,"  which  Verazzano  mentions  as 
flfky  leagues  to  the  east  of  New  Voric,  p. 
46,  it  doubtless  Block  Island.— £o. 


wiHBii^y'm'JMpp* 


CHAP.  III.]  VOYAGE    OF    VERAZZANO    IN    1524. 


315 


were  a  little  higher,  and  all  in  appearance  rich  in  minerals. 
We  did  not  stop  to  land  as  the  weather  was  very  favourable 
for  pursuing  our  voyage,  and  the  country  presented  no  va- 
riety. The  shore  stretched  to  the  east,  and  fifty  leagues 
beyond  more  to  the  north,  where  we  found  a  more  elevated 
country,  full  of  very  thick  woods  of  fir  trees,  cypresses  and 
the  like,  indicative  of  a  cold  climate.  The  people  were 
entirely  different  from  the  others  we  had  seen,  whom  we 
had  found  kind  and  gentle,  but  these  were  so  rude  and  bar- 
barous that  we  were  unable  by  any  signs  we  could  make, 
to  hold  communication  with  them.  They  clothe  them- 
selves in  the  skins  of  bears,  lynxes,  seals,  and  other  ani- 
mals. Their  food,  as  far  as  we  could  judge  by  several  vi- 
sits to  their  dwellings,  is  obtained  by  hunting  and  fishing, 
and  certain  fruits,  which  are  a  sort  of  root  of  spontaneous 
growth.  They  have  no  pulse,  and  we  saw  no  signs  cf  cul- 
.tivation ;  the  land  appears  sterile  and  unfit  for  growing  of 
fruit  or  grain  of  any  kind.  If  we  wished  at  any  time  to 
tratfick  with  them,  they  came  to  the  sea  shore  and  stood 
upon  the  rocks,  from  which  they  lowered  down  by  a  cord 
to  our  boats  beneath  whatever  they  had  to  barter,  continu- 
ally crying  out  to  us,  not  to  come  nearer,  and  instantly  de- 
manding from  us  that  which  was  to  be  given  in  exchange; 
they  took  from  us  only  knives,  fish  hooks  and  sharpened 
steel.  No  regard  was  paid  to  our  courtesies ;  when  we  had 
nothing  left  to  exchange  with  them,  the  men  at  our  depar- 
ture made  the  most  brutal  signs  of  disdain  and  contempt 
possible.  Against  their  will,  we  penetrated  two  or  three 
leagues  into  the  interior  with  twenty-five  men ;  when  we 
cane  to  the  shore,  they  shot  at  us  with  their  arrows,  rais- 
,.g  the  most  horrible  cries  and  afterwards  fleeing  to  the 
woods.  In  this  region  we  found  nothing  extraordinary  ex- 
cept vast  forests  and  some  metalliferous  hills,  as  we  infer 
from  seeing  that  many  of  the  people  wore  copper  ear-rings. 
Departing  from  thence,  we  kept  along  the  coast,  steering 


316 


VOTAOE    or    VERASZANO    IN    1524. 


[BOOE   II. 


northeast,  and  found  the  country  more  pleasant  and  open, 
free  from  woods ;  and  distant  in  the  interior  we  saw  lofty 
mountains,  but  none  which  extended  to  the  shore.  With- 
in fifty  leagues  we  discovered  thirty-two  islands,  all  near 
the  main  land,  small  and  of  pleasant  appearance,  but  high 
and  so  disposed  as  to  afford  excellent  harbours  and  chan- 
nels, as  we  see  in  the  Adriatic  gulph,  near  lllyria  and  Dal- 
matia.  We  had  no  intercourse  with  the  people,  but  we 
judge  that  they  were  similar  in  nature  and  usages  to  those 
we  were  last  among.  After  sailing  between  east  and  north 
the  distance  of  on'*  hundred  and  fifty  leagues  more,  and 
finding  our  provisions  and  naval  stores  nearly  exhausted, 
we  took  in  wood  and  water  and  determined  to  return  to 
France,  having  discovered  502,  that  is  700  (sic)  leagues  of 
unknown  lands."     t    '  .  .-         ,    ,,:.,..,.. 

Verazzano  states  that  his  intention  in  this  voyage 
was  to  reach  Cathay  on  the  extreme  coast  of  Asia ; 
not  doubting  that  he  should  penetrate  by  some  pas- 
sage to  the  Eastern  ocean.  He  proceeds  to  say,  it 
was  the  opinion  of  the  ancients  that  our  Oriental  In- 
dian ocean  is  one,  and  without  any  interposing  land, 
but  that  this  opinion  is  shewn  to  be  erroneous  by  ex- 
perience. 

"  The  country  which  has  been  discovered,  and  which 
was  unknown  to  the  ancients,  is  another  world  compared 
with  that  before  known,  being  manifestly  larger  than  our 
Europe,  to,gether  with  Africa  and  perhaps  Asia,  if  we  right- 
ly estimate  its  extent,  as  shall  now  be  briefly  explained  to 
your  majesty.  The  Spaniards  have  sailed  south  beyond 
the  equator  pn  a  meridian  20  degrees  west  of  the  Fortu- 
nate Islands iJlQMHe'^latitUde  of  54,  and  there  still  found 
land;  turning  abdut' they  steered  northward  on  the  same 
meridian  and  along  the  coast  to  the  eighth  degree  of  lati- 


-  r7  trw-T- — T->v.  ■»■■■■  -r-- 


OHAF.  III.] 


VOTAOG    or    VBRAZZANO    IN    1524. 


317 


tude  near  the  equator,  and  thence  along  the  coast  more  to 
this  west  and  northwest,  to  the  latitude  of  21°,  without 
finding  a  termination  to  the  continent ;  ihey  estimated  the 
distance  run  as  89  degrees,  which,  added  to  the  20  first  run 
west  of  the  Canaries,  make  109  degrees  and  so  far  west ; 
they  sailed  from  the  meridian  of  these  islands,  but  this  may 
vary  somewhat  from  truth ;  we  did  not  make  this  voyage, 
and  therefore  cannot  speak  from  experience ;  we  calculated 
it  geometrically  from  the  observations  furnished  by  many 
navigators,  who  have  made  the  voyage  and  affirm  the  dis- 
tance to  bo  1600  leagues,  duo  allowance  being  made  for  the 
deviations  of  the  ship  from  a  straight  course,  by  reason  of 
contrary  winds.  I  hope  that  we  shall  now  obtain  certain 
information  on  these  points,  by  new  voyages  to  be  made  on 
the  same  coasts.  But  to  return  to  ourselves;  in  the  voy- 
age which  we  have  made  by  order  of  your  majesty,  in  ad- 
dition to  the  92  degrees  we  run  towards  the  west  from  our 
point  of  departure,  before  we  reached  land  in  the  latitude 
of  34,  we  have  to  count  300  leagues  which  we  ran  north- 
eastwardly, and  400  nearly  east  along  the  coast  before  we 
reached  the  50th  parallel  of  north  latitude,  the  point  where 
we  turned  our  course  from  the  shore  towards  home.  Be- 
yond this  point,  the  Portuguese  had  already  sailed  as  far 
north  as  the  Arctic  circle,  without  coming  to  the  termina- 
tion of  the  land.  Thus  adding  the  degrees  of  south  lati- 
tude explored,  which  are  54,  to  those  of  the  north,  which 
are  66,  the  sum  is  120,  and  therefore  more  than  are  em- 
braced in  the  latitude  of  Africa  and  Europe,  for  the  north 
point  of  Norway,  which  is  the  extremity  of  Europe,  is  in 
71  north,  and  the  cape  of  Good  Hope,  which  is  the  south- 
ern extremity  of  Africa,  is  in  35  south,  and  their  sum  is 
only  106,  and  if  the  breadth  of  this  newly  discovered  coun- 
try corresponds  to  its  extent  of  sea  coast,  it  doubtless  ex- 
ceeds Asia  in  size.  In  this  way  we  find  that  the  land  forms 
a  much  larger  portion  of  our  globe  than  the  ancients  sup- 


318 


VOTAOE    or    VSBAZZANO    IN    1524. 


[book  II. 


poseel,  who  maintained,  contrary  to  mathematical  reason- 
ing, that  it  was  less  tbtfn  the  water,  whereas  actual  experi- 
ence proves  the  reverse,  so  that  we  judge  in  respect  to  ex- 
tent of  surface  the  land  covers  as  much  space  as  the  water', 
and  I  hope  more  clearly  and  more  satisfactorily  to  point  out 
and  explain  to  your  majesty  the  great  extent  of  that  new 
land,  or  new  world,  of  which  I  have  been  speaking.  The 
continent  of  Asia  and  Africa,  we  know  for  certain  is  joined 
to  .Europe  at  the  north  in  Norway  and  Russia,  which  dis- 
proves the  idea  of  the  ancients  that  all  this  part  had  been 
navigated  from  the  Cimbric  Chersonesus,  eastward  as  far  as 
the  Caspian  sea.  They  also  maintained  that  the  whole 
continent  was  surrounded  by  two  seas  situate  to  the  east 
and  west  of  it,  which  seas  in  fact  do  not  surround  either  of 
the  two  continents,  for  as  we  have  seen  above,  the  land  of 
the  southern  hemisphere  at  the  latitude  of  54  extends  east- 
wardly  an  unknown  distance,  and  that  of  the  northern  pass- 
ing the  66th  parallel  turns  to  the  east,  and  has  no  termina- 
tion as  high  as  the  70th."* 

The  fate  of  Verazzano  is  involved  in  some  mystery. 

If  Francis  the  First  received  the  letter  of  Veraz- 
zano, in  any  short  time  after  it  was  written,  it  must 
have  been  at  a  time  when  his  thoughts  were  wholly 
occupied  by  his  war  with  Charles  the  Fifth.  Francis 
laid  siege  to  Pa  via  in  1524,  was  defeated  there  the 
24th  of  February  1525,  and  after  having  two  horses 
killed  under  him,  and  receiving  himself  three  wounds,t 
fell,  with  his  principal  officers,  into  the  hands  of  the 
enemy.  It  was  on  this  occasion  that  he  wrote  to  his 
mother,  "all  is  lost  except  our  honour."  He  was 
carried  to  Madrid  and  kept  in  confinement  until  after 


*  New  York  Hiitortc&l  Collection!,  new  serien,  vol.  1,  p.  59,  3. 
t "  L'HiatoIre  de  France,"  printed  at  Parli  in  1776,  vol.  9,  p.  409. 


f,    ^".vf^'' 


m 


CKAr.  III.] 


VOTAOE    or   YEKAZZANO    IN    1524. 


319 


the  treaty  of  the  14th  of  January  1526.  It  has  been 
suggested  that  Verazzano  on  bis  return  to  France, 
seeing  from  the  condition  of  his  king  no  chance  of 
further  employment  by  his  government,  left  its  ser- 
vice.* Mr.  Biddle  states  that  Verazzano  got  into 
communication  with  Henry  the  Eighth,  and  refers, 
as  proof  of  this,  to  the  following  statement  in  an  edi- 
tion of  Hakluyt,  published  in  1582 : 

"  Master  John  Yerarzanus,  which  had  been  thrice  on  that 
coast,  in  an  old  excellent  map  which  he  gave  to  Henry  the 
Eighth,  and  is  yet  in  the  custody  of  Master  Locke,  doth  so 
lay  it  out  as  is  to  be  seen  in  the  map  annexed  to  the  end  of 
this  book,  being  made  according  to  Yerarzanus'  plat."t 


'i  ^ 


'«  -; 


*  Hawkins's  Quebec,  p.  99, 30. 
t  Biddle's  Memoir,  p.  973. 


-f'-'t;;  j.'< ri; 


■r  i\.)  ■  ■.L.-t'i    5/>:}';'  f')'H- 


r-.j 


'C*'"   ,'i/';H<7t'!'   'ii-^'^i'^ 


■•.  r'i; 


*" -'!.■< 


l»l                  H 

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ses         1 

'' :*y  ^J^Viii^^'^   '^iib'Sltp'!' Jt:i'\r-^.'-\     K- y )- '-rr^    •■;''.■:      'f-v^ ■'■■':'-■■'  'HA^ 

-',■7  /       ''','''-        '■     ■      -                            '■'   .    -y'^r^'U^'-.y  ■     'i'^J"    ';.;V;vfi 

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m  ■•:        .  fl 

320 


VOYAQE   TO   THE    NORTHWEST    IN    1525.         [BOOK  II. 


'0 


iii*f;.<rr  ?-,;w  ." 

•,f^r   «;  •-.    in^.i!i.;K.     'J'^  J.*' 

•:  'if^r  i^ )!,"■;■■■ 

,«^>iTt;rr    •? 

;' ;    iv  .  .EMi    ■■  ^     ';',;^\'  ir^r 

:^  t.'-i)  iu-v 

■r'^r-.q*; 

m  ^>'>flrU:  ■'.    ' 

.•■  ..  ■!;  ■     '■':•    ;.;■  .'  .-'-.   ■ 

^ .      '  ■        ..'■■■■ 

■y-   t    V- 

'MM^    iti^    ,'i'''' 

.i:\  >  T-^-  -     ,'11^     '-'       ■,",■     ';:; 

f  [      '  *     '^     * 

•    :'i-j!;" 

Qtn;'  :■■  :_'  I'M. 

'■CHAPTER   IV. 

fc . .                    ^ 

I.'      ,     , 

■  c 


^  ^  i-  Of  the  voyage  of  Stephen  Cromez  to  the  Northwest,  in  1595. 

Stephen  Gomez,  a  Portuguese,  who,  in  the  brief 
narrative  which  we  have  of  Magellan's  memorable, 
but  tragic  expedition,  occupies  (Mr.  Biddle  observes) 
a  prominent,  though  not  very  creditable  place,*  fitted 
out  an  expedition  in  the  latter  part  of  1524,  by  order 
of  the  Emperor  Charles  the  Fifth.  Several  authors 
of  reputation,  on  the  history  of  the  new  world,  who 
wrote  prior  to  1612,  give  accounts  of  his  voyage. 

Peter  Martyr,  "  after  describing  the  conference  at  Bada- 
jos  in  1524,  says :  '  It  is  decreed  that  one  Stephanus  Go- 
mez (who,  also,  is  himself  a  skilful  navigator)  shall  go 
another  way,  whereby  between  the  Baccalaos  and  Florida, 
long  since  our  country's,  he  saith  he  will  find  out  a  way  to 
Gataia.'  He  then  proceeds  to  describe  the  equipment  and 
the  instructions  given  by  the  council.  In  the  8th  decade, 
ch.  X.,  we  have  an  account  of  the  return  of  Gomez  ,-  of  the 
country  visited  by  him ;  and  of  his  having,  in  violation  of 
the  standing  orders  on  that  subject,  forcibly  brought  ofi" 
some  of  the  inhabitants."! 

The  account  in  Oviedo  (Sommario,  ch.  x.  fo.  xiv.), 
translated  by  Richard  Eden,  in  his  Decades,  fol.  213, 
states  that  Gomez  ^'sailed  to  the  north  parts  and 
found  a  great  part  of  the  land  continuate  from  that 
which  is  called  Baccalaos,  discoursing  towards  the 

*  Memoir  of  Cabot,  p.  964.         t  Id-  P-  369|  3  ;  ulio,  p.  969,  note. 


■:rj^i7--^r^T?|^  ■'■'--  - 


OHAP.  ly.]       VOTAOB   TO   THE    NORTHWEST   IN    1525. 


321 


west  to  the  fortieth  and  forty-first  degree ;"  that  he 
arrived  in  November  1625,  shortly  after  the  emperor 
came  to  the  City  of  Toledo ;  and  that  he  brought 
with  him  certain  Indians,  for  so  were  called  all  the 
natives  of  the  new-found  lands.  The  Indians  so 
brought  home  by  Gomez,  are  described  as  of  greater 
stature  than  others  of  the  firm  land,  as  they  are  com- 
monly; as  great  archers,  who  go  covered  with  the 
skins  of  beasts ;  and  it  is  said,  that  in  the  land  which 
Gomez  found,  are  many  excellent  furs,  of  which  he 
brought  some  with  him  to  Spain.*  An  ancient  map, 
in  manuscript,  drawn  in  1529  by  Diego  RibeirO|  a 
Spanish  cosmographer,  has  also  preserved  remem- 
brance of  the  voyage.f 

Peter  Martyr,  in  his  account  of  this  voyage  of  Go- 
mez, tells,  with  great  glee,  the  jest  about  esclavos : 

"  When  he  came  into  the  haven  of  Clunia,  from  whence 
he  set  sail,  a  certain  man,  hearing  of  the  arrival  of  his  ship 
and  that  he  had  brought  esclavos,  that  is  to  say  slaves,  seek- 
ing no  farther,  came  posting  unto  us  with  panting  and 
breathless  spirit,  saying  that  Stephanas  Gomez  bringeth  his 
ship  laden  with  cloves  and  precious  stones,  and  thought 
thereby  to  have  received  som«>  rich  present  or  reward. 
They  who  favoured  the  matter,  attentive  to  this  man's 
foolish  and  idle  report,  wearied  the  whole  court  with  ex- 
ceeding great  applause,  calling  the  word  by  apheereses,  pro- 
claiming that  for  esclavos  he  had  brought  clavos,  (for  the 
Spanish  iiongue  calleth  slaves  esclavos,  and  cloves  clavos,) 
but  after  the  court  understood  that  the  tale  was  transformed 
from  clavos  to  slaves,  they  break  forth  into  a  great  laughter, 
to  the  shame  and  blushing  of  the  favourers  who  had 
shouted  for  joy."J 


*  Memoir  of  Cabot,  p.  363. 

41 


fid.  p.  967.       t  Id.  p.  966. 


322 


VOTAOE    or    CABOT    IN    1526.        ^  '         [BOOK  II. 


■■iii:r^>iti-i!') 


(1, 


/'  ■>• 


.   J.-;:-.." 


*•  ynt 


I  •.'? 


I  , 


CHAPTER  V. 


')•')., 


Of  the  voyage  made  by  Sebastian  Cabot  in  1526. 


The  first  volume  of  Hakluyt's  Collection  contains 
at  page  214  a  communication  in  1627  from  Robert 
Thornc,  an  English  merchant  residing  at  Seville,  to 
Dr.  Lee,  the  English  ambassador  at  the  court  of 
Spain,  in  relation  to  the  discoveries  made  under  the 
authority  of  Spain  and  Portugal,  and  giving  his  own 
views  in  respect  to  a  northerly  way  to  the  Moluccas. 
He  says,  '^"■'  '"'  ''"  ■  "■}  ■■-     '■''•'''.         '  - 

"  In  a  fleet  of  three  ships  and  a  caravel  that  went  from 
this  city  armed  by  the  merchants  of  it,  which  departed  in 
April  last  past,  I  and  my  partner  have  fourteen  hundred 
duckets  that  we  employed  in  the  said  fleet,  principally  for 
that  two  Englishmen,  friends  of  mine,  whic!i  are  some- 
what learned  in  cosmography,  should  go  in  the  same  ships 
to  bring  me  certain  relation  of  the  situation  of  the  country 
and  to  be  expert  in  the  navigation  of  those  seas  and  there 
to  have  informations  of  many  other  things  and  advice  that 
I  desire  to  know  especially;  seeing  in  these  quarters  are 
ships  and  mariners  of  that  country  and  cards  by  which 
they  sail,  though  much  unlike  ours,  that  they  should  pro- 
cure to  have  the  said  cards  and  learn  how  they  understand 
them,  and  especially  to  know  what  navigation  they  have 
for  those  islands,  northwards  and  northeastward  ;  for,  if 
from  the  said  islands,  the  sea  did  extend  without  interposi- 
tion of  land,  to  sail  from  the  north  point  to  the  northeast 
point  seventeen  hundred  or  eighteen  hundred  leagues,  they 
should  come  to  the  new  found  islands  that  we  discovered, 


CHAF.  T.] 


VOYAGE  or  CABOT  IN  1626. 


323 


and  so  we  should  be  nearer  to  the  said  spicerie  by  almost 
two  thousand  leagues  than  the  emperor  or  the  king  of  Por- 
tugal." 

Before  this,  Christovano  Jaques,  a  gentleman  of 
tho  family  of  King  John  the  Third,  had,  in  1626, 
founded  an  establishment  on  the  coast  of  Brazil. 
But  the  Portuguese  government  occupied  itself  then 
very  little  with  that  country ;  its  attention  was  con- 
centrated upon  its  possessions  in  the  East  Indias. 
The  fleet  referred  to  by  Thorne  was  sent  from  Spain 
under  Sebastian  Cabot.     It  was  intended  for  the  Mo- 
luccas by  the  straits  of  Magellan,  but  stopped  at  the 
coast  of  Brazil,  where  Cabot  penetrated  the  river 
which  has  taken  the  name  of  the  Rio  de  la  Plata,  or 
river  of  silver,  because  of  the  silver  brought  from  it. 
He  sailed  up  the  river  Paraguay  a  great  distance ; 
the  number  of  leagues  that  he  sailed  up  the  La  Plata 
and  Paraguay  is  stated  variously  from  one  hundred 
and  twenty  to  six  hundred :  it  is  said  in  some  of  the 
accounts  that  he  only  stopped  from  a  fear  of  en- 
croaching on  the  Portuguese  possessions.    After  hav- 
ing remained  in  this  country  about  five  years,  during 
which  time  he  lost  many  people  in  his  combats  with 
the  Indians,  Cabot  decided  to  return  to  Europe  for 
reinforcements.     He  gave  so  good  an  account  of  this 
province  that  Don  Pedro  de  Mendo90  solicited  the 
government  of  it,  which  he  obtained  on  his  agreeing 
to  transport  to  it  a  thousand  men  and  a  hundred 
horses,  and  construct  there  three  fortresses.* 


*  Vol.  3  of  Ilakluyt,  p.  736.  Biddle's 
Memoir  of  Cabot,  p.  144,  also  167  and  171. 
Preface  to  "  Histoiro  V6rltable  d'  un  Voy- 
age curieux  fait  par  Ulrich  Schmidel  De 
Straubing,"  which  ii  one  of  the  "  Voy- 


ages, Relations  et  Memoires,"  published 
at  Paris  in  1837,  by  H.  Temaux-Compans. 
Also  from  the  preface  to  another ;  the  His- 
tory of  the  Province  of  Bancta  CriiK. 


zu 


VOTAfiK   TO   THE    NORTHWEST   IM    1627.  ["<><»  "■ 


-H-i:'         !■ 


CHAPTER  VI.  ; 

Of  a  voyage  from  England  to  the  northwest  in  1S97. 


■y>a 


«a) 


Robert  Thorne,  besides  writing  to  the  English  am- 
bassador at  Spain,  sent  an  address  to  Henry  the 
Eightli^  of  England,  urging  upon  that  monarch  that 
with  a  small  number  of  ships  new  lands  might  be  dis- 
covered, and  that  the  way  of  discovery  was  to  the 
north.  This  letter  is  in  the  first  volume  of  Hakluyt's 
Collection,  page  212. 

Historians  often  tell  us  that  Henry  the  Eighth  made 
no  attempt  to  explore  or  settle  North  America.  This 
is  a  mistake.  In  the  nineteenth  year  of  his  reign, 
Henry  sent  forth  two  ships  on  a  voyage  to  the  west : 
one  called  the  Samson,  of  which  a  Mr.  Grubs  was 
master ;  the  other  the  Mary  of  Guilford,  commanded 
by  John  Rut.  They  sailed  in  1527 :  it  was  the  20th 
of  May,  according  to  Hakluyt,  that  they  set  forth  out 
of  the  Thames,  and  the  10th  of  June,  according  to 
Purchas,  that  they  sailed  from  Plymouth.  On  the 
way,  they  were  separated  by  a  storm.  A  letter  is  ex- 
tant from  Rut  to  King  Henry,  written  the  3d  of  Au- 
gust 1527,  in  which  he  states  that  the  Mary,  in  fifty- 
two  degrees,  fell  in  with  the  main  land,  and  within 
two  leagues  thereof  met  with  a  great  island  of  ice, 
and  went  the  21st  of  July  into  Cape  de  Bas,  a  good 
harbour,  where  he  stopped  ten  days,  and  then  going 
south  entered  the  3d  of  August  into  a  good  harbour 
called  St.  John,  where  he  found  eleven  sail  of  Nor- 
mans, and  one  Britain  and  one  Portugal  bark,  all 


0HAI».  ▼!.]       VOYAGE   TO   THE   NORTHWEST   IN    1627. 


325 


fishing.  A  letter  to  the  same  efiect  was  written  from 
St.  John  on  the  10th  of  August  1527,  by  Albert  de 
Prato,  who  we  may  infer  is  the  person  alluded  to  by 
Hakluyt  when  he  says,  "  that  a  canon  of  Saint  Paul 
in  London,  which  was  a  great  mathematician,  and  a 
man  endowed  with  wealth,  did  much  advance  the  ac- 
tion, and  went  therein  himself  in  person."  The  let- 
ter of  Albert  de  Prato,  it  is  supposed,  was  to  Cardi- 
nal Wolsey.*    Hakluyt  says:  ..  ^'  *. 

"One of  the  ships  was  cast  away  as  it  entered  into  a 
dangerous  gulph,  about  the  great  opening  between  the  north 
parts  of  Newfoundland  and  the  country  lately  called  by  her 
majesty  (Queen  Elizabeth)  Meta  Incognita:  whereupon, 
the  other  ship  shaping  her  course  towards  Cape  Breton  and 
the  coasts  of  Arambec,  and  oftentimes  putting  their  men 
dn  land  to  search  the  state  of  those  unknown  regions,  re- 
turned home  about  the  beginning  -f  October  of  the  year 
aforesaid." 

Mr.  Biddle,  in  his  Memoir  of  Cabot,  page  272,  ar- 
gues that  Verazzano  went  on  this  voyage,  and  was 
lost  in  the  Samson.  The  same  answer  may  be  given 
to  this  theory  which  has  been  given  to  the  position 
that  the  St.  Lawrence  was  the  scene  of  his  death 
previously  to  the  second  voyage  of  Jacques  C  artier. 
In  relation  to  this,  Mr.  Francis  Hawkins  said  that 
Verazzano  was  then  alive  in  Italy,  and  referred  to  a 
letter  of  Annibal  Caro,  quoted  by  Tiraboschi,  an 
author  of  reputation  in  the  Storia  della  Letteratura 
Italiana,  vol.  7th,  part  1,  p.  261,2,  as  proving  that 
Verazzano  was  living  in  1537.t 


*3d  Vol.  Of  Purcbas's  Pilgrims,  bbok  4,  ch.  13,  p.  809.    3d  vol.  of  Hakluyt's  Collection, 
p.  129. 
t  Ilawkina's  Quebec,  p.  31,  3. 


326 


VOTAOE  or  PAMPHILO  DE  NARVAEZ  j  1627.       C^OOK  II. 


««r<i'  /r**»ji*i  ■•-■?» w  i    ■'■:t  ^rnr-rt  "lat  <.<:r  ■?■^?v^l  /- 

.liWTffetj 

'ji|>  ;i:J'i^/    v^i /v4-«:- i      itfi^-ij/    ''v*  lii^fi'Mijt  jfi^   i 

'ik>i.  ,,r< 

/*f  f>?   {»"><. UIIa?  (f^MIV'i    ;t  l!    rA     J-  )    .,       <    •        ■;-'    ..tt 

,v..  •■»•.- 1 

^8J;'i   •Jwi'l'"     «(*  avJvTijttJ  J?  J>i<*P  ■'      ■rlf.j-;      r    ^/'-Jl'^rv 

,  ;;  ^rH 

'.  IKV.  ,ar;,:rm';i.       CHAPTER  VII.   ■^^^    '    ""' 

;.•:•.'-,  '    •>: 

Of  the  expedition  of  Pamphilo  de  Narvaez  to  Florida  in  1527 ;  and 
Cabeca  de  Vaca's  long  and  perilous  journey  on  foot  to  Mexico. 

Pamphilo  de  Narvaez,  who  had  previously  com- 
manded the  army  sent  by  Valasquez  to  take  from  Her- 
nando Cortez  the  government  of  Mexico,  set  out 
from  Saint  Lucar,  on  the  17th  of  June  1527,  under 
the  authority  of  the  King  of  Spain,  to  conquer  and 
govern  Florida.  His  fleet  was  composed  of  five  ves- 
sels, with  about  six  hundred  men  and  various  oflicers, 
amongst  whom  was  Cabeca  de  Vaca,  treasurer  and 
alguazil  mayor.  Stopping  at  Saint  Domingo  about 
forty-five  days,  to  procure  necessaries,  more  than  one 
hundred  and  forty  men  abandoned  the  fleet  in  this 
isle.  The  rest  proceeded  to  Saint  Jago,  a  port  of 
Cuba,  where  the  governor  obtained  men  in  place 
of  those  who  had  quitted  him,  and  also  a  supply  of 
arms  and  horses.  Here  a  gentleman  named  Vasco 
Porcullo,  made  an  offer  of  some  provisions  that  he 
had  at  Trinity,  a  town  one  hundred  leagues  from  Saint 
Jago.  Half  way  to  Trinity,  at  a  port  called  Santa 
Cruz,  the  fleet  stopped,  and  the  governor  sent  a  cap- 
tain named  Pantoja,  in  one  vessel,  accompanied  by 
Cabe9a  de  Vaca  in  another,  to  get  the  provisions ; 
the  governor  remaining  at  Santa  Cruz  with  four  ships, 
for  he  had  bought  one  at  Saint  Domingo.  While  the 
two  vessels  were  in  the  port  of  Trinity,  there  was  a 


OHAr.  Til]    ARRIVAL  or  NARVAEZ  IN  VLORIDA  ,*  1528. 


327 


violent  storm,  in  which  thoy  were  destroyed,  and  se- 
venty persons  and  twenty  horses  that  were  aboard ; 
those  alone  surviving  who  had  landed,  (about  thirty 
in  number.)  These  remained  at  Trinity  until  the  6th 
of  November,  when  the  governor  arrived  with  his 
four  ships.  He  passed  the  winter  at  this  port ;  and 
Cabe9a  de  Yaca,  with  the  vessels  and  company,  win- 
tered at  Xagua,  twelve  leagues  from  there.  The  20th 
of  February  1621,  the  governor  arrived  at  Xagua, 
with  a  brigantine  bought  at  Trinity,  and  a  man 
named  Marvelo,  engaged  because  of  his  knowledge 
of  Florida.  Two  days  after,  the  governor  embarked 
with  four  hundred  men  and  eighty  horses,  in  four  ves- 
sels and  a  brigantine.  After  doubling  the  cape  of 
Saint  Anthony,  they  went  across  to  Florida,  which 
they  reached  the  1 1th  of  April.  Following  the  coast, 
they  anchored  at  the  entrance  of  a  bay,  on  which 
they  saw  an  Indian  town.*  Alonzo  Enriquez  landing 
on  an  isle  in  the  bay,  met  with  Indians,  who  furnished 
him  with  fish  and  meat.  The  next  day  the  governor 
went  to  the  Indian  towns,  which  he  found  abandoned. 
The  day  after,  he  planted  the  royal  standard,  and 
took  possession  of  the  country  in  the  name  of  the 
king ;  he  landed  as  many  horses  as  remained  alive, 
being  forty-two.  On  the  following  day  the  Indians 
came  to  see  them.  The  Spaniards  having  no  in- 
terpreters, could  not  clearly  understand  them,  but 
thought,  from  their  signs,  that  they  wished  them  to 
leave  the  country. 


*In  the  work  published  at  London  in 
1763,  referred  to  ante,  p.  295,  there  is  the 
following  mention  of  Pensacola,  stated  to 
be  in  thirty  degrees  twenty-five  minutes 
north  latitude  :  "  This  place  was  first  dis- 
covered  by  Pamphllo  de   Narvaez,  who 


landed  there  in  his  unsuccessful  expedi- 
tion to  Florida.  Some  time  after,  Oiego 
de  Maldonado,  one  of  Ferdinand  de  Soto'i 
captains,  touched  here  and  named  it  Port 
d'  Anchusi." 


328 


TRAVELS   or  NA«ViJBS  IN  ri<0RIOA  :    1528.       ['OOK  »• 


I 


The  governor  afterwards  decided  to  penetrate  into 
the  interior,  accompanied  by  forty  men,  amongst 
whom  was  Cabe^a  de  Vaca.  Going  in  the  direction 
of  the  north,  they  arrived  at  a  very  large  bay.  They 
passed  the  night  here,  and  returned  next  day  to 
the  vessels.  After  sending  the  brigantine,  with  the 
pilot  Marvelo,  to  gain  a  particular  port,  (which  he 
said  he  knew,)  or  else  go  to  Havana  and  bring  thence 
a  vessel  loaded  with  provisions,  the  governor,  with 
the  same  persons  (who  had  been  on  the  previous 
excursion)  and  some  additional  soldiers,  penetrated 
again  into  the  interior.  They  coasted  the  bay  which 
they  had  discovered,  and  after  making  four  leagues, 
took  four  Indians,  who  carried  them  to  their  town,  a 
little  distance  off,  at  the  end  of  the  bay.  Here  was 
seen  a  little  maize,  not  yet  ripe.  There  was  a  num- 
ber of  boxes,  in  each  of  which  was  a  dead  body,  co- 
vered with  skins  of  stags.  The  commissary  suppos- 
ing these  were  objects  of  idolatry,  caused  the  boxes 
and  bodies  to  be  burnt.  The  Spaniards  saw  here 
some  pieces  of  painted  cloth  and  plumes  of  feathers, 
which  seemed  to  have  come  from  New  Spain,  and 
some  traces  of  gold.  The  Indians,  by  signs,  informed 
them  of  a  province  named  Apalache,  where  would  be 
found  a  quantity  of  metal.  Taking  the  Indians  for 
guides,  ^ey  proceeded  ten  or  twelve  leagues  farther, 
when  they  came  to  a  village  of  fifteen  houses,  near 
wh:  ^h  were  large  fields  of  maize,  fit  to  be  gathered. 
After  halting  two  days,  they  relumed  to  the  vessels  on 
the  30th  of  April. 

Next  day  the  governor  decided  that  the  vessels 
should  follow  the  coast  until  they  found  the  port  be- 


CHAP.  Vl».]  TRAVELS  or  NARVAEZ  IN  FLORIDA;  1528. 


329 


fore  referred  to,  and  that  the  troops  should  proceed  on 
land  in  the  same  direction.  Three  hundred  men, 
having  each  but  two  pounds  of  biscuit  and  a  half 
pound  of  bacon,  and  no  other  food,  marched  fifteen 
days  without  seeing  an  Indian  or  house.  At  length 
they  arrived  at  a  river,  which  they  passed  with  much 
trouble,  the  current  being  very  strong.  On  the  other 
side  there  were  about  twelve  hundred  Indians,  to 
whose  houses,  about  half  a  league  off,  they  \/ere  con- 
ducted. In  the  neighbourhood  was  a  large  quantity 
of  maize,  ready  to  be  gathered.  The  Spaniards,  fa- 
tigued with  marching,  and  enfeebled  by  hunger,  en- 
joyed here  three  days  of  rest.  Then  Cabe9a  de  Vaca, 
with  captain  Alonzo  Castillo  and  forty  soldiers,  set 
out  to  seek  a  port,  but  finding  themselves  impeded  by 
the  river,  which  they  had  already  crossed,  returned. 
The  following  day,  the  governor  ordered  a  captain 
named  yalen9uela,  with  sixty  men  and  six  cavaliers, 
to  cross  the  river  and  descend  it  to  the  sea,  and  disco- 
ver a  port  if  he  could.  This  officer  returned,  after 
two  days,  saying  he  had  explored  the  bay,  and  found 
it  had  shallow  water  and  no  port.  The  Spaniards 
then  marched  for  the  province,  called  by  the  Indians 
Apalache,  carrying  for  guides  those  whom  they  had 
taken.  On  the  17th  of  June,  they  saw  an  Indian 
chief,  (accompanied  by  many  people,)  who  was  made 
to  understand  by  signs  that  they  were  going  to  Apa- 
lache. He  seemed  to  be  an  enemy  of  this  nation, 
and  willing  to  aid  in  the  expedition.  After  an  ex- 
change of  presents,  he  left  them,  and  they  followed 
the  route  he  had  taken.  In  the  evening,  they  arrived 
at  a  river,  very  deep,  wide  and  rapid.  Not  venturing 
42 


330 


TRAVELS  or   NARVAEZ   IN  FLORIDA;   1628.       ["°0X  II. 


to  pass  it  upon  rafts,  they  constructed  a  canoe.  A 
day  was  spent  in  gaining  the  other  side.  A  cavaher 
named  Juan  Velasquez,  a  native  of  Cuellar,  entering 
the  river,  was  thrown  from  his  horse  by  the  force  of 
the  current,  and  drowned.  That  night,  we  are  told, 
his  horse  served  for  supper  for  many  of  the  people. 
After  a  fatiguing  journey,  during  which  they  suffered 
much  from  hunger,  and  were  sometimes  annoyed  by 
the  Indians,  they  at  length  arrived  near  Apalache  on 
the  25th  of  June,      i        .  ::;r 

The  governor  ordered  Cabe^a  de  Vaca  to  take 
more  cavaliers  and  fifty  foot  soldiers,  and  go  into  the 
village.  They  found  there  only  women  and  children, 
but  a  little  while  after,  the  men  arrived.  They  shot 
some  arrows  and  then  retired.  -  «,.       \5«  * 

The  village  of  Apalache  contained  forty  small 
houses.  Two  hours  after  the  Spaniards  arrived  there, 
the  Indians  who  had  fled  returned  peaceably  to  ask 
for  their  women  and  children,  which  were  given  up 
to  them,  but  the  governor  retained  a  cacique  who 
had  been  the  cause  of  hostilities.  The  next  day,  the 
Indians  recommenced  hostilities.  The  Spaniards 
were  greatly  annoyed,  but  retained  possession  of  the 
village  twenty-five  days,  during  which  they  made  three 
journeys  into  the  interior. 

Resuming  their  march,  the  Spaniards  the  first  day 
crossed  some  lakes  without  meeting  any  Indians. 
Next  day  they  encountered  a  marsh  very  difficult  to 
pass.  When  in  the  midst  of  it,  a  number  of  Indians 
attacked  them.  The  governor  ordering  the  cavaliers 
against  them,  the  Indians  went  into  another  marsh 
and  the  Spaniards  remained  masters  of  the  passage. 


CHAf.   VII.J     COASTING  VOYAGE  OF  NARVAEZ  IN  1628. 


331 


After  some  further  encounters  with  the  Indians,  in 
one  of  which  Cabe9a  de  Vaca  was  wounded,  the  Spa- 
niards arriv|4  in  the  village  of  Haute,  nine  days  after 
their  departure  from  Apalache.  "       -• 

The  inhabitants  of  Haute  had  abandoned  it  and 
burnt  their  houses.  After  the  Spaniards  had  rested 
here  two  days,  Cabe^a  de  Vaca  set  out  to  seek  the 
sea,  accompanied  by  captain  Castillo,  Andres  Do- 
rantcs,  seven  cavaliers  and  fifty  foot  soldiers.  They 
marched  till  evening  and  cam<^  to  a  bay  where  they 
found  a  great  quantity  of  large  oysiers  which  was  a 
treat  to  the  soldiers.  The  next  day,  the  coast  was  re- 
connoitred, and  then  the  party  returned  io  the  go- 
vernor. 

He  was  sick.  So  also  was  a  third  of  the  mrjn,  and 
the  rest  were  likely  to  become  so.  It  ,."3  desirable 
to  construct  vessels  in  which  to  emba  k.  The  con- 
struction was  commenced  with  a  single  carpenter, 
but  the  men  set  to  work  with  so  much  ardour,  that 
between  the  4th  of  August  and  20th  of  September 
they  made  five  vessels  of  twenty-two  cubits  in  length. 
According  to  their  calculation  they  had  made  a  jour- 
ney of  about  two  hundred  and  eighty  leagues  from 
the  bay  where  they  first  landed  to  this  place.  And  in 
this  time  about  forty  men  had  lied  of  sickness  or  hun- 
ger, without  counting  those  wiio  had  been  killed  by 
the  Indians.  The  22d  of  September,  having  finished 
now  (it  is  said)  eating  tbo  horses  with  the  exception 
of  one,  they  embarked,  forty-nine  men  in  the  bark  of 
the  governor ;  the  contador  and  the  commissary  with 
a  like  number  in  another;  captain  Alonzo  del  Castillo, 
Andres  Dorantes  and  forty-eight  men  in  the  third ;  two 


332 


COASTING  VOYAGE  OF  NARTAEZ  IN  1528.         [BOOM  II. 


^     1 1 


captains  named  Telles  et  Penalosa,  with  forty-seven 
men  in  the  fourth ;  and  Cabe9a  de  Vaca  in  the  last 
with  the  comptroller  and  forty-nine  me%  The  bay 
they  quit  was  named  Baya  de  los  Cavallos.  r> 

At  the  end  of  seven  days,  they  came  to  an  isle,  a 
little  way  from  the  land.     There  they  took  five  canoes 
left  by  the  Indians,  and  some  provisions  from  their 
houses.     Two  leagues  further  they  passed  a  strait  be- 
tween the  isle  and  the  main  land,  to  which  they  gave 
the  name  of  Saint  Miguel.     They  continued  in  the 
direction  of  the  river  of  Palms ;  their  sufferings  from 
hunger  and  thirst  increasing.     Whilst  at  anchor  at  a 
little  isle,  there  was  a  violent  storm  which  detained 
them  six  days.     The  salt  water  they  were  obliged  to 
drink,  killed  some  of  the  men.     Again  the  dangers 
of  the  sea  were  encountered.     After  doubhng  a  cape, 
they  found  a  shelter  on  the  other  side.     They  fol- 
lowed some  Indians  to  their  houses  which  were  near 
the  shore,  and  were  here  refreshed  with  food  and  wa- 
ter.    Half  an  hour  after  sunset  the  Indians  inade  an 
unexpected  attack.    They  fell  upon  the  sick,  invested 
the  house  where  the  governor  was  and  wounded  him 
in  the  face.     The  Spaniards  then  carried  him  to  his 
bark.     Fifty  of  the  Spaniards  remained  on  land  and 
were  attacked  three  times  during  the  night.     When 
it  was  calm  they  embarked  and  sailed  three  days. 
Seeing  a  canoe  with  Indians  they  applied  to  them  for 
water.     A  christian  and  a  negro  went  with  them  to 
get  water  and  two  Indians  staid  in  their  places.     The 
two   former  never  returned.     Yet  application  was 
made  for  the  restoration  of  the  two  Indians.     This 
being  refused,  their  comrades  made  an  attack  and  the 


■•h 


CHAP.  VII.]  SHIPWRECK    OF    NARVAEZ    IN    1528. 


333 


Spaniards  continued  their  voyage.  In  the  evening  a 
point  of  land  was  seen,  and  on  the  other  side  of  it  a 
very  large  river.  The  bark  of  Cabe9a  de  Vaca  going 
first  in  the  river,  he  caused  the  anchor  to  be  cast  near 
an  isle  at  its  mouth.  The  governor  entered  a  bay  a 
little  off.  There  Cabe9a  de  Vaca  joined  him,  taking 
sweet  water  where  the  river  entered  the  sea.  A  north 
wind  driving  the  vessels  from  the  land,  in  two  or  three 
nights  they  were  all  separated.  Afterwards  Cabe9a 
de  Vaca  saw  two  of  the  barks,  one  of  which  was  that 
of  the  governor,  and  the  other  that  of  captains  Pena- 
losa  and  Telles.  On  the  6th  of  November  the  bark 
of  Cabe9a  de  Vaca  was  driven  on  an  island  where 
they  were  kindly  treated  by  the  Indians.       r   ; 

Having  determined  to  continue  their  voyage,  they 
took  off  their  clothes  to  get  from  the  land  their  bark 
which  was  buried  in  the  sand.  In  the  attempt  to  put 
it  afloat,  the  comptroller  and  two  others  were  drowned. 
The  Indians  came  to  see  them  in  their  naked  and  dis- 
tressed state,  and  at  the  request  of  Cabe9a  de  Vaca 
carried  the  Spaniards  to  their  village.  The  precau- 
tion was  taken  by  them  to  have  fires  at  different 
points  on  the  way,  to  warm  the  Spaniards. 

Cabe9a  de  Vaca  saw  in  the  hands  of  an  Indian 
some  article  which  led  him  to  enquire  whence  it  was 
obtained,  and  was  given  to  understand  it  was  received 
from  men  like  him.  To  these  he  stnt  two  Indians 
and  two  Christians  who  met  them  coming.  They 
were  captain  Andres  Dorantes,  Alonzo  Castillo  and 
the  people  of  their  bark.  They  related  that  the  6th 
of  that  month  their  bark  had  run  aground  a  league 
and  a  half  from  there.  It  was  resolved  with  one  ac- 
cord to  refit  their  bark.     Hardly  was  it  on  the  water 


334 


ADVENTURES    OF    CABECA    DE    VAC A. 


[book  II. 


before  it  was  overset.  The  resolution  was  then  taken 
to  winter  at  this  place ;  and  four  Spaniards  were  sent 
to  Panuco,  accompanied  by  an  Indian  from  the  isle. 
Those  who  remained  behind  were  constantly  perish- 
ing. Five  who  were  lodged  near  the  shore  are  said 
to  have  eat  one  another,  until  only  one  survived,  no 
person  being  there  to  devour  him.  Their  names 
were  Sierra,  Diego  Lopez,  Corral,  Palacios  and  Go- 
zalo  Ruyz.  At  length  of  eighty  men  only  fifteen  re- 
mained. The  Indians  being  attacked  by  a  disease  of 
the  stomach  which  carried  off  half  of  them,  imagined 
that  the  Spaniards  were  the  cause  and  resolved  to  kill 
them.  They  had  come  to  execute  this  purpose  when 
an  Indian  who  was  guarding  Cabe9a  de  Vaca  told 
them  not  to  think  the  Spaniards  caused  them  to  die, 
for  if  the  Spaniards  had  such  power  they  would  stop 
their  own  men  from  dying.  This  reasoning  led  them 
to  abandon  their  project.  To  the  isle  the  Spaniards 
gave  the  name  of  the  Isle  du  Malheur  (Isla  del  Mal- 
hado).  Until  the  end  of  April  they  remained  on  this 
island,  or  on  the  main  land  near.  Thirteen  then  fol- 
lowed the  coast.  Hieronymo  de  Alanez  and  Lope 
d'Oviedo  remained  on  the  island.  And  the  sickness 
of  Cabe9a  de  Vaca  prevented  him  for  some  time  from 
moving.  When  he  got  better,  bad  treatment  made 
him  fly  and  take  refuge  with  the  Indians  of  the  na- 
tion Charruco. 

The  foregoiniT  narrative  is  taken  from  the  relation 
of  Cabe9a  de  Vaca,  printed  at  Valladolid  in  1555,* 


•  "Relation  6t  Naufrnges  D'Alvar  Nu- 
nes  Cabe9a  du  Vaca,  Valladnliii,  Dc  L'im- 
primerio  de  Francisco  Fcrnnndez  do  Cor- 
dotic,  1555."  It  furins  one  nf  '.lie  volutneii 
of  "  Voyages,  Relations  et  M6moires  Orl- 


ginaux  pour  servir  a  I'hiatoire  do  la  d'icou- 
verto  de  L'Ain^riqiie,  publics  pour  la  pre- 
miere foil*  en  Fran^ais,  par  H.  TernauK- 
Cnmpana,"  at  Purls  in  1837. 


CHAP.  VII.]  ADVENTURES    OF    CABECA    DE    VACA. 


335 


who  gives  also  some  account  of  what  happened  to 
the  vcpsels  sent  along  the  coast,  of  which  Carvallo 
was  captain.  Five  leagues  from  the  place  of  embar- 
kation, they  perceived  a  bay  which  entered  the  land 
seven  or  eight  leagues:  it  was  the  same  that  had 
been  discovered  by  those  on  the  land;  the  place 
where  they  saw  the  boxes  with  dead  bodies.  Three 
of  the  ships  entered  this  port.  The  vessel  which 
returned  from  Havana  with  a  brigantine  was  seeking 
those  on  land  for  a  year,  and  not  finding  them  made 
sail  for  New  Spain. 

The  port  just  mentioned,  is  spoken  of  by  Cabe9a 
de  Vaca,  as  the  best  in  the  world.  He  describes  it  as 
six  fathoms  deep  at  the  entrance,  and  five  near  the 
land ;  a  hundred  leagues  from  Havana,  and  precisely 
north  of  that  place. 

Cabe9a  de  Vaca  states  that  he  remained  near  six 
years  in  Florida  alone,  in  the  midst  of  these  Indians, 
and  as  naked  as  they  were.  A  desire  to  carry  with 
him  Lope  d'Oviedo,  caused  him  to  prolong  his  stay. 
De  Alanez,  his  companion,  had  died  soon  after  the 
departure  of  Alonzo  del  Castillo  and  the  other  Spa- 
niards. Oviedo  had  often  put  off  going,  to  the  fol- 
lowing year.  At  length  they  went  with  some  Indians 
to  a  bay,  a  league  broad  and  deep  every  where,  re- 
cognised as  that  named  the  bay  of  Saint  Esprit.  On 
the  other  side  of  it,  an  Indian  told  them  the  thirteen 
Spaniards  were  all  dead,  except  three ;  and  if  they 
wished  it,  they  could  see  these  three  when  the  Indians, 
who  had  them,  came  upon  the  shore  of  that  river  to 
get  nuts.  Oviedo  turned  back  to  join  the  women  of 
the  Indians,  with  whom  he  had  passed  the  bay.     Ca- 


■.^;.,vu.^i^^-!i6i*k/.  ^ 


336 


ADVENTURES    OF    CABECA   DE   VACA. 


[book  II. 


be^a  de  Vaca,  unable  to  dissuade  him  from  it,  re- 
mained behind,  alone.  Two  days  after,  the  Indians 
who  had  Alonzo  del  Castillo  and  Andres  Dorantes, 
came  to  the  river  bank.  An  Indian,  of  a  different 
nation,  told  Cabe9a  de  Vaca  to  go  to  a  particular 
place  in  the  forest,  and  he  would  conduct  him  to  his 
countrymen.  This  was  done  the  next  day.  The  In- 
dians having  informed  Andres  Dorantes  that  a  Chris- 
tian had  arrived,  he  came  to  see  who  it  was,  and  was 
greatly  astonished.  Being  asked  where  he  was  go- 
ing, Cabe9a  de  Yaca  said  his  design  was  to  pass  into 
a  country  where  there  were  Christians.  Dorantes, 
Castillo  and  the  negro  Estevanico,  determined  to  fly 
with  him,  but  prayed  him  to  wait  six  months,  when 
the  Indians  would  be  going  away  in  quest  of  fruit. 
This  being  agreed  on,  Cabe9a  de  Vaca  remained,  and 
was  given  in  slavery  to  the  same  Indian  who  already 
had  Dorantes. 

Castillo  and  Dorantes  related,  that  after  quitting 
the  isle  of  Malhado,  they  found  upon  the  coast  a  bark, 
which  had  been  shipwrecked :  it  was  that  on  which  the 
contador  and  the  friars  were.  After  they  had  passed 
four  rivers,  very  large  and  with  very  strong  currents, 
this  bark  was  pushed  in  the  sea,  at  which  time  four  of 
their  men  were  drowned.  They  sailed  to  the  bay, 
and  crossed  it  with  much  trouble ;  fifteen  leagues  far- 
ther, they  found  another,  where  were  some  Indians, 
who,  when  they  saw  the  Spaniards,  went  to  the  other 
shore.  In  a  voyage  of  sixty  leagues,  two  of  the 
Spaniards  had  perished,  besides  the  four  who  were 
drowned.  Whilst  occupied  in  finding  means  to  cross 
the  bay,  an  Indian  came  to  them  with  a  Christian, 


CHAP.  Til.]        ADVENTiniES    OF   CABECA   DE    VACA. 


337 


who  proved  to  be  Figueroa,  one  of  the  four  sent  from 
the  isle  of  Malhado.  This  man  related  to  them  how 
he  had  arrived  at  that  place  with  his  companions ; 
that  two  of  them,  and  an  Indian,  died  of  cold  and 
hunger.  With  him  the  Indians  had  taken  Mentes, 
who  fled  with  the  intention  of  going  to  Panuco,  but 
was  pursued  by  the  natives  and  killed.  Figueroa 
heard  from  the  Indians  of  a  Christian  who  had  been 
with  the  Mariames,  and  then  got  to  the  Quevenes. 
This  Christian  was  Hernando  de  Esquivel,  a  native 
of  Badajos,  who  had  been  with  the  commissary. 
From  Esquivel,  Figueroa  learned  the  fate  of  the  go- 
vernor, the  contador,  and  others.  These  last  had 
caused  their  bark  to  be  driven  on  shore  between  the 
rivers.  Following  the  coast,  they  found  on  the  bank 
that  of  Pamphilo  de  Narvaez  and  his  men.  The  go- 
vernor went  in  his  bark  to  the  great  bay.  There  he 
had  the  company  carried  to  the  opposite  shore.  Then 
he  came  to  seek  the  contador,  the  friars,  and  all  the 
others.  In  the  evening  he  would  not  go  on  land,  but 
remained  in  his  bark  with  the  captain  and  a  cabin 
boy,  who  were  sick.  At  midnight  a  wind  rose  from 
the  north,  so  violent  that  the  bark,  which  had  no  an- 
chor but  a  stone,  was  carried  out  to  sea,  and  was  not 
heard  of  afterwards.  Those  who  were  on  land,  fol- 
lowed the  shore.  Meeting  a  great  expanse  of  water, 
they  made  a  raft,  with  which  they  passed  to  the  other 
side.  Continuing  their  march,  they  came  to  the  end 
of  a  forest,  where  they  found  some  Indians,  who,  ha- 
ving perceived  them,  left  their  cabins  for  their  canoes. 
This  was  in  November.  The  Spaniards  found  wood, 
water,  and  on  the  shore  some  crabs  and  shell  fish : 
43 


338 


ADVENTURES    OF    CABECA   DE    VAC A. 


[book  II. 


' 


yet  they  were  dying,  one  after  another,  of  hunger  and 
cold.  Pentaja,  whom  Pamphilo  de  Narvaez  (before 
he  last  went  in  the  bark)  had  made  his  Heutenant  in 
place  of  the  contador,  treated  them  badly.  Soto 
Major,  brother  of  Vasco  Porcallo,  a  native  of  the  isle 
of  Cuba,  turned  against  Pentaja,  and  gave  him  a 
blow,  which  killed  him.  Thus  the  number  dimi- 
nished. Those  who  remained  alive,  it  is  said,  caused 
the  dead  to  be  roasted!  The  last  who  sank,  was 
Soto  Major.  Esquivel,  we  are  told,  had  him  roasted, 
and  lived  on  his  body  till  the  1st  of  March,  when  one 
of  the  Indians,  who  had  fled  when  the  Spaniards  ar- 
rived, came  to  see  if  all  wsre  gone,  and  carried  off 
Esquivel.  Andres  Dorantes,  escaping  to  the  Mari- 
ames,  learnt  from  them  that  Esquivel  having  fled,  they 
pursued  and  killed  him.  Yet  Dorantes  fled,  after  re- 
maining with  these  people  a  few  days.  Castillo  and 
Estevanico  went  into  the  interior  of  the  country  to 
the  Yguazes.  The  three  had  got  with  the  same  tribe 
when  Cabe9a  de  Vaca  joined  them. 

Six  months  had  passed  since  he  joined  them ;  the 
time  had  arrived  for  the  Indians  to  go ;  but  there  was 
a  quarrel  among  them.  The  Spaniards  were  now 
obliged  to  separate,  and  did  not  meet  each  other 
again  for  a  year.  At  length  Cabe^a  de  Vaca  fled, 
and  found  his  comrades.  It  was  arranged  that  he 
should  wait  for  them  till  the  moon  was  full.  It  was 
now  the  1st  of  September  and  the  first  of  the  moon. 
On  the  13th,  Andres  Dorantes  and  Estevanico  arrived 
where  he  was,  having  left  Castillo  not  far  off,  with  the 
Anagados.  These  last  Indians  said,  that  farther  on 
the  shore,  there  was  a  nation  named  Camons,  and 


CHAP.  VII.]   JOURNEY  or  CABECA  DE  VACA  TO  MEXICO. 


339 


they  had  killed  all  the  Spaniards  who  were  in  the  bark 
with  Penalosa  and  Telles.  .  ; .^^^  ^w?.?  ii;^.?^,  .  j  r.>i/, 

Two  days  after  all  four  got  together,  they  set  off. 
In  the  evening,  seeing  some  smoke,  they  went  to  the 
place  where  it  arose.  The  Indians,  who  called  them- 
selves Avavares,  received  them  kindly.  Dorantes  and 
the  negro  were  lodged  at  the  house  of  a  physician  : 
Cabe9a  de  Vaca  and  Castillo,  at  the  house  of  ano- 
ther Indian.  The  Spaniards  gained  greatly  the  fa- 
vour of  the  Indians,  by  curing  their  sick.  They  went 
about  with  them  in  their  journeys,  and  altogether 
were  with  the  Avavares  eight  months.  Then  they 
went  to  the  Maliacones,  afterwards  to  the  Arbadoes, 
and  so  on  from  tribe  to  tribe,  until  they  saw  moun- 
tains. 

Through  the  narrative  of  Cabe^a  de  Vaca,  there 
is  manifested  a  great  fondness  for  the  marvellous. 
Thus,  after  reminding  the  reader  that  he  and  his  com- 
rades were  naked,  he  says,  as  they  were  not  accus- 
tomed to  being  so,  they  changed  their  skin  like  ser- 
pents, twice  a  year.  His  account  of  many  things 
should  certainly  be  taken  with  some  deduction.  Yet, 
if  he  made  the  journey  across  the  continent  of  North 
America,  which  is  ascribed  to  him,  he  must  have  the 
credit  of  very  great  energy,  and  his  enterprise  be  re- 
garded as  truly  wonderful. 

On  the  way,  Andres  Dorantes  received  a  large  bell 
of  brass  or  copper,  with  a  figure  on  it.  The  next 
day  the  Spaniards  crossed  a  mountain  of  seven 
leagues,  and  in  the  evening  arrived  at  numerous  ca- 
bins on  the  shore  of  a  very  pretty  stream.  The  In- 
dians, at  this  place,  gave  them  many  purses,  contain- 


340 


JOURNET  or  CABECA  DE  TACA  TO  MEXICO.        [B00>  ><• 


ing  bags  of  marcosite  and  antimony,  which  last  was 
used  to  paint  the  face.  The  bell  being  shewn  them, 
they  said  that  in  the  place  from  which  that  came,  there 
was  found  in  the  earth  much  of  that  metal,  which 
was  greatly  esteemed,  and  that  in  that  country  there 
were  fixed  houses.  Quitting  these  Indians,  Cabe9a  de 
Vaca  says  they  passed  so  great  a  number  of  people, 
of  different  languages,  that  his  memory  would  not 
enable  him  to  recall  them.  A  party  of  Indians  con- 
ducted them  fifty  leagues  into  a  desert  country,  co- 
vered with  very  steep  mountains,  where  they  found 
no  game,  and  suffered  extremely  from  hunger.  They 
crossed  then  a  river,  having  water  which  came  up  to 
the  breast,  and  were  conducted  in  a  plain  at  the  foot 
of  the  mountains,  where  other  Indians  met  and  sup- 
plied them.  The  next  people  were  said  by  these  to 
be  far  off*,  and  their  enemies.  Two  women  were  fur- 
nished as  guides,  one  of  whom  conducted  Castillo  and 
Estevanico  to  a  river  running  between  mountains,  in 
a  place  where  her  father  dwelt.  The  dwellings  here 
were  the  first  seen  that  merited  the  name  of  houses. 
After  speaking  with  the  inhabitants,  Castillo  returned 
to  Cabe9a  de  Vaca  and  Dorantes,  bringing  with  them 
five  or  six  Indians.  The  three  then  set  out,  and 
meeting  the  negro  on  the  way  with  the  Indians,  went 
with  him  to  their  houses,  by  whom,  after  stopping  a 
day,  they  were  conducted  to  other  fixed  houses.  This 
country  was  thickly  peopled,  and  in  it  were  the  great- 
est number  of  cows.  In  answer  to  the  question  why 
they  didn't  sow  maize,  they  said,  two  years  before  they 
had  wanted  water,  and  the  moles  ate  the  seed  ;  that 
they  couldn't  cultivate  it  till  there  was  a  good  deal  of 


CHAP.  Til.]  JOURNEY  OF  CABECA  DE  VACA  TO  MEXICO. 


341 


co- 


rain.  Being  asked  where  they  procured  maize,  they 
said  on  the  coast  where  the  sun  set ;  that  the  whole 
country  was  filled  with  it,  and  the  shortest  course  to 
get  to  it  was  the  west.  '  »       '»^  r.'"'   •<;«;¥  f>^.». 

After  stopping  two  days,  the  Spaniards  determined 
to  seek  the  country  of  the  maize ;  and  to  that  end  to 
go  constantly  towards  the  west,  in  which  way  they 
expected  to  pass  over  all  the  country  between  where 
they  then  were  and  the  South  sea.  For  some  time 
they  went  back  up  the  river.  Then  they  crossed  it, 
and  at  sunset  found  themselves  in  a  great  valley,  in 
the  midst  of  very  high  mountains.  They  came  to  a 
people  with  much  maize  in  reserve,  and  fixed  houses, 
some  of  which  were  constructed  of  earth,  and  others 
of  mats  of  reed.  Then  they  went  a  hundred  leagues 
in  the  interior,  still  finding  fixed  houses,  maize  and 
beans.  The  natives  gave  them  cloths  of  cotton,  bet- 
ter than  those  of  New  Spain,  and  some  corals  and 
emeralds.  The  women  here  were  treated  with  more 
regard  than  in  any  other  place  of  the  Indias  that  the 
Spaniards  had  seen.  They  wore  chemises  of  cotton, 
which  came  down  to  their  knees,  but  were  cut  before 
and  tied  with  strings.  Shoes,  also,  were  worn  by 
these  Indians.  This  coast  is  described  as  the  en- 
trance to  many  provinces  on  the  South  sea.  From 
it  to  the  villages  they  had  left,  Cabe9a  de  Vaca  thought 
must  be  more  than  a  thousand  leagues. 

They  stopped  three  days  in  this  village.  A  day's 
march  from  there  was  another,  in  which,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  river  being  high,  they  stopped  fifteen 
days.  During  this  time,  Castillo  saw  on  the  neck  of 
an  Indian,  a  buckle  of  the  belt  of  a  sword,  in  which 


342 


JOUHNET  OF  CABECA  DE  VACA  TO  MEXICO.       [BOOK  II. 


was  introduced  a  nail  of  iron.  The  Indian  said  it  was 
brought  in  the  country  by  men  with  beards,  who  had 
come  on  that  river,  and  had  horses,  lances  and  swords; 
and  who,  with  their  lances,  had  killed  two  of  the  na- 
tives. The  farther  Cabe9a  de  Vaca  and  his  comrades 
advanced,  the  more  was  learnt  of  the  men  with 
lances.  For  a  great  distance  the  inhabitants  had  fled 
to  the  mountains,  abandoning  tillage,  from  fear  of 
them.  These  miscalled  Christians  had  penetrated 
into  the  country,  destroyed  the  villages,  and  carried 
off  great  numbers  of  the  natives  in  chains.  From 
the  place  where  Cabe9a  de  Vaca  first  heard  them  spo- 
ken of,  he  i*eckoned  to  be  eighty  leagues  to  the  river 
Petutan,  the  river  on  which  Diego  de  Guzman  ar- 
rived. In  all  the  country  where  the  mountains  ended, 
he  remarked  traces  of  gold,  iron  and  other  metals. 
And  where  the  houses  were  fixed,  he  describes  it  as 
warm  even  in  January.  • 

After  seeing  stakes  to  which  horses  had  been  tied, 
Cabe9a  de  Vaca  next  morning  took  with  him  the  ne- 
gro and  twelve  Indians,  followed  the  traces  of  the 
Christians,  (as  they  were  called,)  and  passed  three 
villages  where  they  had  slept.  He  made  ten  leagues 
that  day. 

"  Next  day,"  says  Cabe^a  de  Vaca,  "  I  met  four  Chris- 
tians on  horseback,  who  were  amazed  at  seeing  me  clothed 
in  so  strange  a  manner,  and  in  the  midst  of  these  Indians. 
They  regardtd  me  for  a  long  time  with  such  astonishment 
that  they  could  not  utter  a  word.  I  told  them  to  conduct 
me  to  their  c'aief,  and  we  went  a  half  league  to  the  place 
where  Diego  de  Alcaraz,  their  captain,  was.  When  I  had 
spoken  to  him,  he  told  me  that  he  knew  not  what  to  do ; 


I 


CIlAf.  Til,]     ARRIVAL  OF  CABECA  DE  VACA  IN  MEXICO. 


343 


that  for  a  long  time  he  had  not  been  able  to  take  any  In- 
dians ;  and  he  did  not  know  where  to  go,  because  his  peo- 
ple had  begun  to  suffer  with  hunger.  I  told  him  that  Do- 
rantes  and  Castillo  were  ten  leagues  from  there,  with  many 
people  that  we  were  bringing  with  us.  Immediately  he 
sent  them  three  cavaliers  and  !6fty  Indians ;  the  negro  serv- 
ing for  a  guide.  I  asked  him  to  certify  the  year,  month 
and  day  in  which  he  had  found  me,  and  in  what  condition, 
which  he  did.  From  this  river  to  the  city  of  the  Christians, 
named  Saint  Miguel,  the  chief  place  of  government  of  the 
province  of  New  Spain,  they  count  it  to  be  30  leagues." 

"  Two  days  after,  Andrts  Dorantes  and  Alonzo  Castillo 
came  with  those  who  had  been  to  seek  them.  They 
brought  600  persons  belonging  to  a  village,  all  the  inhabi- 
tants of  which  had  fled  in  the  forests  and  concealed  them- 
selves in  the  interior  for  fear  of  the  Christians.  The  na- 
tives who  accompanied  us,  had  caused  all  these  Indians  to 
come  back  and  had  conducted  them  where  we  were." 

The  Indians  brought  to  Cabe9a  de  Vaca  a  great 
quantity  of  maize,  of  which  he  took  some  and  gave 
the  rest  to  Alcaraz  and  his  men  to  divide  amongst 
them.  He  was  much  chagrined  at  the  wish  of  these 
to  make  slaves  of  the  Indians  who  brought  this  sup- 
ply. Seeing  the  Indians  afflicted,  he  told  them  to 
return  home,  tranquilize  themselves,  and  sow  their 
maize,  but  they  refused  to  quit  him,  saying  in  his 
company  they  were  not  afraid.  The  others  said  they 
were  masters  of  the  country  and  must  be  obeyed ; 
and  farther  that  they  were  Christians  like  Cabe9a  de 
Vaca.  This  the  Indians  would  not  believe,  but  at 
length,  with  much  trouble,  he  got  them  to  return 
home.  After  which  Alcaraz  sent  Cabe9a  de  Vaca 
and  his  companions  in  a  state  of  arrest  to  an  alcaid 


344 


ARBITAL  OF  CABECA  DE  VACA  IM  1«">  r    0.        [nooA  n. 


named  Zebreros  and  two  other  indivi'i'<r  t :  dairying 
them  in  forests  and  deserts  far  from  the  Indians. 

"  Their  design,"  says  Cabe^a  de  Vaca,  "  was  to  pursue 
the  Indians  whom  we  had  just  sent  away  composed,  which 
they  did  for  two  days.  They  carried  us  in  the  mountains, 
wandering,  in  no  way  that  could  be  traced,  and  w  ihout 
water.  We  thought  we  should  all  die  of  thirst.  Seven 
men  perished,  and  a  great  number  of  Indian  friends  whom 
the  Christians  had  with  them,  lived  only  till  the  middle  of 
the  next  day.  In  the  evening  we  found  water.  After  go- 
ing about  25  leagues  we  arrived  in  a  village  of  subdued  In- 
dians. The  alcaid,  who  conducted  us,  left  us  there  and 
went  three  leagues  further  to  another  village  named  Culia- 
9an,  where  Melchior  Diez,  alcaid  mayor  and  captain  of 
the  province,  resided."       ^    ,,  _      ..:   <.  .    _• 

The  reception  by  this  person,  was  very  different 
from  that  by  Alcaraz.  He  prayed  them  to  remain  in 
the  country  and  use  their  influence  with  the  Indians, 
to  bring  about  a  better  state  of  things. 

"  We  injoined  on  them,"  says  Cabe^a  de  Vaca,  "  to 
build  churches  and  put  crosses  on  them ;  for  they  had  not 
yet  constructed  any.  We  caused  them  to  bring  the  chil- 
dren of  the  principal  inhabitants  and  we  baptized  them. 
Then  the  captain  promised  solemnly  before  God,  not  to 
make  inroads  into  the  country,  not  to  permit  what  they  had 
been  doing,  not  to  reduce  into  slavery  any  of  the  inhabi- 
tants of  the  country  which  we  had  pacified.  He  engaged 
himself  to  keep  his  promise  until  your  majesty*  and  the 
governor  Nuno  de  Guzman  or  the  viceroy  had  decided  on 
what  would  be  fit  for  the  service  of  God  and  the  emperor. 
When  the  children  were  baptized,  we  set  out  for  the  City 
of  Saint  Miguel." 

*  The  Emperor  Charlei  the  Fifth. 


CHAr.  Vll]    ARRIVAL  or  CABECA  DE  VACA  IN  MEXICO. 


345 


:irsue 
^hich 
tains, 
ihout 
Seven 
vhom 
die  of 
er  go- 
ed  In- 
e  and 
Ciilia- 
;ain  of 


fferent 
lain  in 
idians, 

;a,    "to 
lad  not 
chil- 
them. 
not  to 
ley  had 
inhabi- 
ngaged 
and  the 
ided  on 
mperor. 
he  City 


le 


Fideen  days  after,  Alcaraz  arrived  bringing  news 
of  the  new  manner  in  which  the  Indians  were  acting; 
that  now  there  was  a  large  population,  where  before 
the  country  was  abandoned ;  and  they  were  doing  as 
they  had  been  told. 

"  We  remained,"  says  Cabe9a  de  Vaca,  "until  the  16th 
of  May  in  the  City  of  Saint  Miguel.     We  made  a  sojourn 
thus  long,  because,  wishing  to  go  to  the  City  of  Campos- 
telle,  the  residence  of  the  governor  Nuno  de  Guzman,  we 
were  forced  to  go  a  hundred  leagues  in  a  country  entirely 
deserted  and  hostile.     We  were  obliged  to  travel  with  our 
people  and  twenty  cavaliers  who  accompanied  us,  for  forty 
leagues.     From  the  place  where  they  quitted  us,  we  conti- 
nued our  march  in  company  of  six  Christians,  who  were 
bringing  500  Indian  slaves.     Being  arrived  at  Campostelle, 
•we  were  well  received  by  the  governor,  who  gave  us  cloth- 
ing.    It  took  me  a  long  time  to  accustom  myself  to  wear 
clothes ;  and  I  could  only  sleep  on  the  ground.     Ten  or 
twelve  days  after,  we  set  out  for  Mexico.     All  the  way  we 
were  well  treated  by  the  Christians :  a  great  number  came 
to  us  and  thanked  God  that  we  had  escaped  from  such  great 
dangers.     We  arrived  on  Sunday,  the  eve  of  Saint  James. 
The  viceroy  and  the  Marquis  del  Valle  (Hernando  Cortez) 
received  us  with  the  greatest  pleasure  and  treated  us  very 
well.     They  gave  us  clothes,  offered  us  whatever  they  pos- 
sessed, and  on  the  day  of  Saint  James,  had  carousals  and 
bull  fights." 

"  After  we  had  rested  two  months  at  Mexico,  I  desired  to 
return  to  Spain.  I  was  going  to  embark  in  October,  when 
a  storm  arose  and  made  the  ship  run  aground.  Then  I  de- 
termined to  wait  till  winter  was  over ;  this  being  a  very 
dangerous  time  for  navigation.  When  part  of  the  winter 
was  passed,  Andres  Dorantes  and  I  went  to  Vera  Cruz, 
where  we  waited  till  Palm  Sunday  to  go  to  sea.  We  re- 
44 


346 


ARRIVAL  OF  CABEOA  DE  VACA  IN  MEXICO.        [BOOK  II. 


mained  15  days  waiting  for  wind.  The  ship  went  a  great 
way  in  the  water.  I  quitted  it  and  embarked  in  another, 
but  Dorantes  remained  in  it.  The  10th  of  April  we  sailed. 
Three  vessels  kept  company  together  50  leagues :  one  night 
the  two  others  (which  let  in  much  water)  disappeared,  and 
we  saw  them  no  more." 

The  vessel  in  which  Cabe9a  de  Vaca  was,  arrived 
the  4th  of  May  at  Havaba  and  waited  there  till  the 
2d  of  June  for  the  other  two.  It  then  set  out,  not 
without  apprehension  of  meeting  the  French  who  a 
few  days  before  had  taken  three  vessels  in  these  parts. 
Twenty-nine  days  after  having  quitted  Havana,  they 
had  made  five  hundred  leagues,  the  distance  which 
separates  that  isle  from  the  Azores.  The  next  day, 
in  passing  near  the  isle  of  Cuervo,  they  perceived  a 
French  vessel  with  a  caravel  in  company  loaded  with 
negroes.  The  French  would  have  taken  them  but 
for  the  sight  of  a  Portuguese  fleet  under  command 
of  Diego  de  Silveira.  With  this  fleet,  the  Spanish 
vessel  went  to  the  isle  of  Terceira  where  they  staid 
Eileen  days  for  another  ship  which  was  coming  from 
India,  and  was  in  company  with  three  vessels  escorted 
by  a  squadron.  Then  all  set  out  together  and  en- 
tered the  port  of  Lisbon,  the  15th  of  August  1537. 

The  two  Spaniards  who  were  in  company  with 
Cabe9a  de  Vaca  in  his  long  journey  from  Florida  to 
Mexico  returned  to  Spain  also.  The  negro  Esteva- 
nico  remained  in  Mexico,  and  at  a  later  period  served 
as  a  guide  to  Francisco  Marco  de  Nizza,  in  the  ex- 
pedition to  discover  Cibola.  The  Indians  took  him 
for  an  impostor,  because  he  who  was  black  announced 
himself  as  the  envoy  of  a  white  people,  and  massacred 
him.     This  is  mentioned  in  the  preface  to  the  Com- 


cflAF.  ▼«.]    ARRIVAL  OP  CABECA  DE  VACA  IN  MEXICO. 


347 


mentaries  of  Cabe^a  de  Vaca  by  a  modern  editor  who 
remarks,  that  the  veracity  of  the  recital  of  Cabe9a  de 
Vaca  is  confirmed  by  Herrera  (Decad.  iii.  Hv.  ii.  ch. 
4;  decad.  iv.  Uv.  iv.  ch.  4-8;  decad.  vi.  liv.  i.  ch. 
3-8,)  and  by  all  the  Spanish  historians,  and  adds  that 
the  Spaniards  who  arrived  after  Cabe^a  de  Vaca  into 
Florida  found  traces  of  his  passage.  As  to  this  mat- 
ter he  refers  to  the  History  of  New  Spain  by  D.  Ma- 
tias  de  la  Moto  Padilla,  and  to  the  manuscript  rela- 
tion of  the  voyage  of  Francisco  Vasquez  de  Coro- 
nado,  by  D.  Pedro  de  Castaneda  Nagera,  who  seve- 
ral times  speaks  of  the  effect  upon  the  Indians  of  the 
good  treatment  exercised  by  Cabe9a  de  Vaca,  >  '* 
The  manuscript  relation  just  referred  to,  seems 
never  to  have  been  printed  until  it  was  published  at 
!Paris  in  1838  by  H.  Ternaux-Compans,  in  the  Col- 
lection of  Original  Voyages,  Relations  and  Memoirs 
to  serve  for  the  history  of  the  discovery  of  America. 
It  is  entitled,  '         ;; 

"  Relation  du  voyage  de  Cibola  entrepris  en  1640 ;  ou 
Ton  traite  de  toutes  les  peuplades  qui  habitent  cette  con- 
tr^e,  de  leurs  moeiirs  et  coutumes,  par  P6dro  de  Castaneda 
de  Nagera." 

It  appears  from  this  relation  that  in  the  year  1530 
Nuno  de  Guzman,  who  was  president  of  New  Spain, 
having  raised  an  army  of  four  hundred  Spaniards  and 
twenty  thousand  Indian  allies,  set  out  from  New  Spain, 
traversed  the  province  of  Tarasca,  and  arrived  in  that 
of  Culiacan  where  his  army  stopped  for  a  long  time, 
during  which  period,  Hernando  Cortes  arrived  in 
Mexico  with  the  new  title  of  Marquis  del  Valle,  and 


348 


ARRIVAL  OF  CABECA  DE  VAC  A  IN  MEXICO.         [BOOK  II. 


great  powers;  that  Guzman,  being  an  enemy  of 
Cortes,  was  unwilling  to  return,  and  determined  to 
colonize  the  pro^mce  of  Culiacan ;  that  he  estab- 
lished himself  at  Xalisco,  since  Campostelle,  and  at 
Tonala,  afterwards  Guadalaxara,  which  two  provinces 
at  a  later  period  formed  the  kingdom  of  Galicia ;  that 
eight  years  afterwards  he  was  thrown  into  prison  by 
an  envoy  from  Spain,  the  licentiate  of  La  Torre,  who 
put  himself  at  the  head  of  the  government  of  the 
province,  and  after  his  death  Don  Antonio  de  Men- 
do9a,  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  appointed  to  succeed 
him  Francisco  Vasquez  Coronado,  a  gentleman  of 
Salamanca,  who  was  established  at  Mexico ;  that  at 
this  period  three  Spaniards  named  Cabe9a  de  Vaca, 
Dorantes  and  Castillo  Maldonado,  and  a  negro,  who 
had  been  shipwrecked  with  the  fleet  which  Pamphilo 
de  Narvaez  conducted  to  Florida,  came  to  Mexico  by 
the  province  of  Culiacan,  after  having  traversed  the 
country  from  one  sea  to  the  other ;  that  the  new  go- 
vernor proceeding  to  Culiacan,  carried  with  him  the 
negro  and  three  Franciscan  friars ;  that  when  the  go- 
vernor arrived  at  the  province  of  Culiacan,  he  sent 
forward  for  discovery,  the  three  friars  and  the  negro, 
and  as  the  latter  could  make  himself  understood  by 
the  natives  of  the  country  through  which  he  had 
passed,  the  friars  sent  him  on  in  ad^^ance  of  them, 
accompanied  by  some  Indians ;  that  on  his  arrival  at 
Cibola,  upon  being  interrogated  as  to  ihe  end  of  his 
coming  into  their  country,  be  said,  he  preceded  some 
white  men  (sent  by  a  powerful  prince  and)  very 
learned  in  heavenly  things  which  they  came  to  teach, 
and  the  Indians  thought  he  was  the  spy  of  some  na- 


CHAP.  Vll]  AFTER   LIFE    OF    CABECA   DE    VACA. 


349 


tion  which  wished  to  subjugate  them.  It  was  unac- 
countable to  them  that  he  should  be  from  a  country 
of  white  men  who  was  himself  black :  he  had  besides 
asked  for  their  wealth  and  their  women,  and  it  seemed 
to  them  hard  to  consent  to  it.  They  decided  to  kill 
him,  which  they  did,  without  doing  the  least  harm  to 
those  who  accompanied  him ;  upon  which  the  friars 
very  quickly  retraced  their  steps.  It  was  after  this 
that  the  expedition  was  prepared  for  the  discovery  of 
Cibola,  which  is  the  chief  subject  of  the  relation  of 
Pedro  de  Castaneda  de  Nagera.  The  City  of  Cam- 
postelle,  the  capital  of  New  Galicia,  a  hundred 
leagues  from  Mexico,  was  the  place  from  which  the 
army  was  to  set  out  for  the  expedition.  Pedro  de' 
Alarcon  was  to  set  out  from  Natividad,  on  the  coast 
of  the  South  sea,  with  two  vessels,  and  then  go  to 
Xalisco  and  follow  the  army  in  its  march  along  the 
coast.     In  the  preface  of  the  French  editor,  he  says : 

"I  do  not  believe  that  any  Spanish  expedition  has  ever 
gone  so  far  towards  the  northeast.  Ahnost  all  those  which 
took  place  afterwards,  were  directed  toward',  the  northwest. 
It  is  astonishing  how  little  they  profited  by  the  indications 
given  by  Vasquez.  I  will  cite  only  a  single  example  of  it. 
Alarcon  discovered  in  1539,  that  California  was  a  pres- 
qu'ile ;  and  in  1732,  that  is  to  say,  200  years  after,  this 
point  was  still  considered  as  uncertain." 

It  is  time,  however,  to  stop  this  digression  from 
Cabe^a  de  Vaca ;  the  chief  purpose  of  referring  to 
the  relation  of  Pedro  de  Castaneda,  was  to  shew  its 
confirmation  of  the  statement  of  Cabe9a  de  Vaca  as 
to  his  arrival  in  Mexico,  and  the  mode  by  which  he 
got  there ;  this  has  now  been  sufficiently  done. 


350 


AFTER  LIFK    OF   GABBCA   D£   VACA. 


[BOOK   II. 


After  the  return  of  Cabe^a  de  Vaca  from  Mexico, 
he  remained  in  Spain  till  1640)  when  he  succeeded 
Don  Pedro  de  Mendo9a  as  Adelantado  and  governor 
of  the  La  Plata,  touching  which  country  his  Com- 
mentaries were  published  at  Yalladolid  in  1555,  and 
republished  at  Paris  in  1837  by  H.  Temaux,  in  his 
Collection  of  Voyages,  Relations  and  Memoirs.  It 
seems  from  his  commentaries,  that  he  was  not  much 
more  happy  in  this  than  in  his  former  enterprise.  As 
to  his  true  character  there  is  not  an  agreement 
amongst  writers.  Some  of  his  cotemporaries,  at  least, 
appear  to  have  considered  him  arbitrary.  Amongst 
the  volumes  republished  in  the  collection  of  H.  Ter- 
naux-Compans,  is  one  entitled, 

"  Histoire  veritable  d'un  voyage  curieux,  fait  par  Ulrich 
Schmidel  de  Straubing,  dans  I'Amerique  ou  le  nouveau 
Monde,  par  le  Br^sil,  et  le  Rio  de  la  Plata,  deptiis  I'annee 
1534,  jusqu'en  1554.  Ou  I'on  verra  tout  ce  qu'il  a  souffert 
pendant  ces  dix-neuf  ans,  et  la  description  des  pays  et  des 
peuples  extraordinaires  qu'il  a  visites.  Ouvrage  ecrit  par 
lui-meme,  et  puplie  de  nouveau  apres  corrections  des  noms 
de  villes,  de  pays  et  de  rivieres,  par  Levinus  Hulsius,"  pub- 
lished at  Nuremberg  in  1599. 

From  the  fortieth  chapter  of  this  volume  of  Schmi- 
del, the  following  is  extracted : 

"  Our  commander  had  no  consideration  for  any  body,  and 
wished  that  every  thing  should  bend  before  him.  The  en- 
tire army,  in  general  assembly,  decided  unanimously  that  it 
was  necessary  to  arrest  him,  send  him  to  the  emperor  and 
render  an  account  to  his  imperial  majesty  of  his  fine  quali- 
ties, of  the  manner  in  which  he  had  treated  us,  and  of 
every  thing  that  had  passed.     Three  of  the  principal  offi- 


CHAT.  Til.]  AFTER   LIFE   OF    CABECA   DE    VACA. 


361 


cers,  to  wit :  the  treasurer  Alonso  Cabrera,  Don  Francisco 
Mendo^a  and  Grato  Amiego,  (Garcia  Yanegas,)  repaired  to 
his  house  at  the  head  of  200  soldiers  and  took  possession  of 
his  person  at  a  moment  when  he  least  expected  it.  This 
was  in  the  month  of  April,  on  the  day  of  Saint  Mark  in 
the  year  1543.  We  kept  him  a  prisoner  for  more  than  a 
year,  until  we  had  prepared  and  furnished  with  supplies  a 
caravel,  on  board  of  which  we  sent  him  to  Spain,  with  two 
officers.  It  was  necessary  to  choose  another  chief  to  ad- 
minister the  country  and  command  the  army  until  we 
should  receive  orders  from  his  majesty.  Martin  Dominique 
de  Irala,  who  had  already  been  governor,  was  then  pro- 
claimed general,  for  he  was  greatly  loved  by  the  troops." 

The  French  editor  in  the  preface  prefixed  by  him 
to  the  edition  of  1837,  states  that  Cabe9a  de  Vaca 
was  acquitted,  but  he  does  not  know  what  became  of 
him  after  he  recovered  his  liberty.  He  quotes  from 
a  writer  who  states  that  he  died  at  Seville  at  a  very 
advanced  age,  after  having  been  put  in  the  office  of 
auditor  in  that  city,  but  the  editor  adds  that  he  does 
not  know  whether  this  is  very  exact. 


152             •^:'^' 

1527  TO  1634. 

'    *■« 

[book    II. 

Sf^i:^;::^v^.  i----U  t-^i- 

,  f:iu.- .  •■-,.;  *->L'.    ;.■'  '     ■  *.; 

.;   .;j  : ) 

1  •.■;     •        ,  , 

ei  ;     ■    '   ;■■  ;.--^:j..i^ 

'„''  i  '",• 

-   ■             ;**l 

w  •■,  ■,'.-•-'  i  -:    ;  ■ 

..  ,i;;  =  '.'  ■•  -    ••    .   - 

( 

■;.i'V      -U    I-  .  - 

r  «.-'    '  '                   ,               ■ 

/ 


-   CHAPTER  VIII. 
Of  the  period  from  1537  to  1534. 


.t'; 


After  the  loss  of  one  of  the  vessels  sent  forth  from 
England  in  1527,  and  the  unsuccessful  termination  of 
the  voyage  the  same  year  from  Spain  under  Narvaez, 
neither  kingdom  seems  to  have  been  disposed,  in  any 
short  time,  to  send  other  expeditions  to  the  Atlantic 
coast  of  North  America.  Indeed,  even  on  the  south- 
ern continent,  tho  emperor  somewhat  altered  his  man- 
ner of  proceeding;  the  change,  in  respect  to  the  pro- 
vince of  Coro,  was  most  important. 

"  A.  Dalfinger  and  G.  Seyler,  who  were  at  Madrid,  the 
agents  of  Welser,  rich  merchants  of  Augsbourg,  obtained 
from  Charles  the  Fifth,  who  had  often  borrowed  money 
from  them  in  moments  of  necessity,  the  cession  of  this 
province  in  favour  of  their  masters,  to  make  the  conquest 
of  it,  at  their  expense,  on  the  following  conditions.  They 
bound  themselves  to  equip  four  vessels,  to  carry  three  hun- 
dred Spaniards,  and  to  build  two  cities  and  three  fortresses 
in  the  two  years  succeeding  their  arrival.  They  were,  be- 
sides, i:v  send  \o  this  country  fifty  German  miners,  to  bring 
to  perfection  the  exraciioa  of  the  mineral.  The  emperor 
ceded  to  them  all  the  territory  between  the  province  of 
Santa  Martha  and  the  cape  of  Maracapana,  relinquished  to 
them  four  fifths  of  his  fifth  of  the  gold  and  silver,  and  gave 
them  in  absolute  properly  twelve  square  leagues  of  land,  to 
take  where  they  would.     He  permitted  them,  moreover,  to 


^m: 


CHAP.   VIII.] 


1627  TO  1634. 


363 


reduce  to  slavery  all  the  Indians  who  attempted  to  resist 
them.  Charles  the  Fifth  had  just  abandoned  at  this  period 
the  province  of  Santa  Martha  to  Don  Garcie  de  Lcrraa,  a 
gentleman  of  his  family.  Don  Garcie  agreed  with  the 
Welsers  to  act  in  concert  with  them  and  to  render  assist- 
ance on  occasion :  they  gave  him  the  command  of  the  first 
expedition,  which  was  composed  of  three  vessels.  The 
Welsers  named  for  governor  and  lieutenant  governor,  Am- 
broise  Dalfinger  and  George  Seyler,  who,  for  a  long  time 
had  served  them  well.  The  governor  and  lieutenant  go- 
vernor arrived  in  1628,  and  presented  to  Ampies  the  order 
of  the  emperor  to  give  up  to  them  the  command.  He, 
forced  to  obey,  and  seeing  himself  so  badly  recompensed 
for  his  services,  withdrew  to  Saint  Domingo,  where  he 
died  of  chagrin,  a  short  time  after :  however,  the  king  of 
Spain  had  ceded  by  way  of  indemnity  to  him  the  isles  of 
Guracoa,  of  Oruba  and  of  Bonayre,  which  his  descendants 
enjoyed  to  a  later  age.  The  Welsers  were  perhaps  then 
the  richest  merchants  in  the  world :  they  had  advanced  to 
Charles  the  Fifth  near  five  tons  of  gold,  and  at  the  same 
time  at  which  they  sent  an  army  at  their  expense  to  con- 
quer Venezaela,  they  were  dispatching  vessels  to  the  West 
Indias  to  extend  their  commercial  relations  and  try  to  dis- 
cover the  Spice  islands.  The  daughter  of  Bartheleme 
Welser,  the  chief  of  this  house,  the  beautiful  Philippina, 
married  secretly  the  Archduke  Ferdinand,  son  of  Ferdi- 
nand, king  of  Bohemia,  since  emperor  and  nephew  of 
Charles  the  Fifth  ;  and  the  power  of  the  Welsers  was  such 
that  Charles  dared  not  break  the  marriage." 

This  extract  is  from  the  preface  of  the  French  edi- 
tor to  the  narration  of  the  first  voyage  of  Nicolas  Fe- 
dermann,  mentioned  before  on  page  283.  It  is  not 
in  place  here,  any  more  than  in  that  preface,  to  relate 
the  history  of  the  dominion  of  the  Germans  in  Vene- 
46 


354 


1527  TO  1534. 


[BOOK    II 


zuela;  a  dominion  which  lasted  about  twenty-six 
years.  A  single  circumstance  will  be  mentioned ;  it 
is  from  the  same  preface :      "" 

"The  Welsers  repenting  the  confidence  they  had  be- 
stowed on  Dal  finger,  revoked  his  powers  and  put  in  his 
place  George  de  Spire,  whom  Federmann  accompanied  as 
lieutenant.  They  arrived  together  at  Coro  in  1537,  and 
set  out  soon  after  to  make  new  discoveries  to  the  south. 
George  de  Spire  was  to  take  the  route  east,  Federmann  that 
to  the  west,  and  they  were  to  meet  again  on  the  coast  of 
Barquisemeto.  But  he  who  sought  only  to  render  himself 
independent,  continued  his  march  towards  the  west.  After 
a  journey  as  toilsome  as  dangerous,  he  penetrated  into  the 
kingdom  of  New  Granada  and  advanced  to  Bogota,  where 
by  the  most  singular  chance,  he  met  Sebastian  de  Benalca- 
sar  and  Quesada,  who  had  arrived  there,  the  one  by  Peru, 
the  other  by  the  river  of  Madeleine.  Each  one  asserted 
his  pretensions  to  this  province.  Not  being  able  to  agree, 
they  agreed  to  go  together  to  Spain  to  have  their  rights  ad- 
judged. However,  Federmann  was  never  to  return  from 
America.  His  conduct  towards  his  chief  had  dissatisfied 
the  Welsers,  who  forgot  all  his  services,  and  wished  even  to 
commence  process  against  him ;  but  he  died  a  short  time 
after,  imbrued  with  disgust  and  chagrin." 

Before  the  close  of  the  period  embraced  by  this 
chapter,  Quito  was  conquered  by  the  Spaniards.  In 
Ternaux's  Collection,  there  was  republished  at  Paris 
in  1840, 

"  Histoire  du  Royaume  de  Quito  par  Don  Juan  de  Ye- 
lasco,  natif  de  a  royaume ;"  in  two  volumes. 


tUAP.  IX  ]         VOYAGE    TO   NEWFOUNDLAND    IN    1634. 


355 


;'  j'  .!'>'■ ,     ■,  ,      v*"         ' '  ?         '  . "    *        ■-.'■■'',•••';.-•'■]  =  >*^ 

CHAPTER   IX. 

•     :  ...'„.'  .         .'■< 

'  ..«'.■  1  '   .  ■'.,-.  ■  ■  ;  .-. 

Of  the  voyage  of  Jacques  Carthier  to  Newfoundland  in  1534. 

Several  voyages  were  made  by  Jacques  Carthier,  in 
the  service  of  the  King  of  France.     On  his  first  voy- 
age,* he  departed  from  the  port  of  Saint  Malo  the 
20th  of  April  1534,  with  two  ships,  and  came  the 
10th  of  May  to  Newfoundland,  where  he  entered  into 
Saint  Katharine's  haven,t  distant  about  five  leagues 
from  the  cape  of  Buona  Vista, tin  latitude  forty-eight 
degrees  and  a  half.     On  the  21st  of  May,  he  sailed 
from  that  cape  to  the  Island  of  Birds.^     On  the  27th, 
he  came  to  the  bay  of  the  Castles,  and  entered  into 
a  harbour  about  its  entrance,  called  Carpunt,  in  lati- 
tude fifty-one  degrees,  where  he  stayed  till  the  9th  of 
June.     The  writer  of  the  account  of  this  voyage, 
found  in  Hakluyt,  describes  the  land  from  Cape  Razo 
to  Cape  Degrad,  as  parted  into  islands,  from  the  high- 
est of  which,  "you   may  plainly  see  the  two  low 
islands  that  are  next  to  Cape   Razo,  from  whence 
to  the  port  of  Carpunt,  they  count  it  twenty-five 
leagues."    Jacques  Carthier,  it  may  be  inferred,  wrote 
the  account  himself,  for  the  writer  says,  that  going 
from  Point  Degrad,  and  entering  into  the  bay  to- 


*Tbi8  account  is  taken  from  the  third 
volume  of  Hakluyt's  Collection,  p.  201  to 
Qll. 

fNow  Catalinn.  See  Hawkins's  Que- 
bec, p.  35, 


X  It  still  bears  the  name  of  Bona  Vista. 

$  Mr.  Hawkins  supposes  this  to  be  Funk 
island,  about  fourteen  leagues  from  Cape 
Friels.    See  Hawkins's  Quebec,  p.  35. 


356 


VOYAGE    TO   NEWFOUNDLAND    IN    1534.  [1001  II. 


wards  the  west  by  north,  there  is  some  doubt  of  two 
islands  on  the  right  side,  one  of  which  he  named  Saint 
Katharine's  island.  He  describes  the  port  of  Castles 
as  about  fifteen  leagues  from  this  iF'iand,  and  about 
twelve  and  a  half  leagues  from  the  port  of  Gutte ; 
the  road  called  White  Sands,  (Blanc  Sablon,)  as  about 
fifteen  leagues  from  the  port  of  Balances ;  and  Brest 
island  and  the  Island  of  Birds,  as  south  southwest 
from  this  road. 


<'  A  point  of  land  being  passed  about  a  league  from  White 
Sand,  there  is,"  he  says,  "a  port  and  passage  found,  called 
the  Islettes,  a  better  place  than  White  Sand ;  and  there  is 
great  fishing.  From  the  said  port  of  the  Islettes  unto  ano- 
ther called  Brest,  the  circuit  is  about  ten  leagues.  This 
port  is  in  latitude  fifty-one  degrees  and  fifty-five  minutes." 

Jacques  Carthier  entered  the  port  of  Brest  the  10th 
of  June,  and  on  Saint  Barnabas'  day,  (service  being 
heard,)  proceeded  beyond  that  port  towards  the  west  ; 
passing  that  day  and  the  next  through  Islettes  for 
about  ten  leagues  beyond  the  port.  Beyond  them  all 
he  found  a  good  haven,  which  he  named  Saint  An- 
thony's haven.  One  or  two  leagues  farther,  on  a  lit- 
tle river  toward  the  southwest  coast,  he  set  up  a  cross 
and  named  it  Saint  Seruan's  port.  A  greater  river, 
three  leagues  from  this,  wherein  he  took  good  store 
of  salmon,  he  named  Saint  James's  river.  In  this  ri- 
ver Carthier  saw  a  ship  of  Rochelle,  which  intended 
to  have  gone  fishing  at  the  port  of  Brest,  but  had 
passed  it  the  night  before,  the  mariners  not  knowing 
where  they  were.  Carthier  directed  them  to  another 
port,  a  league  more  to  the  west  (than  the  river  of  Saint 


CHAP,  is]         voyage    to    NEWFOUNDLAND    IN    1534. 


357 


James,)  which  he,  taking  it  to  be  one  of  the  veiy  best, 
had  named  James  Carthier's  Sound.        •     ^        'i 

"  If  the  soil  were  as  good  as  the  harbours  are,  it  were," 
he  remarks,  "  a  great  commodity,  but  it  is  not  to  be  called 
the  new  land,  but  rather  stones  and  wild  crags,  and  a  place 
fit  for  wild  beasts,  for  in  all  the  North  island  I  d^d  not  see 
a  cart  load  of  good  earth,  yet  went  I  on  shore  in  many 
places ;  and  on  the  island  of  White  Sand,  there  is  nothing 
else  but  moss  and  small  thorns  scattered  here  and  there, 
withered  and  dry.  To  be  short,  I  believe  that  this  was  the 
land  that  God  allotted  to  C        '  \ 

On  the  15th  of  June,  Carthier  sailed  from  Brest 
towards  the  south,  to  view  the  lands  there  seen,  that 
had  seemed  to  be  two  islands.  He  now  knew  it  to 
be  firm  land,  where  was  a  great  double  cape,  one 
above  the  other,  and  named  it  Double  Cape.  This 
cape  is  about  twenty  leagues  from  Brest.  On  the 
16th,  he  sailed  along  the  coast  towards  the  southwest 
and  by  south  about  thirty-five  leagues  from  Double 
Cape;  and  seeing  on  the  hills  some  small  cabins, 
sometimes  called  Granges,  he  called  these  the  Hills 
of  the  Granges.  A  cape  towards  the  southwest,  he 
named  the  Pointed  Cape.  On  the  1 7th,  he  came  to 
a  bay  full  of  round  islands,  which,  because  of  the  re- 
semblance, he  named'the  Dove  Houses.  From  the 
bay  (Saint  Julian)  to  a  cape  lying  south  by  west, 
called  Cape  Royal,  is  seven  leagues,  and  towards  the 
west  southwest  side  of  this  cape,  is  another  called  the 
Cape  of  Milk,  between  which  two  capes,  in  latitude 
forty-eight  degrees  and  a  half,  is  a  great  and  very 
deep  gulf.  From  the  18th  until  the  24th  of  June,  the 
weather  was  so  stormy,  that  no  land  could  be  seen. 


M 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


7//.      ^^        ^   >^    M^^ 


1.0 


I.I 


Lg|2^    125 

^  I2j2  |Z2 

S    1^    12.0 

L25  IHJA  iiA 


^ 


.^    ^ 


Photographic 

Sciences 

Corporation 


'i3  WIST  MAIN  STMIT 

WnSTIR.N.Y.  M3M 

(716)t72-4S03 


'^.V^ 


'^ 


^.^ 


.^ 


6^ 


358 


VOYAGE   TO   NEWFOUNDLAND    IN    1534.  [book  li. 


Then  was  seen  a  cape,  that,  from  Cape  Koyal,  lies 
southwest  about  thirty-five  leagues,  and  because  it 
was  Saint  John's  day,  Carthier  named  it  Cape  Saint 

John.  ;^  ...  ;  - 
On  the  2dth  of  June,  he  sailed  in  the  bay  north- 
west and  by  west  about  seven  and  a  half  leagues  from 
the  cape  of  St.  John,  and  then  southeast  about  fifteen 
leagues,  and  came  to  three  islands,  which  he  named 
the  islands  of  Margaulx.  About  five  leagues  from 
them,  on  the  west,  was  an  island  about  two  leagues 
in  length  and  the  same  in  breadth,  with  better  soil 
than  had  been  seen  in  the  new  land,  and  many  bears 
and  wolves  on  it,  which  he  named  Brion's  island. 
About  four  leagues  from  it  towards  west  southwest  k 
the  firm  land.  A  cape  named  Cape  Dolphin,  is  de- 
scribed as  the  beginning  of  good  grounds,      u  

On  the  27th  and  28th,  Carthier  went  along  the 
land,  passing  a  cape  called  St.  Peter's  Cape,  and  an 
island  named  Alezai.  The  29th  and  30th,  the  wind 
blowing  south  and  by  east,  he  sailed  westward  witli- 
out  any  sight  of  land  till  evening.  The  cape  then 
seen  was  called  Cape  Orleans.  Another,  seven 
leagues  from  it,  lying  north  and  by  east,  was  called 
Wild  Men's  Cape.  A  river  wherein  boats  of  wild 
men  were  seen  was  called  the  River  of  Boats.  Car- 
thier entered  this  river,  and  was  pleased  with  the  tem- 
perature of  the  country  and  the  quality  of  the  land  : 
there  was  here  a  great  change  from  what  had  been 
seen  before ;  nothing  was  now  wanting  but  good  har- 
bours. He  describes  himself  as  being  on  the  3d  of 
July  in  a  gulf  or  bay,  the  midst  of  which  is  forty- 
seven  degrees  and  a  half  in  latitude.     A  cape  south 


II. 


CHAP.  ».]        VOYAGE    TO   NEWFOUNDLAND    IN    1534. 


359 


les 

it 

lint 

rth- 

rom 

teen 

med 

from 

gues 

r  soil 

bears 

sland. 

/est  is 

isde- 


3 


was  called  the  Cape  of  Hope,  from  the  hope  that  a 
passage  would  be  found  there ;  a  harbour  on  the  north 
side  was  named  St.  Martin's.  Here  Carthier's  ves- 
sels stayed  from  the  4th  of  July  till  the  12th,  during 
which  time  he  and  his  men  visited  the  Bay  des  Cha- 
leurs,  so  called  from  its  great  heat,  and  trafficked 
with  the  natives.  ^^    ^^  ,1  <<^  ;^  i^ 

On  the  12th  of  July,  Carthier  went  from  St.  Mar- 
tin's creek  along  the  sea  coast  eastward  about  eighteen 
leagues,  to  the  Cape  of  Prato,  near  which  he  an- 
chored that  night.  He  went  thence  to  a  river  five  or 
six  leagues  northward,  where,  because  of  the  badness 
of  the  weather,  he  stayed  in  harbour  till  the  25th. 
The  natives  here  were  seen  fishing  for  mackerel,  of 
which  there  was  great  plenty.  Carthier  and  his  men 
went  on  land :  the  natives  received  them  in  a  friendly 
manner,  and  traded  with  them. 

"  Upon  the  24th  of  the  month,"  the  account  proceeds,* 
"  we  caused  a  fair  high  cross  to  be  made  of  the  height  of 
thirty  foot,  which  was  made  in  the  presence  of  many  of 
them,  upon  the  point  of  the  entrance  of  the  said  haven,  in 
the  midst  whereof  we  hanged  up  a  shield  with  three  Floure 
de  Luces  in  it,  and  in  the  top  was  carved  in  the  wood  with 
antique  letters  this  posy,  Vive  le  Roy  de  France.  Then 
before  them  all  we  set  it  upon  the  said  point.  They  with 
great  heed  beheld  both  the  making  and  setting  of  it  up. 
So  soon  as  it  was  up,  we  altogether  kneeled  down  before 
them,  with  our  hands  toward  Heaven,  yielding  God  thanks; 
and  we  made  signs  unto  them,  showing  them  the  Heavens, 
and  that  all  our  salvation  dependoth  only  on  Him  which  in 
them  dwelleth :  whereat  they  showed  a  great  admiration, 
looking  first  one  at  another,  and  then  upon  the  cross.     And 


'  3  Hakluyt,  p.  909. 


360 


VOTA6E   TO   NEWFOUNDLAND   IN    1534.  ["OOK  li. 


after  we  were  returned  to  our  ships,  their  captain,  clad  in 
an  old  bear's  skin,  with  three  of  his  sons,  and  a  brother  of 
his  with  him,  came  unto  us  in  one  of  their  boats,  but  they 
came  not  so  near  us  as  they  were  wont  to  do :  there  he 
made  a  long  oration  unto  us,  showing  us  the  cross  we  had 
set  up,  and  making  a  cross  with  two  fingers  ]  then  did  he 
show  us  all  the  country  about  us,  as  if  he  would  say  that 
all  was  his,  and  that  we  should  not  set  up  any  cross  with- 
out his  leave.  His  talk  being  ended,  we  showed  him  an 
axe,  faining  that  we  would  give  it  him  for  his  skin,  to 
which  he  listened,  for  by  little  and  little  he  came  near  our 
ships.  One  of  our  fellows  that  was  in  our  boat,  took  hold 
on  theirs  and  suddenly  leapt  into  it,  with  two  or  three 
more,  who  enforced  them  to  enter  into  our  ships,  whereat 
they  were  greatly  astonished.  But  our  captain  did  straight- 
ways  assure  them,  that  they  should  have  no  harm,  nor  any 
injury  offered  them  at  all,  and  entertained  them  very  friend- 
ly, making  them  eat  and  drink.  Then  did  be  show  them 
with  signs  that  the  cross  was  but  only  set  up  to  be  as  a 
light  and  leader  which  ways  to  enter  into  the  port,  and  that 
we  would  shortly  come  again  and  bring  good  store  of  iron 
wares  and  other  things,  but  that  we  would  take  two  of  his 
children  with  us,  and  afterward  bring  them  to  the  said 
port  again ;  and  so  we  cloathed  two  of  them  in  shirts  and 
coloured  coats,  with  red  caps,  and  put  about  every  one's 
neck  a  copper  chain,  whereat  they  were  greatly  contented : 
then  gave  they  their  old  deaths  to  their  fellows  that  went 
back  again,  and  we  gave  to  each  one  of  those  three  that  went 
back,  a  hatchet  and  some  knives,  which  made  them  very 
glad.  After  these  were  gone  and  had  told  the  news  unto 
their  fellows,  in  the  afternoon  there  came  to  our  ships  five 
boats  of  them,  with  five  or  six  men  in  every  one,  to  take 
their  farewell  of  those  two  we  had  detained  to  take  with  us, 
and  brought  them  some  fish,  uttering  many  words  which 
we  did  not  understand,  making  signs  that  they  would  not 
remove  the  cross  we  had  set  up." 


K  II> 


CRAP.  II.]         VOYAGE   TO   NEWFOUNDLAND-  I»   1534. 


361 


1  in 
ir  of 
they 
B  he 
had 
d  he 
that 
with- 
in an 
in,  to 
ir  our 
:  hold 
three 
hereat 
raight- 
lor  any 
friend- 
V  them 
be  as  a 
nd  that 
of  iron 
)  of  his 
he  said 
irts  and 
■y  one's 
itented : 
lat  went 
lat  went 
em  very 
ws  unto 
hips  five 
,  to  take 
with  us, 
is  which 
ould  not 


On  the  25th  of  July,  Carthier,  coining  out  of  the 
river,  sailed  east  northeast.  He  proceeded  along  the 
land  which  lay  southeast  and  northwest  till  the  29th, 
when  he  saw  another  cape  where  the  land  began  to 
bend  toward  the  east.  This*  cape  was  in  latitude 
forty-nine  degrees  and  a  half:  he  named  it  Cape  St. 
Aluise,  because  it  was  his  day.  From  St.  Aluise  Cape 
to  another  called  Cape  Memorancie,  about  fifteen 
leagues,  the  land  begins  to  bend  northwest. 

Carthier  went  along  the  land  to  the  latitude  of  fifty 
degrees,  still  bending  northwest.  From  the  1st  to  the 
5th  of  August,  he  was  between  high  lands,  distant 
from  one  to  the  other  about  fiileen  leagues :  the  mid- 
dle between  them  both  was  fifty  degrees  and  a  half 
in  latitude.  Because,  on  St.  Peter's  day  he  entered 
this  strait,  he  named  it  St.  Peter's  Strait.  A  cape 
lying  southward,  where  the  land  begins  to  bend  south- 
west he  named  Cape  Tiennot,  after  the  captain  of 
the  people  who  were  on  that  cape,  some  of  whom 
came  to  the  ships.  It  was  now  determined  to  pro- 
ceed homeward.  On  the  15th  of  August,  he  de- 
parted from  the  port  of  White  Sands,  and  on  the  5th 
of  September  was  again  at  the  port  of  St.  Malo. 
After  the  return  of  Carthier,  the  land  which  he  had 
visited  was,  by  the  French,  generally  called  New 
France.   ••■>•'  'i't^--'-^ 


-(■;;    ^^^ip*^''! 


?f  ^v  ■•v"^^- 


i>rM'(:vhii 


■  '•''■..  1  ■'.-  ■' 


'■'■-:,  :.i    ;>;■■ 


m 


>v'r>'.! 

ii'.  .Ufp^> 

•  1 

;    ;  1 

'      ^   '.    '  1. 

• '  ^.'• 

;'A-^-i:idff 

■  ■-    ■ 

!'■]  rii.-im 

t::i    k 


■U-    ->   .  i"uw..rt 


362 


DISCOTKBT  or  THE  8T.  LAWBKMCB  ;  1535.       ["OOK  II. 


-j4H;s^<ii.?  ..'...*  .^•' 


■t  ^,.f. 


^,  .}iJih:7  "Jm  :iiUltl 


^> 


fAi^ 


CHAPTER  X. 


Of  the  BecoDd  voyage  of  Jacques  Cartbier,  wherein  he  explored  the  St. 

Lawrence  in  1535. 


■  ♦  !  :.fVi8^fiAJi,    i.M 


Jacques  Carthier  commenced  his  second  voyage 
from  St.  Malo,  on  the  19th  of  May,  with  three  ships. 
There  was  stormy  weather  on  the  way,  which  sepa- 
rated the  ships.  That  of  Carthier  arrived  in  New- 
foundland the  7th  of  July,  and  came  to  the  island  of 
Birds  in  forty-nine  degrees  forty  minutes.  On  the 
8th  he  came  to  the  port  of  White  Sands  in  the  bay 
of  Castles,  where  on  the  26th  he  was  joined  by  the 
other  two  ships.  On  the  29th,  sailing  along  the 
northern  coast,  that  runs  northeast  and  southwest,  he 
passed  two  islands  which  he  called  St.  William's 
islands ;  they  are  described  as  twenty  leagues  or  more 
from  the  port  of  Brest.  On  the  30th  he  sailed  west- 
ward to  other  islands  which  he  named  St.  Martha's 
islands.  The  last  of  July,  he  came  to  other  islands 
distant  about  seventeen  leagues  and  a  half  from  St. 
German's  cape ;  and  seven  leagues  further  to  Cape 
Thiennbt.  Seven  leagues  and  a  half  beyond  this 
cape,  he  found  amidst  four  islands  that  stretch  into 
the  sea,  a  haven  which  he  named  St.  Nicholas  haven, 
where  he  rested  till  the  7th  of  August,  having  in  the 
mean  time  set  up  on  one  of  the  islands  a  wooden 
cross.  Charlevoix  says,  this  harbour  was  on  the  north 
shore,  near  the  mouth  of  the  St.  Lawrence ;  and  he 


CHAP.  X.]      DISCOVERT  OF  THE  ST.  LAWRENCE  j  1635. 


363 


describes  it  as  being  in  latitude  forty-nine  degrees 
twenty-five  minutes,  and  as  the  only  place  which  pre- 
served to  his  time  the  name  originally  given  by  Jacques 
Carthier.*  On  the  7th  Carthier  came  toward  land  on 
the  south  side,  toward  Cape  Rabast  distant  from  the 
haven  just  mentioned  about  twenty  leagues  north 
northeast  and  south  southwest.  ^.    . 

"  The  next  day  there  rose  a  stormy  and  contrary  wind, 
and  because  we  could  find  no  haven  there  toward  tho 
south,  thence  we  went  coasting  along  toward  the  north, 
beyond  the  above  said  haven  about  ten  leagues,  where  we 
found  a  goodly  great  gulf,  full  of  islands,  passages,  and  en- 
trances, toward  what  wind  soever  you  please  to  bend :  for 
the  knowledge  of  this  gulf,  there  is  a  great  island  that  is 
like  to*  a  cape  of  land,  stretching  somewhat  further  forth 
than  the  others,  and  about  two  leagues  within  the  land, 
there  is  a  hill  fashioned  as  it  were  an  heap  of  corn.  We 
named  the  said  gulf  Saint  Lawrence  his  bay.  The  twelfth 
of  the  said  month  we  went  from  the  said  Saint  Lawrence  Im 
bay,  or  gulf,  sailing  westward,  and  discovered  a  cape  of 
land  toward  the  south,  that  runneth  west  and  by  south, 
distant  from  the  said  Saint  Lawrence  his  bay,  about  five 
and  twenty  leagues.  And  of  the  two  wild  men  which  we 
took  in  our  former  voyage,  it  was  told  us,  that  this  was  part 
of  the  southern  coast,  and  that  there  was  an  island,  on  the 
southerly  part  of  which  is  the  way  to  go  from  Honguedo 
(where  the  year  before  we  had  taken  them,)  to  Canada, 
and  that  two  days  journey  from  the  said  cape  and  island, 
began  the  kingdom  of  Saguenay,  on  the  north  shore  ex- 
tending toward  Canada ;  and  about  three  leagues  athwart 
the  said  cape,  there  is  about  a  hundred  fathom  water. "f 

*  Hawkins's  aupbec,  p.  39, 40. 

t  From  Hakluyt'i  Voyages,  vol.  3,  p.  913. 


1 


364 


DISCOVKBY  OF  THE  8T.  LAWRCNCE  ;  1635.       [■<'<»  >>• 


^^The  name  of  St.  Lawrence  appears  to  have  been 
given  by  Cartbier  to  a  bay,  between  the  island  of  An- 
ticosti  and  the  northern  shore,  and  in  after  time  to 
have  been  extended  to  the  whole  of  the  gulf  and 


■yt-n 


river,     n,  li. 

On  the  15th  of  August,  having  passed  the  strait, 
he  named  a  land  toward  the  south  the  island  of  the 
Assumption.  The  English  afterwards  called  this  island 
Anticosti,  as  being  somewhat  similar  in  sound  to  its 
Indian  name  Natiscotec*  The  countries  lying  north 
of  it  appeared  to  be  higher  than  those  south. 

"  We  bended  toward  the  north  purposing  to  go  and  see 
the  land  we  before  had  spied.  Being  arrived  there,  we 
found  the  said  lands  as  it  were  joined  together,  aqd  low 
toward  the  sea.  And  the  northerly  mountains  that  are  upon 
the  said  low  lands  stretch  east  and  west  and  a  quarter  south. 
Our  wild  men  told  us  that  there  was  the  beginning  of  Sa- 
guenay,  and  that  it  was  land  inhabited,  and  that  thence 
Cometh  the  red  copper,  of  them  named  Caignetclaze.  There 
is  between  the  southerly  lands  and  the  northerly  abont 
thirty  leagues  distance,  and  more  than  two  hundred  fathom 
depth."t  .  . 

The  breadth  of  the  gulf  seems  to  have  been  accu- 
rately determined  by  Cartbier.  Cape  Rosier,  a  small 
distance  to  the  north  of  the  point  of  Gasp6  is  the 
place  which  marks  the  opening  of  the  river ;  and  es- 
timated from  this  cape  the  breadth  is  ninety  miles. 
Measured  from  the  eastern  extremity  of  Gaspe,  the 
width  is  one  hundred  and  twenty  miles,  which  corres- 
ponds with  what  Carthier  says  in  his  eleventh  chapter, 


•  HawkiiM'a  Uaebec,  p.  40, 41. 

t  From  Haklayt't  Voyagei,  vol.  3,  p.  913. 


CHAP.  1.]      DISCOVERT  OF  THE  ST.  LAWRENCE  ;  1535.  365 

to  wit :  that  the  distance  from  one  side  to  the  other 
is  about  thirty-five  or  forty  leagues.*   ,.  .    .         .    .  •, 

"  The  said  men  did  moreover  certify  unto  us,  that  there 
was  the  way  and  beginning  of  the  great  river  of  Hoche- 
laga  and  ready  way  to  Canada,  which  river  the  further  it 
went  the  narrower  it  came,  even  unto  Canada,  and  that 
then  there  was  fresh  water,  which  went  so  far  upwards, 
that  they  had  never  heard  of  any  man  who  had  gone  to 
the  head  of  it,  and  that  there  is  no  other  passage  but  with 
small  boats.  Our  captain  hearing  their  talk,  and  how  they 
did  affirm  no  other  passage  to  be  there,  would  not  at  that 
time  proceed  any  further,  till  he  had  seen  and  noted  the 
other  lands  and  coast  toward  the  north,  which  he  had  omit- 
ted to  see  from  Saint  Lawrence  his  gulf,  because  he  would 
know,  if  between  the  lands  toward  the  north  any  passage 
might  be  discovered. "t 

On  the  18th  of  August  the  captain  caused  his  ships 
to  wend  back  and  bend  toward  the  other  shore.  The 
next  day,  he  came  to  seven  very  high  islands  which 
he  named  The  Round  Islands.  On  the  21st  he  came 
to  the  island  of  Assumption ;  and  on  the  24th  to  a 
haven  on  the  southerly  coast  about  eighty  leagues 
from  the  Round  islands.  This  haven  is  over  against 
three  flat  islands  which  he  named  St.  John's  islets. 

About  fifteen  leagues  fromthis  haven,  towards  the 
west  and  west  southwest  are  three  islands,  over 
against  which  the  two  wild  men  said  was  a  river  that 
run  into  the  country  of  Saguenay;  and  about  five 
leagues  beyond  this  river  was  another  island  on  the 
north  side.     On  the  6th  of  September,  Carthier  as- 


(l•^■t♦ 


*  Hawkins's  Quebec,  p.  40. 

t  Hakliiyt'f  Voyagei,  vol.  3,  p.  913. 


366 


DISCOVERT  or  THE  ST.  LAWRENCE  J  153((.      i*OOU  II. 


cended  the  river  about  fifteen  leagues,  to  an  island 
about  three  leagues  long  and  two  broad,  which,  from 
the  filbert  trees  on  it,  he  called  the  Isle  aux  Coudres, 
or  Island  of  Filberts.  On  the  7th,  he  went  seven  or 
eight  leagues  higher  to  fourteen  islands,  one  of  which, 
twelve  leagues  long  and  five  broad,  he  called  the  Isle 
of  Bacchus.  It  is  now  the  Island  of  Orleans,  and 
greatly  enhances  the  beauty  of  the  prospect  from  the 
high  grounds  of  Quebec.^  Here,  says  Carthier,  "the 
country  of  Canada  beginneth."  He  went  on  land  to 
see  the  natives,  and  took  with  him  the  two  that  he 
had,  whose  names  were  Targnoagny  and  Domagaja. 
The  next  day  the  Lord  of  Canada,  whose  name  was 
Donnacona,  came  to  the  ship  where  those  two  natives 
were  and  spoke  with  them.  They  told  him  what  they 
had  seen  in  France,  and  the  good  entertainment  they 
had  had,  at  which  he  seemed  to  be  very  glad,  and 
praying  the  captain  to  reach  out  his  arm,  kissed  it 
and  laid  it  about  his  own  neck,  to  shew  that  he  made 
much  of  him.  Then  the  captain  distributed  bread 
and  wine  to  the  lord  and  his  company,  with  which 
they  were  much  pleased. 

Carthier  passed  up  the  river  about  ten  leagues  far- 
ther, at  the  end  of  which  was  a  goodly  and  pleasant 
sound,  where  was  a  little  river  and  haven  fit  to  har- 
bour the  ships  in,  which  he  named  Santa  Croix,  (the 
Holy  Cross.)  Near  to  it  was  a  village  called  Stada- 
cona,  of  which  Donnacona  was  lord.  Mr.  Hawkins 
thinks  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  "  goodly  and 
pleasant  sound,"  above  mentioned,  is  the  beautiful 
basin  of  Quebec,  and  that  Santa  Croix  is  the  little 


*  Hawkins's  Quebec,  p.  43. 


■  It> 


CBAP.  K.]       DI8C0VCRT  or  THE  ST.  LAWRENCE;  1535. 


36T 


and 
rom 
Ires, 
n  or 
tiich, 
)  Isle 
,  and 
nthe 
"the 
ind  to 
aathe 
agaja. 
e  was 
natives 
at  they 
nt  they 
id,  and 
issed  it 
e  made 
I  bread 
1  which 


river  St.  Charles  to  the  north  of  the  city.  His  idea 
is,  that  Stadacona  stood  on  that  part  of  Quebec  now 
covered  by  the  suburbs  of  St.  Roch,  and  part  of  those 
of  St.  John,  looking  towards  the  St.  Charles.* 

The  two  natives  refused  to  accompany  Carthier 
any  further  up  the  river.  Nevertheless,  Carthier, 
with  a  pinnace  and  two  boats  sailed  up  it  from  the 
19th  until  the  28th,  and  "saw  as  goodly  and  pleasant 
a  country  as  possibly  can  be  wished  for."  He  had 
stopped  on  the  way  at  a  plac&  called  Hochelai,  about 
twenty-five  leagues  from  Canada,  where  the  river  be- 
ing narrow  and  running  swiftly,  was  dangerous  for 
that  reason,  and  also  because  of  the  large  stones  in  it. 
On  the  28th  of  September  he  came  to  a  great  lake 
five  or  six  leagues  broad  and  twelve  long,  at  the  head 
of  which  were  four  or  five  branches,  which,  about  fif- 
teen leagues  beyond,  all  came  into  one.  This  was 
the  Lake  St.  Peter.f     . .....v  „,  ,^,      ,.  r  .. ,   .^•^iu.; .  r«». 

It  not  being  possible  for  the  pinnace  to  go  further, 
Carthier,  having  put  on  the  boats  as  much  as  they 
could  well  bear,  proceeded  with  the  boats  forty-five 
leagues,  to  a  point  near  the  town  of  Hochelaga. 

It  was  on  the  2d  of  October  that  he  arrived  at  this 
place,  supposed  by  Mr.  Hawkins^  to  have  been  about 
six  miles  from  the  town,  below  the  current  of  St. 
Mary.  The  next  day,  Carthier,  having  gorgeously 
attired  himself,  went  to  see  the  town  and  the  moun- 
tain near  it,  which  he  named  Mount  Royal ;  a  name 
since  extended  to  the  city  beneath  and  to  the  fertile 
island.  All  of  it  is  now  called  Montreal.  The  city 
which  preceded  that  of  Montreal  is  thus  described : 


•  Hawk  imi't  Ouebee,  p.  45, 6.       f  Id.  ^  4D.       t  U.  p.  50. 


368 


DISCOVBBT  or  THE  IT.  LAWBBNCB  ,'  153ff.       [aoOK  II. 


<'  The  City  of  Hochelaga  is  round,  compassed  about  with 
timber,  with  three  courses  of  rampires,  one  within  another, 
framed  like  a  sharp  spire,  but  laid  across  above.  The  mid- 
dlemost of  them  is  made  and  built  as  a  divert  line,  but  per- 
pendicular. The  rampires  are  framed  and  fashioned  with 
pieces  of  timber,  laid  along  on  the  ground,  very  well  and 
cunningly  joined  together  after  their  fashion.  This  enclo* 
sure  is  in  height  about  two  rods.  It  hath  but  one  gate  or 
entry  thereat,  which  is  shut  with  piles,  stakes  und  bars. 
Over  it,  and  also  in  many  places  of  the  wall,  there  be  places 
to  run  along,  and  ladders  to  get  up,  all  full  of  stones,  for  the 
defence  of  it.  There  are  in  the  town  about  fifty  houses, 
about  fifty  paces  long  and  twelve  or  fifteen  broad,  built  all 
of  wood,  covered  over  with  the  bark  of  the  wood  as  broad 
as  any  board,  very  finely  and  cunningly  joined  together. 
Within  the  said  houses,  there  are  many  rooms,  lodgings 
and  chambers.  In  the  midst  of  every  one,  there  is  a  great 
court,  in  the  middle  whereof  they  make  their  fire.  They 
live  in  common  together:  then  do  the  husbands,  wives 
and  children  each  one  retire  themselves  to  their  chambers. 
They  have  also  on  the  top  of  their  houses  certain  garrets, 
wherein  they  keep  their  corn."*  ^  *•  «^*^" 

Alter  experiencing  a  very  kind  reception  from  the 
iiihabitants  of  Hochelaga,  Carthier  returned  on  the 
4th  of  October  to  his  pinnace,  and  the  next  day  de- 
parted with  his  pinnace  and  boats  for  Santa  Croix, 
where  he  arrived  on  the  11th,  and  the  day  after  was 
visited  hy  the  natives.  In  the  description  of  their 
usages  it  is  said, 


j-i<i.it 


f IX ; ; ( 


,t,5  ■ 


TtJ 


"  They  keep  and  observe  the  rites  of  matrimony,  saving 
that  every  one  weddeth  two  or  three  wives,  which  (their 
husbands  being  dead)  do  never  marry  again,  but  for  the 


*  Haklnjrt'i  Collection,  toI.  3,  p.  990. 


CHAP.  1.]      DISCOVERT  OF  THE  8T.  LAWRENCE;   1535. 


36d 


death  of  their  husbands  wear  a  certain  black  weed  all  the 
days  of  their  life,  besmearing  all  their  faces  with  coal  dust 
and  grease  mingled  together  as  thick  as  the  back  of  a  knife, 
and  by  that  they  are  known  to  be  widows.'"* 

In  December,  that  pestilence,  the  scurvy,  seems  to 
have  been  among  the  people  of  Stadacona,  and  to 
have  spread  to  the  French.  So  that  by  the  middle  of 
March,  of  one  hundred  and  ten  persons  eight  were 
dead,  and  the  rest  so  sick  that  it  was  thought  they 
would  not  recover,  except  three  or  four.  The  cap- 
tain then  walking  out  met  Domagara,  who  had  been 
very  sick,  and  was  now  cured  by  drinking  a  decoction 
of  the  bark  and  leaves  of  sassafras,  and  putting  the 
dregs  upon  his  legs.  The  French  tried  this  remedy, 
and  found  it  very  efficient  both  for  the  scurvy  and 
some  other  diseases.f 

Hitherto  the  relations  between  Carthier  and  the  In- 
dians had  been  those  of  amity  and  confidence ;  so 
much  so  that  Donnacona,  on  the  17th  of  September, 
presented  him  a  female  child  (his  sister's)  about  ten 
or  twelve  years  old,  and  two  male  children  yet 
younger ;  and  when  he  was  at  Hochelai,  one  of  the 
chief  lords  offered  him  two  of  his  children,  a  daughter 
seven  or  eight  years  old,  and  a  son  only  two  or  three, 
of  which  Carthier  only  took  the  former,  considering 
the  other  too  young.  Now,  however,  some  suspicion 
and  distrust  seem  to  have  arisen.  And  Carthier  de- 
termined to  take  some  prisoners  to  France  to  shew  to 
the  kin^  It  may  be  questioned  whether  this  deter- 
mination was  not  as  much  the  cause  as  the  effect  of 
the  course  of  the  natives.     On  the  3d  of  May,  being 


*  Hakluyt'a  Collection,  vol.  3,  p.  233. 

47 


t  Id.  p.  92S,  6,  7. 


370 


]>ISCOVERT  or  THE  ST.  LAWlUBNCE  ;  1635.       [>ooK  II. 


Holyrood  day,  he  had  a  cross  of  thirty-five  feet  in 
height  set  up,  under  which  was  hung  a  shield,  whereon 
was  the  arms  of  France,  and  over  them  was  written 
Franciscus  primus,  Dei  Gratia,  Francorum  Rex  reg- 
nat.  The  same  day,  many  of  the  natives  visited  the 
French,  and  Carthier  had  Donnacona,  Targnoagny 
and  Domagia,  and  two  more  of  the  chief  men  taken. 
At  this  Donnacona's  men  were  greatly  distressed,  but 
they  were  told  that  Donnacona  would  be  rewarded 
by  the  King  of  France,  and  return  to  them  again  in 
ten  or  twelve  months.  They  returned  thanks  for  this, 
and  said  if  it  should  be  so  they  would  give  many 
things.         "^'  -■■■' .-  •■  •■-.-■;-.r:"  ••.v/,„^.  ^^■::  ;i;'.-:":-^;> 

On  the  6th  of  May,  Carthier  departed  from  the 
port  of  Santa  Croix.  It  was  the  21st,  before  he  could 
leave  the  Isle  of  Filberts.  Then  he  passed  to  Hon- 
guedo;  a  passage  not  before  discovered.  On  the 
16th  of  June,  he  went  from  St.  Peter's  islands,  and 
came  to  Cape  Ruse,  to  a  port  called  Rognoso.  This 
port  was  left  by  Carthier  the  19th  of  June;  and  he 
had  so  good  a  voyage  that  on  the  6th  of  July  1536, 
he  was  again  at  St.  Malo. 


!7 


V  .  ■ ' 


f*f- 


OBAP.  II.]      VOYAGE    TO   THE    NORTHWEST    IN    1536. 


371 


-,.,  >*-;;; 


V    ir    CHAPTER  XL 


Of  a  voyage  of  Mr.  Hore  and  others  from  England  to  the  northwest 

in  153a 

The  following  account  is  from  the  third  volume  of 
Hakluyt's  Collection,  page  129  to  131.  Mr.  Biddle, 
in  his  Memoir  of  Cabot,  page  278,  referring  to  this 
voyage,  says  it  evidently  contemplated  an  adventurous 
range  of  research.  Members  of  the  bar  will  be  at- 
tracted by  the  name  of  Mr.  Rastall,  Sergeant  Rastall's 
brother: 


.iViV-^'- 


■■'(^l''!^;. 


,>:ij 


"  The  master  Hore  of  London,  a  man  of  goodly  stature 
and  of  great  courage,  and  given  to  the  study  of  cosmogra- 
phy, in  the  twenty-eighth  year  of  King  Henry  the  Eighth, 
and  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1536,  encouraged  divers  gen- 
tlemen and  others,  being  assisted  by  the  king's  favour  and 
good  countenance,  to  accompany  him  in  a  voyage  of  dis- 
covery upon  the  northwest  parts  of  America :  wherein  his 
persuasions  took  such  effect,  that  within  short  space  many 
gentlemen  of  the  inns  of  court  and  of  the  chancery,  and 
divers  others  of  good  worship,  desirous  to  see  the  strange 
things  of  the  world,  very  willingly  entered  into  the  action 
with  him,  some  of  whose  names  were  as  foiloweth :  Mr. 
Weekes,  a  gentleman  of  the  west  country,  of  five  hundred 
marks  by  the  year  living ;  Mr.  Tucke,  a  gentleman  of  Kent ; 
Mr.  Tuckfield;  Mr.  Thomas  Buts,  the  son  of  Sir  William 
Buts,  knight,  of  Norfolk,  which  was  lately  living,  and  from 
whose  mouth  I  wrote  most  of  this  relation ;  Mr.  Hardie ; 
Mr.  Biron;  Mr.  Carter;  Mr.  Wright;  Mr.  Rastall,  Sergeant 


372 


VOYAGE    TO    THE    NORTHWEST    IN    1636.         [BOOK  II. 


Rastall's  brother ;  Mr.  Ridley,  and  divers  others,  which  all 
were  in  the  Admiral,  called  the  Trinity,  a  ship  of  seven 
score  tons,  wherein  Mr.  Hore  himself  was  embarked.  In 
the  other  ship,  whose  name  was  the  Minion,  went  a  very 
learned  and  virtuous  gentleman,  one  Mr.  Armigil  Wade,  af- 
terwards clerk  of  the  councils  of  King  Henry  the  Eighth 
and  King  Edward  the  Sixth,  father  to  the  worshipful  Mr. 
William  Wade,  now  clerk  of  the  privy  council ;  Mr.  Oliver 
Dawbeney,  merchant  of  London ;  Mr.  Joy,  afterward  gen- 
tleman of  the  King's  Chapel,  with  divers  other  of  good  ac- 
count. The  whole  number  that  went  in  the  two  tall  ships 
aforesaid,  to  wit,  the  Trinity  and  the  Minion,  were  about 
six  score  persons,  whereof  thirty  were  gentlemen,  which 
all  we  mustered  in  warlike  manner  at  Gravesend,  and  after 
the  receiving  of  the  sacrament,  they  embarked  themselves 
in  the  end  of  April  1636.  ^  .    l\,„  ,„  ,,, 

"  From  the  time  of  their  setting  out  from  Gravesend, 
they  were  very  long  at  sea,  to  wit,  about  two  months,  and 
never  touched  any  land  until  they  came  to  part  of  the  West 
Indias  about  Cape  Breton,  shaping  their  course  thence 
northeastwards,  until  they  came  to  the  island  of  Penguin, 
which  is  very  full  of  rocks  and  stones,  whereon  they  went, 
and  found  it  full  of  great  fowls,  white  and  grey,  as  big  as 
geese,  and  they  saw  infinite  numbers  of  their  eggs.  They 
drove  a  great  number  of  the  fowls  into  their  boats  upon 
their  sails,  and  took  up  many  of  Irieir  eggs :  the  fowls  they 
flayed,  and  their  skins  were  very  like  honey  combs  full  of 
holes,  being  flayed  ofi":  They  dressed  and  eat  them  and 
found  them  to  be  very  good  and  nourishing  meat.  They 
saw  also  store  of  hares  both  black  and  white,  of  whom 
they  killed  some,  and  took  them  for  no  bad  food. 

"  Mr.  Oliver  Dawbeney,  which  (as  it  is  before  mentioned) 
was  in  this  voyage,  and  in  the  Minion,  told  Mr.  Richard 
Hakluyt  of  the  Middle  Temple,  these  things  following,  to 
wit :  That  after  their  arrival  in  Newfoundland,  and  having 


CHAP.  XI.]      VOYAGE   TO   THE    NORTHWEST    IN    1536. 


373 


■^t"-!*:' 


been  there  certain  days  at  anchor,  and  not  having  yet  seen 
any  of  the  natural  people  of  the  country,  the  same  Daw- 
beney  walking  one  day  on  the  hatches,  spied  a  boat  with 
savages  of  those  parts,  rowing  down  the  bay  toward  them, 
to  gaze  upon  the  ship  and  our  people,  and  taking  view  of 
their  coming  aloft,  he  called  to  such  as  were  under  the 
hatches,  and  willed  them  to  come  up  if  they  would  see  the 
natural  people  of  the  country  that  they  had  so  long  and  so 
much  desired  to  see :  whereupon  they  came  up,  and  took 
view  of  the  savages  rowing  toward  them  and  their  ship, 
and  upon  the  view  they  manned  out  a  ship  boat  to  meet 
them  and  to  take  them.  But  they  spying  our  ship  boat 
making  towards  them,  returned  with  main  force  and  fled 
into  an  island  that  lay  up  in  the  bay  or  river  there,  and  our 
men  pursued  them  into  the  island,  and  the  savages  fled  and 
escaped :  but  our  men  found  a  fire,  and  the  side  of  a  bear 
on  a  wooden  spit  left  at  the  same  by  the  savages  that  were 
fled. 

"  There  in  the  same  place,  they  found  a  boot  of  leather 
garnished  on  the  outward  side  of  the  calf  with  certain 
brave  trails,  as  it  were  of  raw  silk,  and  also  found  a  certain 
great  warm  mitten  ,*  and  these  carried  with  them,  they  re- 
turned to  their  ship,  not  finding  the  savages,  nor  seeing  any 
thing  else  besides  the  soil,  and  the  things  growing  in  the 
same,  which  chiefly  were  store  of  fir  and  pine  trees. 

"  And  further  the  said  Mr.  Dawbeney  told  him,  that  ly- 
ing there  they  grew  into  great  want  of  victuals,  and  that 
there  they  found  small  relief,  more  than  that  they  had  from 
the  nest  of  an  osprey,  that  brought  hourly  to  her  young 
great  plenty  of  divers  sorts  of  fishes.  But  such  was  the 
famine  that  increased  amongst  them  from  day  to  day,  that 
they  were  forced  to  seek  to  relieve  themselves  of  raw  herbs 
and  roots  that  they  sought  on  the  main  :  but  the  famine  in- 
creasing, and  the  relief  of  herbs  being  to  little  purpose  to 
satisfy  their  insatiable  hunger,  in  the  fields  and  deserts  here 


374 


VOTAOE   TO  THE    NORTH WB8T    IN    1536.         ['OOK  "• 


and  there,  the  fellow  killed  his  mate  while  he  stooped  to 
take  up  a  root  for  his  relief,  and  cutting  out  pieces  of  his 
body  whom  he  had  murdered,  broiled  the  same  on  the  coals 
and  greedily  devoured  them. 

"  By  this  mean  the  company  decreased,  and  the  officers 
knew  not  what  was  become  of  them ;  and  it  fortuned  that 
one  of  the  company  driven  with  hunger  to  seek  abroad  for 
relief  found  out  in  the  fields  the  savor  of  broiled  flesh,  and 
fell  out  with  one  for  that  he  would  sufiier  him  and  his  fel- 
lows to  starve,  enjoying  plenty  as  he  thought :  and  this  mat* 
ter  growing  to  cruel  speeches  he  that  had  the  broiled  meat, 
burst  out  into  these  words :  If  thou  wouldst  needs  know, 
the  broiled  meat  that  I  had  was  a  piece  of  such  a  man's 
buttock.  The  report  of  this  brought  to  the  ship,  the  cap- 
tain found  what  became  of  those  that  were  missing,  and 
was  persuaded  that  some  of  them  were  neither  devoured 
with  wild  beasts,  nor  yet  destroyed  with  savages;  and 
hereupon  he  stood  up  and  made  a  notable  oration,  contain- 
ing, how  much  these  dealings  offended  the  Almighty,  and 
vouched  the  Scriptures  from  first  to  last,  what  God  had  in 
cases  of  distress  done  for  them  that  called  upon  him,  and 
told  them  that  the  power  of  the  Almighty  was  tben  no  less 
than  in  all  former  time  it  had  been,  and  added,  that  if  it 
had  not  pleased  God  to  have  helped  them  in  that  distress, 
that  it  had  been  better  to  have  perished  in  body  and  to  have 
lived  everlastingly,  than  to  have  relieved  for  a  poor  time 
their  mortal  bodies  and  to  be  condemned  everlastingly,  both 
body  and  soul,  to  the  unquenchable  fire  of  Hell.  And  thus 
having  ended  to  that  effect,  he  began  to  exhort  to  repent- 
ance, and  besought  all  the  company  to  pray,  that  it  might 
please  God  to  look  upon  their  miserable  present  state,  and 
for  his  own  mercy  to  relieve  the  same.  The  famine  in- 
creasing, and  the  inconvenience  of  the  men  that  were  mis- 
sing being  found,  they  agreed  amongst  themselves  rather 
than  all  should  perish,  to  cast  lots  who  should  be  killed : 


CHAF.  XI.]       VOrXGE  TO   THE    NORTHWEST    IN    1536. 


376 


And  such  was  tho  mercy  of  God,  that  the  same  night  there 
arrived  a  French  ship  in  that  port,  well  furnished  with  vic- 
tual, and  such  was  the  policy  of  the  English,  that  they  be- 
came masters  of  the  same,  and  changing  ships  and  victual- 
ing them,  they  set  sail  to  come  into  England. 

"In  their  journey  they  were  go  far  northwards,  that  they 
saw  mighty  islands.of  ice  in  the  summer  season,  on  which 
were  hawks  and  other  fowls  to  rest  themselves,  being  weary 
of  flying  over  far  from  the  main.  They  saw  also  certain  great 
white  fowls  with  red  bills  and  red  legs,  somewhat  bigger 
than  herons,  which  they  supposed  to  be  storks.  They  ar- 
rived at  St.  Ives  in  Cornwall  about  the  end  of  October. 
Froip  thence  they  departed  unto  a  certain  castle  belonging 
to  Sir  John  Luttrell,  where  Mr.  Thomas  Butsand  Mr.  Rastall 
and  other  gentlemen  of  the  voyage  were  very  friendly. en- 
tertained :  After  that  they  came  to  the  Earl  of  Bath  .at  Bath, 
and  thence  to  Bristol,  so  to  London.  Mr.  Buts  was  so 
changed  in  the  voyage  with  hunger  and  misery,  that  Sir 
William  his  father  and  my  Lady  his  mother  knew  him  not 
to  be  their  son,  until  they  found  a  secret  mark  which  was 
a  wart  upon  one  of  his  knees,  as  he  told  me,  Richard 
Hakluyt  of  Oxford,  himself,  to  whom  I  rode  two  hundred 
miles  only  to  learn  the  whole  truth  of  this  voyage  from  his 
own  mouth,  as  being  the  only  man  now  alive  that  was  in  this 
discovery,     -v         v.         ^    .       •.        '  .-rC-.  .,_'  > 

"Certain  months  after,  those  Frenchmen  came  into  Eng- 
land, and  made  complaint  to  King  Henry  the  Eighth :  The 
king  causing  the  matter  to  be  examined,  and  finding  the 
great  distress  of  his  subjects,  and  the  causes  of  the  dealing 
so  with  the  French,  was  so  moved  with  pity,  that  he  pu- 
nished not  his  subjects,  but  of  his  own  purse  made  full  and 
royal  recompence  unto  the  French. 

"In  this  distress  of  famine,  the  English  did  somewhat 
relieve  their  vital  spirits,  by  drinking  at  the  springs  the  fresh 
water  out  of  certain  wooden  cups,  out  of  which  they  had 
drunk  their  aqua  composita  before." 


376 


EXPEDITION    OF    DE    SOTO    IN    1639. 


[book  ji. 


«»m>'*: 


CHAPTER  XII. 


■:.V  tt;'r, 


Of  the  expedition  of  Ferdipand  de  Soto  to  Florida  in  1539,  and  hie 
march  thence  to  the  Mississippi ;  his  death  in  1541 ;  and  the  subse- 
quent progress  of  his  troops.     ,  .  , 


..r.i'r* 


^  On  Ferdinand  de  Soto,  who  had  served  with  repu- 
tation under  Pizarro  in  Peru,  Charles  the  Fifth  con- 
ferred the  government  of  Cuba,  with  the  rank  of 
General  of  Florida,  and  the  title  of  Marquis  of  the 
lands  which  he  should  conquer  there.  After  making 
a  short  stay  at  Havana,  he  sailed  thence  on  the  18th 
of  May  1539.  A  letter  of  the  9th  of  July  following, 
from  De  Soto  to  the  municipal  body  of  the  City  of 
Santiago  of  the  Isle  of  Cuba,  and  a  relation  of  Luis 
Hernandez  de  Biedma,  who  went  as  factor  to  the  ex- 
pedition, are  in  the  volume  of  Pieces  on  Florida, 
published  at  Paris  in  1841,  in  Ternaux's  Collection 
of  Voyages,  Relations  and  Memoirs.  From  these 
sources,  and  from  the  account  of  the  expedition  found 
in  the  volume  of  Roberts,  mentioned  already  on  page 
295,  this  chapter  is  derived. 

De  Soto  is  stated  in  one  account  to  have  sailed 
with  nine  vessels,  having  on  board  three  hundred  and 
fifty  horse  and  nine  hundred  foot,  together  with  a 
great  number  of  mariners ;  in  another  he  is  stated  to 
have  disembarked  six  hundred  and  twenty  men  and 
two  hundred  and  twenty-three  horses.  He  reached 
the  coast  of  Florida  on  the  25th,  and  anchored  in 


K  II- 


CHAT.  III.]  EXPEDITION    OF    DE    SOTO   IN    1639. 


377 


u-w*- 


nd  hie 
subse- 


!■■* 


repu- 
i  con- 
nk  of 
Df  the 
laking 
e  18th 
3wing, 
City  of 
if  Luis 
the  ex- 
'lorida, 
lection 
these 
1  found 
m  page 


Baya  Honda :  the  Bay  of  Spiritu  Sancto.  The  Spa- 
niards took  possession  of  a  village  on  this  bay,  which 
the  Indians  deserted  on  their  arrival.  On  one  side  of 
the  village  was  a  sort  of  temple  to  an  idol.  The  idol 
was  placed  over  the  entrance,  and  was  in  the  shape 
of  a  bird,  made  of  wood  and  gilded  over. 

De  Soto  sent  Baltasar  de  Gallegos  with  forty  ca- 
valiers and  as  many  foot  soldiers,  to  seek  a  country- 
man who  he  learnt  was  with  one  of  the  caciques. 
On  the  way,  they  met  nine  Indians  coming  with  the 
European.  He  had  in  his  hand  a  bow  and  arrows, 
and  waa.Jiaked  and  painted  like  the  Indians. 


Vl-'-'V 


"  This  man,  whose  name  was  John  Ortiz,  was  a  native  of 
Seville,  and  born  of  a  noble  family.  He  had  served  in  the 
expedition  under  Narvaez  about  twelve  years  before,  and 
had  the  good  fortune  to  escape  back  again  to  Cuba.  Hence 
he  returned  to  Florida  in  a  brigantine,  by  the  desire  of  the 
lady  of  Narvaez,  in  quest  of  her  husband.  At  his  arrival 
upon  this  coast,  meeting  with  some  Indians,  who  pretended 
to  have  a  letter  for  him  from  Narvaez,  he  and  another  were 
rash  enough  to  land,  at  their  invitation,  in  opposition  to  the 
advice  of  the  people  on  board.  The  Indians  immediately 
surrounded  them,  killed  his  companion,  who  offered  to 
make  resistance,  and  carried  off  Ortiz  to  their  chief,  called 
Ucita;  none  on  board  daring  to  land,  to  give  him  any  as- 
sistance. The  Indian  sentenced  him  to  be  burnt  alive, 
which  had  surely  been  his  fate,  but  that  a  sudden  emotion 
of  pity  touched  the  heart  of  Ucita's  daughter,  who  pre- 
vailed upon  her  father  to  give  him  his  life.  Ortiz  was  then 
set  to  guard  the  temple  above  mentioned  from  the  wolves, 
which  often  came  to  carry  off  the  bodies  that  were  laid 
there.  It  happened,  that  these  animals  seized  the  body  of 
the  son  of  an  Indian  of  considerable  rank :  Ortiz  pursued 
48 


378 


EXPEDITION   or    OE    SOTO    IN    1539. 


[■OOK    II. 


them,  and  had  the  good  fortune  to  kill  one  of  the  wolves, 
and  recover  the  carcase.  This  action  endeared  him  to 
Ucita,  who  began  to  treat  him  more  kindly.  Three  years 
passed  thus,  when  an  Indian  chief,  called  Mocoso,  attacked 
Ucita,  burnt  his  village,  and  forced  him  to  fly  to  another 
place  he  had  by  the  sea-shore.  These  wild  people  have  a 
custom  of  sacrificing  the  lives  of  strangers  that  fall  into 
their  hands  to  evil  spirits,  whom  they  suppose  to  be  pleased 
with  such  victims.  This  fate  Ucita  destined  Ortiz  to ;  but 
the  same  girl,  who  had  saved  him  from  the  fire,  counselled 
him  to  fly  to  Mocoso,  who,  she  said,  would  treat  him  well, 
and  wanted  to  see  him.  As  he  was  unacquainted  with  the 
way,  she  put  him  into  the  road,  and  returned  unperceived 
herself.  Ortiz  travelled  till  he  came  to  a  rivulet  on  the 
frontier  of  the  dominions  of  Mocoso,  where  he  found  two 
Indians  fishing.  As  these  people  were  at  war  with  those 
he  came  from,  he  was  apprehensive  they  would  treat  him 
as  an  enemy,  and  the  more  so  because  he  was  unable  to  ex- 
plain his  design,  and  what  brought  him  thither  to  them, 
neither  understanding  the  language  of  the  other ;  to  pre- 
vent this,  he  ran  to  the  place  where  their  arms  lay,  and  in- 
stantly seized  them.  The  Indians,  alarmed,  flew  imme- 
diately to  the  town,  whence  their  cries  presently  brought 
numbers  of  Indians,  who  surrounded  Ortiz,  and  were  upon 
the  point  of  killing  him,  in  vain  crying  out  that  he  was  the 
Christian  of  Ucita ;  when,  providentially,  an  Indian  joined 
them  who  happened  to  understand  his  language,  and  ap- 
peased his  companions  by  explaining  the  words  of  Ortiz 
to  them.  Upon  this,  four  of  the  savages  were  sent  off  vviih 
the  news  to  Mocoso,  who  received  Ortiz  very  cordially,  and 
promised,  if  any  Christians  should  arrive  in  that  country, 
he  would  give  him  leave  to  retire  with  them.  Among 
these  Indians  Ortiz  resided  for  the  course  of  twelve  years, 
and  had  long  despaired  of  ever  seeing  another  European, 
when  Mocoso  informed  him  that  the  Christians  had  made 


OUAP.  III.]         i-  <i.>EDITION   or    DE    SOTO    IN    1539. 


379 


a  descent  at  the  town  of  Ucita.  Ortiz,  at  first,  showed  a 
difficulty  of  believing  him ;  but  the  cacique  seriously  in- 
sisted upon  the  truth  of  this  intelligence,  and  permitted 
him  to  go  to  join  them ;  adding,  that  if  he  did  not,  he 
must  blame  himself  alone  when  the  Christians  were  gone, 
since  the  promise  made  to  him  had  been  performed.  Ortiz 
thanked  the  Indian  in  the  gratefullest  terms,  who,  at  his 
departure,  sent  several  of  his  people  to  escort  him;  and 
these  were  they  whom  the  above  mentioned  party,  from 
Soto's  army,  met."*      *  ''-  .f'j'nt^M 

The  little  party  that  came  to  escort  Ortiz  home  did 
not  escape  being  attacked ;  one  of  them  was  wound- 
ed ;  and  a  horseman  was  running  with  his  lance  at 
their  companion,  when  he  cried  out :  '<  Gentlemen,  I 
am  a  Christian,  do  not  kill  me  nor  these  poor  people 
who  have  given  me  life."  He  and  those  with  him 
were  then  taken  by  the  cavaliers  on  their  horses ;  on 
his  arrival  in  the  camp,  the  general  presented  him 
with  clothes,  arms,  and  a  good  horse.  He  had  been 
so  long  accustomed  to  the  Indian  language,  that  it 
was  more  than  four  days  before  he  could  speak  two 
consecutive  words  of  any  other.  If  he  spoke  one  in 
Spanish,  he  would  add  four  or  five  in  the  language  of 
the  Indians.     ^  ,^ .. 

De  Soto  also  dispatched  Gallegos  with  eighty  lan- 
cers and  one  hundred  foot  soldiers  to  reconnoitre  the 
country.  They  first  marched  west ;  then  northeast. 
Arriving  near  a  cacique  named  Hurripacuxi,  diitant 
twenty  leagues  from  the  coast,  he  sent  some  Indians 
to  treat  with  the  Spaniards.  De  Soto  writes,  that 
after  having  concluded  with  the  Spaniards,  he  did  not 


*Bob«rta,p.  35to37. 


•fvfi;, -iA     ', 


380 


EXPCDITIOtf    or    DE    80T0    IN    1539.  V^OK  II. 


keep  his  promises ;  and  that  for  this  reason,  Gallegos 
caused  him  to  be  arrested,  with  seventeen  Indians, 
among  whom  were  some  chiefs.  Roberts  states  that 
the  Spanish  officer  put  the  Indian  messengers  in  irons 
and  sent  information  of  his  proceedings  to  De  Soto, 
who  leaving  part  of  his  men  to  guard  the  post, 
marched  with  the  rest  and  joined  Gallegos.  After 
passing  with  some  difficulty  a  very  rapid  river,  they 
arrived  at  a  small  village  called  Cale  or  Ocale  or  £to- 
cale,  which  was  found  deserted.  Here  they  stopped 
seven  or  eight  days  and  took  three  or  four  Indians  to 
serve  as  glides  in  the  province  of  Apalache.  Leav- 
ing Cale  on  the  11th  of  August,  Soto  took  the  direc- 
tion of  New  Spain,  marching  along  at  a  distance  of 
ten  or  twelve  leagues  from  the  coast.  He  lay  first  at 
Hara,  next  at  Potano,  then  at  Utimana,  and  on  the 
fourth  day  at  a  place  called  by  the  Spaniards  Mala- 
paz,  whence  he  came  to  a  village  named  Aguacale- 
cuen.  Here  it  was  intimated  to  Soto,  that  Narvaez 
had  not  penetrated  into  the  country  beyond  where 
they  now  were,  but  the  general  determined  to  go 
farther.  The  Spaniards  stopped  here  five  or  six 
days  and  possessed  themselves  of  ten  or  twelve  wo- 
men, one  of  whom  was  daughter  of  the  cacique. 
The  cacique  presented  himself  in  a  friendly  way,  but 
he  too  was  carried  off.  Leaving  Aguacalecuen  on 
the  20th  of  September,  in  five  days  Soto  arrived  at 
Napetaca.  About  this  place  the  Indians  attempted  to 
regain  their  cacique ;  Biedma  puts  the  number  of  the 
Indians  at  one  hundred  and  fifty ;  Roberts,  it  will  be 
perceived,  states  the  number  larger ;  his  account  is  as 
follows: 


CHAP.  III.]         EXPEDITION   or   DE    lOTO    IN    1539. 


381 


/  "  John  Ortiz  learned  from  an  Indian,  that  they  had  re- 
solved to  assemble  and  attack  the  army,  in  order  to  set  their 
chief  at  liberty  by  force.  The  general  being  apprised  of 
this,  ordered  all  the  infantry  and  cavalry  to  arm,  and  to  re- 
main so  prepared  in  their  quarters,  not  to  give  the  Indians 
any  suspicion,  who,  to  the  number  of  four  hundred,  in  arms, 
were  posted  in  a  wood  a  little  way  from  the  camp.  Thus 
stationed,  they  sent  two  men  to  demand  their  cacique  of 
the  governor;  who,  taking  him  by  the  hand,  and  talking 
to  him,  the  better  to  satisfy  the  Indians,  advanced  near  the 
place  where  they  had  posted  themselves;  but,  observing 
them  to  be  preparing  for  battle,  he  commanded  an  alarm  to 
be  sounded ;  at  which  all  the  Spaniards  rushed  out  with 
such  fury,  that  the  Indians,  surprised  and  thrown  into  con- 
fusion, thought  only  of  flight.  Forty  of  them  were  killed 
on.  the  spot  by  the  spear,  and  the  rest  threw  themselves 
into  two  neighbouring  lakes,  where  the  Spaniards  fired  upon 
them  as  they  were  swimming,  though  to  little  effect.  Soto 
not  having  people  enough  for  both,  surrounded  only  one  of 
the  lakes,  out  of  which  the  Indians  endeavoured  to  escapcr 
by  swimming  softly  to  the  banks  in  the  night,  covering 
their  heads  with  water-lilies ;  but  the  horse,  perceiving  the 
water  to  be  put  in  motion,  pushed  up  to  the  belly  in  the 
lake,  and  drove  them  back  again.  A  great  part  of  the 
night  having  thus  passed,  without  any  repose  on  either  side, 
Ortiz  called  out  to  them  to  submit  to  the  governor,  since 
there  was  no  possibility  of  escaping :  which  they  at  last 
agreed  to  do,  compelled  by  the  severe  cold  they  felt  in  the 
water.  They  all  surrendered,  except  about  twelve,  who 
resolutely  determined  rather  to  die  in  the  lake ;  but  the  In- 
dians of  Paracoxi  threw  themselves  in,  dragged  them  out 
by  the  hair,  and  they  were  immediately  chained  together. 
All  the  rest  were  divided  amongst  the  Spaniards,  to  serve 
as  slaves.  The  misery  of  this  slavery  was  so  intolerable 
to  those  savages,  that  they  resolved  to  free  themselves  from 


382 


KXPEOITIOIf   or    OB    SOTO   IN    1539. 


[■OOB    II. 


it;  and,  for  that  end,  one  of  them,  who  acted  as  inter- 
preter, undertook  to  strangle  the  general  whilst  he  was 
talking  with  him,  by  throwing  both  hands  at  once  suddenly 
upon  his  neck ;  but,  in  the  instant  of  attempting  it,  Soto 
struck  the  Indian  upon  the  face  so  furiously,  as,  in  a  mo- 
ment, to  cover  it  over  with  blood.  All  the  Indians  were 
roused  at  this  signal,  and  a  terrible  battle  ensued ;  each  sa- 
vage using  for  a  weapon,  the  club  with  which  they  bruised 
the  maize,  or  the  sword  or  lances  of  their  masters  that 
happened  to  lie  near  them,  and  managed  them  with  as 
much  dexterity  as  the  Spaniards  themselves  could  do;  till, 
at  last,  after  having  given  wonderful  proof  of  valour  and  in- 
trepidity, they  were  overpowered  by  numbers,  and  the  whole 
body,  consisting  of  about  two  hundred,  taken ;  several  of 
whom  were  fastened  to  stakes,  and  shot  to  death  by  the 
arrows  of  the  Paracozi  Indians."*         ynp  t-i  .  .  ,  <■ 

The  Spaniards  marched  from  Napetaca  on  the  23d 
of  September,  and  in  a  province  named  Veachile,  or 
Uzachil,  passed  a  river  on  which  were  some  villages 
that  had  been  abandoned.  In  scouring  the  country, 
about  one  hundred  Indians  were  picked  up  and  di- 
vided among  the  soldiery,  to  be  used  for  servile  offices. 
Of  these,  we  are  told  that  "  the  chain  they  were  fas- 
tened with,  by  the  neck,  did  not  much  hinder  them ;" 
and  that  "  as  for  the  women  and  children  they  were 
sufTered  to  go  unchained,  whenever  they  had  come 
sixty  or  a  hundred  miles  from  their  respective  homes." 

The  general  proceeded  to  a  village  named  A  guile, 
or  Axille,  on  the  frontier  of  the  province  of  Apalache, 
separated  from  the  former  by  a  river.  Over  this  the 
Spaniards  threw  a  bridge  built  of  a  great  number  of 
barks  attached  to  one  another.     They  crossed  the  ri- 

*  BoberU,  p.  39, 40. 


CHAP,  til.]         EXrCDITION    or    DE    SOTO    IN    1539. 


383 


ver  with  much  trouble ;  for  tho  Indians  on  its  bank 
forbid  its  passage.  When  the  Spaniards  had  gotten 
over,  the  Indians  went  to  a  neighbouring  village 
named  Ivitachuco.  To  this  they  net  fire  us  the  Spa- 
niards were  approaching  it. 

The  Spaniards  having  arrived  at  a  village  called 
Iniahico,  distant  a  hundred  and  ten  leagues  from  the 
port  where  the  rest  of  the  men  had  been  left,  went 
nine  miles  to  the  place  on  the  coast  where  Narvaez 
had  his  barks  constructed.  They  saw  a  great  num- 
ber of  bones  of  horses,  and  recognized  the  place 
where  a  forgo  had  been  established.  The  Indians 
related  that  some  other  Christians  had  built  barks 
in  this  place.  '  v  »  ;»   <  .    :  '^  •*  - 

Juan  de  Anasco,  by  the  orders  of  the  general,  went 
back  to  the  port  and  sent  thence  the  troop  to  this 
place,  and  brought  hither  the  foot  soldiers  in  two  bri- 
gantines.  He  arrived  at  Paleche  the  25th  of  De- 
cember. After  the  arrival  of  the  brigantines,  the  go- 
vernor made  them  set  out  again  to  seek  a  neighbour- 
ing port.  Francisco  Maldonado  of  Salamanca  hav- 
ing embarked  for  this  purpose,  came  in  a  province 
called  Ochuse  to  a  good  port;  described  as  sixty 
leagues  from  Paleche.  When  Maldonado  returned 
after  an  absence  of  two  months,  the  governor  told 
him  that  he  was  going  to  seek  a  country  on  another 
sea.  Maldonado  was  directed  to  go  to  Cuba  with  the 
brigantines  (on  board  of  which  was  Dona  Isabella  de 
Bobadilla,  wife  of  the  governor,)  and  to  come  back 
with  them  to  the  river  of  Saint  Esprit.  De  Soto  left 
Paleche  the  3d  of  March  1540,  and  marched  towards 
the  north  to  search  for  gold ;  being  induced  to  do  so 


364 


MARCH    OF    DB    SOTO   IN    1540. 


[book  II. 


by  information  received  from  a  young  Indian  taken 
at  Napetaca.  The  men  were  ordered  to  take  provi- 
sion for  sixty  leagues  of  desert,  which  they  were  oh- 
Uged,  we  are  told,  to  carry  themselves,  "  as  the  Indian 
prisoners  had  for  the  most  part  perished  through  the 
winter's  fatigue."  In  five  days  they  came  to  a  very 
rapid  river  on  which  they  could  not  construct  a  bridge 
because  of  the  force  of  the  current.  They  made  a 
canoe ;  and  it  took  them  a  day  and  a  half  to  cross  in 
this.  They  arrived  on  the  11th  of  March  at  Acapa- 
chequi,  or  Capachiqui,  and  on  the  21st  at  Toalli,  hav- 
ing been  a  good  deal  annoyed  on  the  way  by  the  In- 
dians. They  encountered  tv/o  rivers  over  which  they 
had  to  make  bridges  of  pine  trees  attached  to  one 
another ;  came  to  a  province  named  Otoa,  where  they 
found  the  most  considerable  village  that  they  had  yet 
seen ;  and  were  five  or  six  days  crossing  a  province 
named  Chesi.  They  marched  then  three  days  with- 
out finding  any  habitation,  and  came  to  a  province 
called  Altapaha. 

"  We  found  there,"  says  Biedma,  "  a  river  which  does 
not  run  towards  the  south,  like  those  we  had  already  passed ; 
it  came  from  from  the  east  and  enters  the  sea  on  the  coast 
where  the  Licentiate  Lucas  d'Aillon  arrived." 

The  troops  proceeded  to  Ocute  and  to  Cofoqui, 
the  caciques  whereof  furnished  eight  hundred  Indians 
to  carry  provisions  and  baggage.  The  guides  took 
immediately  the  direction  of  the  east.  The  Spa- 
niards marched  so  for  three  days,  and  then  in  half  a 
league  came  to  a  large  river.  Juan  de  Aiiasco  being 
told  to  descend  it  in  the  direction  of  the  south  south- 


OK   II- 


CHAr.  XII.] 


MARCH    OF    DE    SOTO   IN    1540. 


385 


iken 
rovi- 
3  ob- 
[idian 
hthe 
L  very 
)ridge 
ade  a 
OSS  in 
Lcapa- 
i,  hav- 
Lhe  In- 
ib  tbey 
to  one 
ire  they 
lad  yet 
rovince 
^s  witb- 
rovince 


ich  does 

passed ; 

the  coast 


east,  returned  in  four  days,  saying  he  had  found  a  Ut- 
ile hamlet  and  some  provisions.  The  general  pro- 
ceeded thither  and  stayed  there  three  or  four  days. 

"  We  set  out,"  continues  Biedma,  "  for  the  village  of  Co- 
fitachyque,  which  was  in  two  days  march  from  this  hamlet, 
situate  on  the  bank  of  a  river  which  we  believed  to  be  that 
of  Saint  Helena,  where  the  Licentiate  Ayllon  went.  When 
we  arrived  there,  the  queen  sent  us  one  of  her  nieces,  who 
was  carried  on  a  litter  by  the  Indians,  and  seemed  to  have 
much  authority.  She  said  she  was  well  content  that  we 
had  arrived  at  her  house,  and  would  give  us  all  in  her  power. 
She  offered  to  the  governor  a  necklace  of  pearls  of  five  or 
six  rows,  procured  for  us  some  canoes  to  pass  the  river,  and 
gave  us  for  lodgings  half  the  village.  After  three  or  four 
days,  she  fled  to  the  forest.  The  governor  had  search 
made  for  her,  but  she  could  not  be  found.  He  caused  to 
be  opened  a  temple  wherein  the  chiefs  of  the  country  were 
interred.     We  took  from  it  a  large  quantity  of  pearls." 

Biedma  goes  on  to  say, 

"  We  found  interred  two  hatchets  from  Spain,  for  cutting 
wood,  a  chaplet  of  berries  of  the  wild  olive  tree  and  some 
small  pearls  like  those  which  they  bring  from  Spain  to  use 
in  exchanges  with  the  Indians.  We  thought  that  they  had 
procured  all  these  objects  in  trafficking  with  the  people 
who  had  accompanied  the  licentiate  Ayllon.  Afterwards 
these  Indians  told  us  the  sea  was  thirty  leagues  from  them. 
We  learnt  that  the  company  of  Ayllon  had  advanced  very 
little  into  the  interior ;  that  it  had  followed  almost  always 
the  sea  coast  until  his  death,  and  that  his  companions  killed 
one  another,  not  being  able  to  agree  amongst  themselves 
upon  the  choice  of  a  chief.  A  large  number  died  of  hun- 
ger, as  was  related  by  one  of  the  soldiers  who  remained  in 
49 


386 


MARCH    or    DE    SOTO    IN    1540. 


[book  ii. 


the  country.     Of  six  hundred  men  whom  Ayllon  had  dis 
embarked,  there  escaped  only  fifty-seven."*         ,  r. 


■(■^ 


While  the  Spaniards  remained  in  the  village  of  this 
queen,  the  young  Indian  before  mentioned  was  bap- 
tized by  the  name  of  Pedro,  and  loosed  from  the 
chain  which  he  had  dragged  all  the  way  hither.  After 
staying  here  ten  or  twelve  days,  the  Spaniards  pro- 
ceeded north.  They  marched  for  eight  days  in  a 
poor  country,  in  which  they  found  but  few  provisions, 
and  came  to  a  province  named  Xuala.  Cofitachyque 
is  mentioned  to  be  about  one  hundred  and  thirty  miles 
from  Ocute,  and  Xuala  about  two  hundred  and  fifty 
miles  from  Cofitachyque.  In  Xuala  they  were  in  a 
mountainous  country.  Biedma  speaks  of  going  to 
the  source  of  the  great  river  which  they  had  followed. 
Thence  they  passed  to  a  village  called  Guasuli  or 
TuaxuUa,  and  in  four  days  more  came  to  a  village 
called  China  or  Chiaha ;  mentioned  by  Biedma  as  in 
an  isle  of  the  river.  Roberts  describes  Chiaha  as 
situated  on  a  river  which  dividing  into  two  branches 
formed  an  island  somewhat  more  than  a  mile  long  and 
two  bow  shots  across.  The  army  rested  here  twenty- 
six  or  twenty-seven  days. 

"  The  cacique  of  Acoste  came  to  offer  his  services  to 
Soto,  who  enquired  of  him  whether  he  knew  of  any  rich 
or  fertile  country  ?  He  answered,  that  more  to  the  north, 
there  lay  the  province  of  Chisca,  where  copper  was  found, 
and  another  metal  purer  and  livelier,  which,  though  more 
beautiful  than  the  former,  was  yet  not  much  used,  because 
it  was  softer.     Charmed  with  this  relation,  Soto  determined 


*  See  ante,  chapter  1,  p.  399. 


>K  n. 


CHAP.   XII.] 


MARCH   or    DE    SOTO    IN    1540. 


387 


dis- 

■[  d 

this 
bap- 
1  the 
After 
i  pro- 

in  a 
isions, 
ihyque 
f  miles 

id  fifty 

:e  in  a 
)ing  to 
illowed. 
isuU  or 
I  village 
na  as  in 
liaha  as 
•ranches 
ong  and 
twenty- 


rvices  to 
any  rich 
the  north, 
as  found, 
lUgh  more 
„,  because 
etermined 


to  make  for  Chisca ;  but,  being  informed  that  mountains 
interposed,  craggy  and  impenetrable  to  cavalry,  he  thought 
of  avoiding  the  direct  road,  and  to  pass  some  way  about,  if 
possible,  through  a  peopled  country,  where  both  men  and 
horses  might  find  better  subsistence,  and  he  more  perfect 
intelligence.  To  accomplish  this  the  easier,  he  dispatched 
two  Spaniards  to  Chisca,  with  an  interpreter,  and  some  In- 
dians acquainted  with  the  country,  who  were  to  meet  him 
at  an  appointed  place. 

"  Soto  now  took  leave  of  the  cacique  of  Chiaha*,  and 
having  made  him  some  presents,  with  which  he  was  greatly 
pleased,  marched  for  Acoste,  where  he  arrived  on  the  12th 
of  July;  and,  having  pitched  his  camp  at  a  small  distance 
from  the  town,  entered  it  himself  with  eight  guards.  The 
cacique  received  him  with  much  civility;  but,  as  they 
were  conversing,  a  few  Spanish  soldiers  entered  the  town, 
in  quest  of  maize,  and  not  finding  any  to  their  liking,  they 
began  to  ransack  for  it  in  the  houses ;  which  so  provoked 
the  Indians,  that  they  fell  upon  the  soldiers  with  clubs,  and 
beat  them  severely.  Soto  saw  his  danger;  the  natives 
were  enraged,  and  his  person  in  their  hands.  On  this  oc- 
casion, therefore,  he  deigned  to  dissemble,  though  very  dis- 
agreeable to  his  nature ;  and,  snatching  up  a  stick,  ran  im- 
mediately and  assisted  the  Indians  to  beat  the  Spaniards, 
dispatching  at  the  same  instant,  a  man  to  the  camp,  with 
orders  for  the  horse  to  advance,  well  armed.  Then,  taking 
the  hand  of  the  cacique  very  aflfectionately,  he  drew  him 
insensibly,  while  conversing,  into  a  path  in  sight  of  the 
army;  during  which,  the  horse,  advancing  in  file,  sur- 
rounded and  carried  both  him  and  his  Indians  into  the 
camp,  where  the  general  confined  them,  and  declared  they 
should  not  regain  their  liberty  until  they  had  furnished  the 
army  with  guides,  and  those  Spaniards  who  were  sent  to 
Chisca,  should  have  returned  in  safety. 


388 


MARCH    OF    DE    SOTO   IN    1540. 


[book  II. 


y , 


"  Three  days  after,  they  returned  with  news  that  the 
way  wherein  the  Indians  conducted  them,  as  the  best,  was 
so  miserably  rugged,  and  the  country  so  barren,  that  no 
army  could  possibly  march  through  it ;  and,  therefore,  see- 
ing it  would  be  to  no  purpose  to  proceed,  they  had  re- 
solved to  turn  back  again."*' 

■      y    ■  '■■'■>- 

The  cacique  was  set  at  liberty  on  furnishing  guides 

to  the  army,  which  then  marched  to  Tali,  where  it 
arrived  the  9th  of  July.  For  six  days  Soto  marched 
over  the  lands  of  the  cacique  of  Coca  or  Cosa,  where 
he  arrived  the  16th  of  July.  Leaving  Cosa  on  the 
20th  of  August,  he  took  the  direction  of  the  west 
and  southwest.  The  account  in  Roberts  is,  that  he 
marched  first  to  Tallimuchase  and  thence  to  Itava, 
where  he  had  to  wait  a  few  days  for  the  water  of  the 
river  to  fall.  He  then  marched  to  Ulliballi,  a  town 
situated  on  a  rivulet,  and  palisadoed  around.  He 
marched  hence  to  Toasi,  proceeding  at  the  rate  of 
about  five  or  six  leagues  a  day,  when  in  a  peopled 
country,  but  with  all  possible  expedition  when  travers- 
ing a  desert.  From  Toasi,  in  five  days,  he  came  to 
Tallise,  a  large  town,  with  a  well  cultivated  country 
about  it.  After  reposing  here  twenty  days,  he  set  out 
for  Tascaluca,  whence  he  took  the  cacique  with  him. 
Biedma's  narrative  of  the  journey  on  leaving  Cosa  is 
more  brief.  It  is,  that  for  five  or  six  days  they  found 
villages  belonging  to  the  cacique  of  Cosa,  and  then 
arrived  in  another  province  named  Italisi,  at  setting 
out  from  which  they  directed  themselves  towards  the 
south,  in  the  direction  of  New  Spain ;  that  they  passed 

*  Roberts,  p.  49  to  51.    The  name  in  Biedma  fa  not  Acoste,  but  Costehe.    He  describes 
tiie  villages  of  this  province  as  built  aUo  in  isles  of  the  liver. 


i  li- 
the 
was 
;  no 
see- 
l  re- 

lides 
re  it 
•ched 
vhere 
Q  the 
west 
lat  he 
Itava, 
of  the 
itown 
i.    He 
rate  of 
eopled 
ravers- 
ame  to 
jountry 
set  out 
ith  him. 
Cosa  is 
y  found 
nd  then 
setting 
ards  the 


CBAF.   XII.] 


HABCH    OF   DE    SOTO    IN    1540. 


389 


He  describes 


some  villages  and  arrived  in  a  province  named  Tas- 
caluca  or  Faszalusa.  The  army  came  to  Piache,  a 
town  situated  on  a  large  river.    Biedma  says : 

"  We  believed  it  to  be  that  which  empties  into  the  bay 
of  Chuse.  We  learnt  that  the  barks  of  Narvaez  arrived 
there  in  want  of  water,  and  that  a  Christian  named  Teo- 
doro  and  an  Indian  remained  with  the  Indians.  They 
shewed  us  a  poignard  which  had  belonged  to  the  Christian. 
We  were  two  days  constructing  rafts  to  pass  the  river. 
During  this  time  the  Indians  killed  one  of  the  governor's 
guard.  He,  greatly  dissatisfied,  maltreated  the  cacique  and 
told  him  he  would  cause  him  to  be  burnt  alive  if  he  did  not 
deliver  him  the  murderers;  the  cacique  replied  that  he 
would  deliver  them  at  Mavila." 

Mavila  is  called  in  Roberts,  Maville.  Biedma  de- 
scribes it  as  "a.  little  village  built  on  a  plain,  sur- 
rounded by  walls,  and  very  strong."  On  entering 
this  village,  he  says,  they  saw  only  three  or  four  hun- 
dred Indians,  but  there  were  many  more  concealed. 
The  Indians  feasted  them  and  had  a  dance,  in  which 
fifteen  or  twenty  women  figured.  After  they  had 
danced  some  time,  the  cacique  arose.  The  governor 
said  something  to  him  at  his  going  out,  and  was  not 
satisfied  with  liis  answer.  The  captain  of  the  guard 
following  the  cacique  to  his  house,  saw  there  a  great 
number  of  warriors ;  the  houses  were  filled  with  In- 
dians armed  with  bows  and  arrows.  Biedma  conti- 
nues as  follows : 

"  The  governor  caused  another  cacique  to  be  called,  who 
was  passing  by,  but  this  man  refused  to  come.  A  gentle- 
man, who  was  near  him,  took  him  by  the  arm  to  bring 


■—^^•miy^'-T^m 


'7 


390 


MARCH    OF    DE    SOTO   IN    1540. 


[book  II. 


him,  but  this  man  made  a  movement  by  which  he  disen- 
gaged himself.  Then  the  gentleman  drew  his  sword  and 
gave  him  a  blow,  which  cut  his  arm.  No  sooner  was  the 
Indian  wounded,  than  all  the  others  began  to  lance  their 
arrows  from  the  interior  of  the  houses,  through  the  nume- 
rous holes  which  they  had  in  use.  As  we  were  not  on  our 
guard,  for  we  believed  them  our  friends,  we  experienced  so 
considerable  a  loss  that  we  were  compelled  to  flee  out  of 
the  village.  All  the  baggage  which  the  Indians  had  been 
carrying,  remained  in  the  place  where  they  had  put  it  down. 
As  soon  as  the  Spaniards  got  out,  the  Indians  closed  the 
gates  of  the  village,  and  began  to  beat  the  drum,  to  raise 
their  colours  and  make  great  cries.  They  opened  our 
coffers  and  our  packets,  and  from  the  top  of  the  walls, 
shewed  us  our  effects,  of  which  they  had  taken  possession. 
On  coming  out  of  the  village,  we  mounted  on  horseback 
and  surrounded  the  walls,  so  as  to  stop  the  Indians  from 
going  out.  The  governor  ordered  on  foot  sixty  or  eighty 
of  our  men,  all  well  armed,  and  he  directed  us  to  divide 
ourselves  into  four  platoons,  and  go  to  attack  the  village  in 
four  different  places.  The  first  who  entered  had  orders  to 
fire  the  houses,  to  stop  the  besieged  from  doing  us  harm. 
The  cavaliers,  and  the  other  soldiers  who  were  not  armed, 
had  orders  to  guard  the  exterior  of  the  city,  so  that  no  In- 
dian should  escape.  We  penetrated  it,  and  set  fire  to  it. 
A  great  number  of  Indians  were  burnt,  and  all  of  our  bag- 
gage. We  fought  all  day  and  till  evening,  without  any 
Indian's  asking  quarter :  they  defended  themselves  like  fu- 
rious lions.  All  perished ;  some  by  the  sword,  others  by 
the  fire ;  those  who  attempted  to  fly,  were  killed  with 
blows  from  lances.  When  night  came,  there  remained  only 
three  Indians,  who  were  guarding  the  twenty  women  that 
they  had  brought  us  for  the  dance :  they  placed  the  wo 
men  before  them ;  these  crossed  their  hands  and  made  signs 
to  the  Spaniards  as  if  to  tell  them  to  take  them ;  then  they 


CHAP.   XII.] 


MARCH    OF    DE    SOTO   IN    1540. 


391 


retired,  and  the  three  Indians  lanced  arrows  at  us.  We 
killed  two  of  them  ;  and  the  only  one  who  remained,  not 
being  willing  to  surrender,  mounted  a  tree  by  the  wall,  de- 
tached the  cord  from  his  bow,  passed  it  around  his  neck, 
and  hung  himself  there." 

The  account  in  Roberts  is,  that  twenty-five  hun- 
dred Indians  perished  on  this  occasion  by  fire  and 
sword.  Of  the  Spaniards,  Biedma  says,  more  than 
twenty  were  killed,  and  more  than  two  hundred  and 
fifty  wounded.  They  remained  here  twenty-seven  or 
twenty-eight  days,  for  the  wounded  to  get  better; 
those  most  severely  injured  had  the  women  divided 
amongst  them  to  serve  them ;  all  recovered.  From 
the  natives  they  learnt  that  they  were  now  eighty 
leagues  from  the  sea.  The  governor  was  much 
pressed  to  go  thither  to  get  some  news  of  the  brigan- 
tines,  but  declined  doing  so.  It  was  now  the  middle 
of  November,  and  was  very  cold.  On  the  1 8th,  he 
proceeded  towards  the  north.  In  a  march  of  ten  or 
twelve  days,  the  army  suffered  extremely  from  the 
cold,  and  from  having  to  ford  rivers.  At  one  river 
the  Indians  wished  to  prevent  the  passage :  the  Spa- 
niards made  a  halt  of  three  days  and  then  passed  it  in 
a  canoe.  They  were  now  in  an  extensive  and  fertile 
province,  where  they  could  winter  until  the  most  se- 
vere cold  was  passed ;  for,  says  Biedma,  "  there  falls 
in  this  country  more  snow  than  in  Spain."  The 
name  of  this  province  was  Chicaza  or  Chicaca.  The 
cacique  and  his  subjects  visited  the  Spaniards  and 
made  presents.  In  March  1641,  when  it  was  near 
the  time  for  departing,  they  were  surprised  in  the 
night. 


' '  W.  V.'Py5  TWWt^- 


392 


MARCH    OF    DE    SOTO    IN    1540. 


[BOOK  II. 


"  Three  hundred  Indians,"  says  Biedma,  "  entered  two 
by  two  or  four  and  four  in  the  village,  bringing  fire,  which 
they  had  put  in  small  pots,  so  that  they  should  not  be  per- 
ceived. When  these  Indians  arrived,  we  heard  another 
troop  with  war  cries :  the  first  had  already  set  fire  to  the 
village.  We  experienced  a  great  loss.  That  night  they 
killed  fifty-seven  horses,  more  than  three  hundred  hogs  and 
thirty  or  forty  men." 

The  Spaniards  removed  a  league  from  the  place  of 
this  action ;  they  were  now  without  saddles,  lances  or 
bucklers ;  all  had  been  burnt ;  and  it  was  necessary 
at  once  to  go  to  work  to  supply  their  places.  Five 
days  after,  the  Indians  made  a  new  attack;  but  this 
being  no  surprise,  many  of  them  were  killed  and  the 
rest  put  to  flight.  After  a  stay  of  six  or  seven  weeks, 
in  which  time  the  Spaniards  were  labouring  to  make 
saddles,  lances  and  bucklers,  they  set  out  towards  the 
northwest  on  the  25th  of  April  and  went  to  the  pro- 
vince of  Alibanio  or  Alimamu.  In  this  province  the 
Spaniards  encountered  a  very  strong  palisade  and 
three  hundred  warriors,  who  seemed  determined  to 
die  rather  than  let  them  pass.  In  carrying  the  pali- 
sade, seven  or  eight  of  the  Spaniards  were  killed  and 
twenty-five  wounded.  Marching  onward,  they  en- 
tered unexpectedly  a  village  named  Quizquiz,  where 
they  took  more  than  three  hundred  women ;  the  in- 
habitants, as  well  as  many  others  in  the  neighbour- 
hood, were  tributary  to  the  sovereign  of  Pacaha. 
When  the  Indians  wore  informed  of  the  capture  of 
their  women,  they  came  in  a  friendly  way  to  reclaim 
them ;  and  the  governor  restored  them ;  the  Indians 
promising  to  furnish  some  canoes  to  pass  the  great 


CHAP.   XII.] 


THE    MISSISSIPPI    CROSSED. 


393 


river.  But  this  was  not  done.  The  Spaniards  en- 
camped on  the  bank  of  the  river  and  determined  to 
make  four  barks,  to  contain  each  sixty  or  seventy  men 
and  five  or  six  horses ;  twenty-seven  or  twenty-eight 
days  were  employed  in  their  construction.  Roberts 
speaks  of  the  river  as  "  the  largest  of  Florida,"  de- 
scribes it  as  "about  a  mile  and  a  half  over,  very 
deep  and  very  rapid."  He  calls  it  the  Rio  le  Grand. 
Biedma  says, 

"The  river  was  about  a  league  wide.  We  passed  it 
with  much  order;  it  was  nineteen  or  twenty  fathoms 
deep." 

It  was  the  Mississippi.  On  the  other  side  of  it 
were  some  good  villages.  The  Spaniards  going  up  the 
stream,  came  to  a  province,  the  cacique  of  which  was 
named  Ycasqui,  and  was  at  war  with  him  of  Pacaha. 
Ycasqui  told  the  Spaniards  he  had  heard  them  spoken 
of  for  a  long  time,  and  he  did  not  wish  to  be  at  war 
with  them,  but  to  do  them  service.  The  Spaniards 
encamped  on  a  plain  in  sight  of  his  village  and  made 
a  halt  here  of  two  days.  The  cacique  asked  the  go- 
vernor to  give  him  a  sign  by  which  he  could  ask  for 
assistance  during  his  wars  and  obtain  water  for  tillage. 
The  governor  ordered  a  large  cross  to  be  made,  and 
told  the  cacique  he  would  want  nothing  if  he  had 
faith  in  it.  After  it  was  made,  the  Spaniards  march- 
ed with  the  cacique  and  his  men  in  procession  to  the 
village. 

"  The  caciques  of  this  country,"  says  Biedma,  "  were 
accustomed  to  raise  near  their  houses,  hills  quite  elevated ; 
some  even  have  their  dwellings  high  on  these  hills.     It 

60 


394 


DE  SOTO's  MARCH  BETOMD  THE  MISSISSIPPI.     ["OOK  II. 


was  on  one  of  these  little  hills  that  we  planted  the  cross. 
We  all  with  much  devotion  kneeled  at  the  foot  of  it. 
After  having  imitated  us,  the  Indians  brought  a  great  num- 
ber of  reeds,  with  which  they  made  a  wall  quite  around  it. 
That  evening  we  returned  to  our  camp,  and  the  next  day 
we  set  out  for  Pacaha,  which  was  situated  higher.  We 
marched  two  days  and  came  to  a  village  in  the  middle  of  a 
plain,  surrounded  by  walls  and  a  ditch  filled  with  water, 
dug  by  the  hand  of  man." 

From  this  village  the  Indians  had  nearly  all  fled. 
The  cacique  at  whose  house  the  cross  was  planted 
coming  hither  with  his  men,  the  governor  gave  him 
all  that  was  found  in  this  village.  The  governor  so- 
journed in  this  place  to  learn  if  he  could  take  a  route 
to  the  north  and  pass  over  to  the  South  sea.  After 
a  stay  of  twenty-six  or  twenty-seven  days  (during 
which  various  excursions  were  made),  some  of  the 
Spaniards  advanced  towards  the  northeast.  They 
travelled  for  eight  days  in  a  desert  covered  witb  very 
large  marshes,  and  in  which  nothing  was  seen  but 
high  and  thick  grass  or  herbs  which  it  was  difiicult 
for  the  horses  to  pass.  Returning  to  Pacaha,  where 
the  governor  had  remained,  the  cacique  of  this  pro- 
vince was  found  on  friendly  terms  both  with  the  go- 
vernor and  Ycasqui. 

De  Soto  now  marched  towards  the  southeast  to  a 
province  named  Quiquata,  where  was  the  greatest 
village  he  had  seen  in  Florida ;  it  was  upon  an  arm 
of  the  great  river.  Their  arrival  here  was  the  4th  of 
August,  and  they  stopped  eight  or  nine  days.  Then 
they  set  out  for  the  province  of  Coligua,  distant  about 
forty  leagues ;  and  passed  over  vast  plains  and  high 


CHAP.  III.]  D£  sOTO's  MARCH  BEYOND  THE  MISSISSIPPI. 


39ff 


mountains.  Their  route  was  now  towards  the  west 
southwest.  They  came  to  some  scattering  villages 
which  had  the  name  of  Tatil  Coya.  Here  was  seen 
a  large  river  which  empties  into  the  Rio  Grande. 
Ascending  the  former,  they  came  to  a  province  called 
Cayas;  the  population  of  which  was  considerable. 
It  was  composed  of  several  villages ;  the  country  was 
mountainous. 

The  governor  leaving  the  rest  of  his  men  in  Cayas, 
set  out  with  twenty  horse  for  the  province  of  Tula, 
spoken  of  by  some  of  the  Indians  they  had  taken. 
They  crossed  steep  mountains  to  get  there,  and  upon 
their  arrival  began  to  take  some  Indians. 

"  They  defended  themselves,"  says  Biedma,  "  and 
wounded  that  day  seven  or  eight  Spaniards  and  nine  or 
ten  horses.  They  were  so  brave  that  they  would  reassem- 
ble in  troops  of  eight  or  ten  and  set  upon  us  like  enraged 
dogs.     We  killed  of  them  about  thirty  or  forty." 

The  governor  returning  to  his  troop  found  the  In- 
dians which  had  been  taken  had  fled,  and  those  be- 
longing to  the  province  the  interpreter  could  not  com- 
prehend. After  a  rencounter  with  the  Indians,  in 
which  some  of  them  were  killed,  De  Soto  took  a  route 
southeast  and  went  to  a  province  named  Quipana,  si- 
tuate at  the  foot  of  very  high  mountains.  Then  turn- 
ing east,  he  crossed  these  mountains  and  descended 
in  a  plain.  Near  by,  was  a  village  on  the  bank  of  a 
large  river  which  emptied  into  that  by  which  he  had 
come.  The  province  was  named  Viranque,  or  Au- 
tiamque.  The  troops  wintered  here  and  suffered 
greatly  from  the  cold  and  snow. 


396 


DE  SOTO's  MARCH  BEYOND  THE  MISSISSIPPI.     [lOOK  II. 


If 


"  The  Christian,"  says  Biedma,  "  whom  we  had  found 
with  the  Indians  that  Narvaez  had  visited,  and  who  had 
served  us  as  interpreter,  died  in  this  place."  •   .\  • 

Setting  out  from  this  village  in  March  1542,  they 
descended  the  river  and  arrived  in  a  province  called 
Anicoyanque,  which  appeared  one  of  the  best  they 
had  seen.  Then  they  went  to  the  village  of  Guacho- 
yanquo,  or  Guachoya,  on  the  bank  of  the  great  river ; 
it  was  surrounded  by  walls  and  fortified.  The  gover- 
nor sent  a  captain  to  the  south  to  seek  a  way  to  the 
sea ;  he  returned,  saying  that  he  could  not  pass  the 
vast  marshes  which  the  great  river  formed. 

"This  disheartening  news,"   says  Roberts,*   "affected 
the  general  so  deeply,  as  to  throw  him  into  a  fever;  which 
did  not,  however,  prevent  him  from  sending  to  the  cacique 
of  Quigaltan,  to  require  his  submission,  and  the  pleasure  of 
seeing  him,  which,  he  acquainted  this  chief,  was  a  homage 
hitherto  paid  him  by  all  the  caciques  whose  dominions  he 
had  yet  passed  through.     To  this  message  Quigaltan  re- 
plied, that  it  was  not  his  custom  to  visit  any,  but  that  all 
his  neighbours  visited,  served  and  paid  him  tribute,  either 
willingly  or  by  force ;  that  if  Soto  had  any  thing  to  offer, 
he  was  welcome  to  come  to  him  as  a  friend,  but  if  he 
should  chuse  to  act  as  an  enemy,  he  waited  for  him  in  his 
town,  whence  he  would  never  stir  an  inch,  either  for  him 
or  any  one  else. 

"  Although  Soto  was  suffering  under  the  violent  attack 
of  a  fever,  when  the  Indian  brought  this  answer,  he  still 
felt  more,  from  a  sense  of  his  present  inability,  to  chasfise 
this  haughty  cacique,  who  not  only  despised  his  summons, 
but,  as  was  reported,  intended  to  attack  the  Spaniards.    Ap- 


*  Page  70  to  73. 


CHAP,  xil]  DC  sOTO's  MARCH  BEYOND  THE  MISSISSIPPI. 


397 


prehending  this  circumstance  to  be  no  vague  intelligence, 
the  general  redoubled  his  guards  and  kept  a  good  watch. 
The  horse  patrolled  nightly  round  the  camp,  and  the  cross- 
bow-men guarded  tho  river  in  canoes,  to  prevent  any  sur- 
prise on  that   side.     S  >to,  to   render  himself  still  more 
dreadful  to  the  Indians,  detached  a  party  to  Nilco,  whither, 
as  he  was  told  by  the  natives  of  Guachoya,  the  inhabitants 
were  returned ;  the  cacique  of  the  latter  also  sent  several 
canoes  .  ,)on  the  same  expedition,  laden  with  armed  In- 
dians.    This  party,  which  consisted  both  of  horse  and  foot, 
advanced  to  the  town  with  such  rapidity  as  to  surprise  the 
inhabitants,  in  number  about  five  thousand  souls,  before 
they  could  escape,  who,  pressing  in  crowds  out  of  their 
houses,  there  was  hardly  one  horseman  that  did  not  see 
himself  surrounded  by  many   Indians.     As  the   Spanish 
commander  had  ordered  his  people  to  give  no  quarter  to  the 
men,  a  horrible  carnage  ensued,  wherein  more  than  a  hun- 
dred of   the   Indians   fell,  besides   numbers   which   were 
wounded,  by  the  Spaniards,  some  of  whom  carried  their 
cruelty  so  far  as  to  murder  the  innocent  women  and  chil- 
dren.    The  Indians  of  Guachoya  halted  peaceably  at  a  dis- 
tance from  the  town,  while  this  inhuman  scene  was  trans- 
acting, to  see  the  event ;  but  as  soon  as  they  perceived  the 
Indians  were  broken,  and  the  Spaniards  chasing  them,  they 
ran  to  pillage  the  houses ;  and  having  loaded  their  canoes 
with  the  booty,  returned  before  the  Spaniards  to  Guachoya, 
where  they  related  all  that  had  happened,  with  dread  and 
astonishment  to  their  cacique. 

"  Meanwhile,  the  general  perceiving  his  dissolution  near, 
assembled  the  officers  and  the  bulii.  of  the  soldiery,  to 
whom  he  made  a  very  moving  address,  acknowledging  the 
great  goodness  of  Providence,  in  granting  him  a  full  pos- 
session of  his  faculties  to  the  last,  thanking  all  the  com- 
manders and  soldiers  for  their  faithful  services,  fidelity,  and 
the  affection  that  they  had,  upon  every  occasion,  testified 


m 


398 


DEATH    OF    DG    SOTO. 


[BOOK   II. 


for  his  person,  and  recommending  to  them  the  choice  of 
some  leader,  to  command  them  in  his  stead,  as  the  last  re- 
quest he  should  ever  make,  and  which  would,  in  some 
measure,  alleviate  the  uneasiness  he  felt  at  being  obliged 
to  leave  them  in  a  barbarous  and  unknown  country.  When 
he  had  spoken  thus,  all  that  were  present  broke  into  most 
pathetic  demonstrations  of  sorrow,  and  earnestly  requested 
himself  to  chuse  a  successor  for  them.  This  he  readily 
complied  with,  and  named  Luis  Moscoso  d'Alvarado,  who 
being  universally  approved  of,  they  all  swore  fidelity  to  him 
immediately. 

"On  the  morrow,  the  2l8t  of  May,  the  brave,  the  virtu- 
ous and  magnanimous  captain  Don  Ferdinand  de  Soto,  go- 
vernor of  Cuba  and  general  of  Florida,  yielded  up  his  soul 
to  God.  His  death  the  Spaniards  endeavoured  to  conceal 
from  the  Indians,  who  entertained  so  high  an  opinion  of 
his  abrlities,  that  they  looked  upon  him  to  be  immortal ; 
and,  lest  a  conviction  to  the  contrary  might  encourage  them 
to  revolt,  the  body  was  buried  by  night,  just  within  one  of 
the  town  gates ;  but  the  Indians,  who  had  conceived  some 
suspicions  of  his  death,  were  observed  to  eye  the  earth  that 
had  been  newly  removed  there,  with  much  curiosity ;  for 
which  reason,  the  Spaniards  removed  the  body  on  the  night 
following,  and  wrapping  it  up  with  a  great  deal  of  sand, 
carried  it  into  the  middle  of  the  river,  and  buried  it  there. 

"During  these  events,  the  cacique  of  Guachoya  fre- 
quently enquired  concerning  Soto,  whom  he  called  his  lord 
and  brother ;  and  Moscoso  having  assured  him  that  he  was 
only  gone  a  journey  to  heaven,  which  he  often  had  done, 
and  that,  intending  to  make  some  stay,  he  had  appointed 
himself  to  act  in  his  room,  the  cacique  no  longer  doubted 
of  his  death;  but  sent  two  handsome  young  Indians,  who 
he  desired  might  be  slain,  to  accompany  him  during  his 
journey,  according  to  the  custom  of  this  country.  Moscoso 
desired  the  cacique  to  send  for  the  young  men  again,  for 


mmmmmmmm 


CVAP.  XII.] 


JOURNEY   OF    DE    SOTO  S    MEN. 


399 


the  governor  was  not  dead,  but  gone  to  heaven,  and  had 
chosen  from  among  his  own  people  some  to  attend  him, 
and  besought  the  cacique  to  forego  so  cruel  a  custom.  He 
then  delivered  up  the  Indians,  charging  them  to  return, 
which  one  of  them  refused  to  do,  declaring  he  would  ne- 
ver leave  Moscoso,  who  had  saved  his  life,  but  live  and  die 
with  him." 

The  route  now  taken  was  to  the  west,  in  the  hope 
of  reaching  Mexico  by  land.  The  army  quitted  Gua- 
choya  on  the  5th  of  June,  and  after  marching  seven- 
teen days,  arrived  in  the  province  of  Chavite  or  Cha- 
guate,  where  the  Indians  manufactured  much  salt. 
The  Spaniards  remained  here  six  days,  and  then 
passed  to  the  province  of  Aguacay,  which,  after  a 
march  of  three  days  north,  they  reached  on  the  4th 
of  July.  The  Indians  telling  them  that  on  the  coast 
where  they  wished  to  go,  there  was  only  a  great  ex- 
tent of  sand,  without  any  village  or  any  kind  of  food, 
the  Spaniards  turned  from  the  coast  and  came  to  a 
province  named  Nisione,  then  into  those  of  Nanda- 
caho  and  Lacame,  but  the  country  became  more 
and  more  sterile;  the  cacique  of  Nandacaho  had 
given  them  a  guide,  who  told  them  that  his  master  had 
ordered  him  to  carry  them  in  a  place  where  they  would 
die  of  hunger.  Then  they  took  another  guide,  who 
conducted  them  in  the  province  of  Hais,  where  they 
killed  some  cows,  and  were  attacked  by  the  natives 
for  it.  This  province  was  quit  for  that  of  Xacatin. 
Such  is  the  account  of  Biedma,  who  adds : 

"  We  took  the  direction  of  the  south,  well  determined  to 
die  or  gain  New  Spain.  We  marched  then  six  days  in  the 
route  of  south  southeast,  after  which  we  halted.     We  sent 


400 


JOURNEY   OF    DE    SOTO's   MEN. 


[book   II. 


a  detachment  of  six  cavaliers,  with  orders  to  advance  for 
eight  or  nine  days  as  far  as  they  could,  and  see  if  they 
could  discover  any  village  where  they  could  get  a  supply  of 
maize."  , 

On  their  return,  says  Biedma,  it  was  decided  to  go 
back  to  the  village  where  the  governor  Soto  had  died, 
thinking  that  there  some  facilities  would  be  found  for 
building  ships,  with  which  they  could  get  out  of  the 
country.  In  Roberts,  many  other  particulars  are  re- 
lated. After  mentioning  the  arrival  at  Aguacay  on 
the  4th  of  July,  he  says  :  * 

"  The  Spaniards  left  Aguacay  on  the  same  day,  and  four 
days  after,  were  in  the  province  of  Maye,  and  encamped  on 
the  20th  in  a  very  pleasant  wood,  between  that  place  and 
Naguata.     Soon  after  their  arrival  here,  some  Indian  spies 
were  observed  hovering  about  the  camp;   two  of  them 
were  taken,  and  the  rest  slain.     By  this  accident,  the  Spa- 
niards got  intelligence  that    the  cacique  of  Naguata,  in 
league  with  other  chiefs,  intended  to  attack  the  Spaniards 
that  day ;  and,  indeed,  while  these  Indians  were  under  ex- 
amination, the  enemy  appeared  in  two  bodies,  and  perceiv- 
ing themselves  to  be  discovered,  charged  the   Spaniards 
most  furiously ;  but  the  latter,  sustaining  the  shock  vigo- 
rously, they  fled  with  precipitation,  and  were  pursued  by 
the  cavalry.     While  these  things  were  in  agitation,  a  great 
cry  was  heard  at  a  small  distance  from  the  camp,  towards 
which  Moscoso  detached  twelve  horsemen,  to  know  the 
cause,  who  found  there  six  Spaniards  surrounded  by  a  great 
;:\umber  of  Indians,  to  which  superiority,  without  assistance, 
the  former  must  have  fallen  a  sacrifice,  though  they  fought 
like  lions.     However,  this  reinforcement  turned  the  scale 
so  much,  that  the  greater  part  of  the  Indians  were  slain, 

*  Page  74  to  79. 


nrvw 


II. 


CHAP.   XII.] 


JOURNET   OF    DE    SOTu's   MEN. 


401 


for 
ley 
^of 

'go 
lied, 
I  for 
:  the 
e  re- 
ly  on 

d  four 

ped  on 

ce  and 

n  spies 

f  them 

\e  Spa- 

lata,  in 

>aniards 

ider  ex- 

Iperceiv- 
)aniards 

sk  vigo- 

|sued  by 
a  great 
towards 

Inow  the 

ly  a  great 

ssistance, 

sy  fought 

the  scale 

ere  slain, 


and  one  of  them  taken,  whom  Moscoso,  after  cutting  off 
his  right  arm  and  nose,  sent,  in  that  condition,  to  the  ca- 
cique of  Naguata,  to  give  him  notice,  that  on  the  morrow 
he  would  enter  his  country  and  lay  it  waste  with  fire  and 
sword ;  and  that,  if  the  cacique  should  he  desirous  of  pre- 
venting it,  he  must  meet  him  at  his  entrance.  The  army 
rnarched  next  day  towards  the  township  of  Naguata,  the 
houses  of  which  were  separated  from  each  other.  The  re- 
sidence of  the  cacique  was  on  the  opposite  side  of  a  river, 
where  the  Indians  stood  ready  to  oppose  the  Spaniards  in 
passing  over ;  which,  however,  the  latter  accomplished,  in 
spite  of  all  obstacles,  and  entered  into  a  country  well  fur- 
nished with  provisions  and  all  the  necessaries  of  life.  Mos- 
coso had  not  been  here  long,  before  the  cacique  of  Na- 
guata sent  a  party  of  Indians  to  observe  the  behaviour  of 
the  general  and  his  people,  and  to  acquaint  the  former  that 
he  intended  to  visit  him,  which  he  did  presently  afterwards, 
attended  by  a  large  body  of  the  natives,  all  in  tears,  ac- 
cording to  the  fashion  of  TuUa,  which  is  not  far  distant. 
He  made  a  profound  reverence  to  the  general,  and  de- 
manded pardon  for  his  offence,  throwing  all  the  blame  upon 
the  bad  counsels  of  one  of  his  brothers,  who  fell  in  the 
battle.  He  enlarged  much  in  the  praise  of  Moscoso  and 
the  Spaniards,  whom  he  professed  to  regard  as  a  people 
something  more  than  human,  and  concluded  with  offers  of 
service  and  obedience.  When  he  had  finished,  the  general 
received  him  into  his  favour,  and  promised  to  consider  him 
as  his  friend,  provided  his  behaviour  should  correspond  with 
his  woi'ds.  •-'... 

"  The  army  soon  after  decamped,  but  was  obliged  to 
turn  back,  upon  account  of  the  swelling  of  the  river, 
which  appeared  the  more  extraordinary,  because  no  rain 
had  fallen  ,*  but,  as  it  frequently  happened,  and  always  at 
the  increase  of  the  moon,  it  should  seem  to  be  owing  to 
the  tide,  though  the  Indians  had  no  knowledge  of  any  sea ; 
51 


402 


JOURNEY   OF   DE    SOTo's  ^EN. 


[book   II. 


nevertheless,  they  fonnd  means  to  pass  it  eight  days  after, 
and  ill  three  days  arrived  at  a  village  belonging  to  the  ca- 
cique of  Missobone,  a  barren  and  an  ill-peopled  province ; 
thence  they  wandered  through  a  wild  district,  called  La- 
can6,  and  soon  after  arrived  at  the  province  of  Mondacao, 
the  cacique  of  which  presented  the  general  with  a  quan- 
tity of  fish.  He  was  received  very  kindly,  and  as  soon  as 
the  army  had  provided  themselves  with  subsistence,  they 
received  a  guide  and  marched  towards  Soacatino.  In  jour- 
neying thither,  they  passed  through  the  province  of  Aays, 
the  fierce  inhabitants  of  which  harassed  the  Spaniards  con- 
tinually, during  their  march  to  Guasco,  where  they  arrived, 
after  having  suffered  incredible  hardships  and  fatigues ;  and 
finding  maize  sufficient  for  their  use  here,  they  loaded  their 
horses  and  marched  to  Nagiscosa. 

"  In  fine,  having  travelled  long  to  no  purpose,  through 
miserable  deserts,  frequently  bewildered  and  quite  at  a  loss 
which  way  to  proceed,  perpetually  engaged  in  perils  and 
alarms,  and  uncertain  still  whether  famine  would  not  be 
their  destruction  at  last,  the  general  called  a  council, 
wherein  it  was  determined  to  return  to  Nilco,  and  there 
build  vessels  to  carry  the  troops  down  the  river,  and  so  to 
some  of  the  Spanish  settlements  by  sea.  This  resolution 
was  far  from  giving  content  to  all ;  many  there  were  among 
the  Spaniards  that  would  rather  have  taken  the  highest 
probability  of  perishing  in  Florida,  through  want,  than 
have  returned  thence  poor  and  disappointed ;  nevertheless, 
these  not  having  number  or  force  to  oppose,  were  obliged 
to  submit  to  the  general  determination. 

"  The  troops  had  already  marched  one  hundred  and  fifty 
leagues  to  the  west  of  the  great  river,  and  now  they  re- 
pented of  having  laid  waste  the  country  through  which 
they  were  to  return ;  but  the  inconveniency  was  less  than 
the  expectation  of  it,  for  they  found  the  town  of  Naguata, 
which  had  been  burnt,  now  rebuilt  by  the  Indians,  and  the 


II. 


CHAP.   XII.j 


JOURNES    OF    DE    SOTO's    MEN. 


403 


ter, 
ca- 
ice; 
La- 
cao, 
lan- 
m  as 
they 
jour- 
\.ays, 
I  con- 
rived, 
;  and 
I  their 

irough 
;  a  loss 
ils  and 
not  be 
uncil, 
there 
so  to 
olution 
among 
lighest 
It,  than 
theless, 
obliged 


h 


houses  well  stored  with  maize,  the  country  being  both  fer- 
tile and  well  peopled.  They  make  here  earthen  dishes, 
not  much  unlike  those  of  Estremos  and  Montemor.  The 
Spaniards  left  Naguata,  and  came  to  Chaguete,  and  at 
length  arrived  at  Nilco ;  but  found  so  little  maize  there, 
that  they  were  entirely  thrown  into  a  dejection,  nearly  bor- 
dering upon  despair,  seeing  no  means  of  subsisting  during 
the  time  requisite  for  building  the  vessels  to  carry  them 
out  of  Florida ;  not  owing  to  sterility  of  soil,  but  to  the 
neglect  of  the  Indians,  who  had  been  too  much  frightened 
to  employ  themselves  in  tillage  while  the  troops  resided  at 
Guachoya:  for  the  province  is  extremely  fertile,  which 
made  the  Spaniards  confident  of  finding  subsistence  here. 
The  soldiers  now  began  to  curse  the  resolution,  to  push  on 
their  discoveries  no  farther  westward,  and  to  look  upon  the 
design  of  putting  to  sea,  as  absurd  and  chimerical  to  the 
last  degree,  they  being  totally  unprovided  with  every  ne- 
cessary preparation  for  shipping.  The  unfortunate  Narvaez 
was  frequently  recalled  to  their  minds,  who  was  lost  upon 
this  coast ;  but  the  heaviest  of  all  their  misfortunes  was 
the  want  of  food,  without  which,  it  was  impossible  for  the 
men  to  labour. 

"  They  had  now  no  resource  left  but  to  recommend 
themselves  to  Divine  Providence  in  prayer,  for  his  imme- 
diate assistance,  and  He  heard  them,  sending  the  Indians  of 
Nilco,  with  great  submission,  to  inform  them  that  there 
were,  at  the  distance  of  two  days  journey  from  them,  upon 
the  banks  of  the  great  river,  towns  of  which  the  Spaniards 
had  no  knowledge.  The  country  was  called  Minoya,  and 
very  fertile.  Moscoso,  upon  this,  dispatched  a  captain  with 
a  party  of  horse  and  foot,  attended  by  the  Indians  of  Nilco, 
who  were  at  war  with  the  people  of  these  towns,  one  of 
which  they  instantly  seized,  and  entrenched  themselves  in 
it,  having  found  a  great  quantity  of  maize  there.  Great 
was  the  joy  in  the  camp  at  hearing  these  tidings,  and  all 
the  troops  set  forward  immediately,  though  the  weather 


404 


JOURNKT   OF    DE    SOTO's   MEN. 


[book  II. 


was  very  bad,  being  rainy,  attended  with  a  cold  north  wind, 
and  the  ways  very  full  of  water ;  yet  they  surmounted  all 
difficulties,  and  lodged  themselves  in  the  best  of  the  towns, 
ai  a  quarter  of  a  league  from  the  great  river.  Hither  they 
brought  all  the  maize  from  the  other  towns,  amounting  to 
six  thousand  bushels.  The  place  also  afforded  wood,  bet> 
ter  for  the  building  of  vessels  than  any  thing  they  had  yet 
seen  in  Florida. 

"  The  general  now  set  every  person  that  could  be  useful, 
to  work.  He  collected  all  the  iron  that  could  be  gotten, 
even  the  chains  from  the  prisoners,  and  wood  was  immedi- 
ately felled  for  timber.  Providentially  there  was  found 
among  their  number  some  one  artificer  qualified  to  serve  for 
every  use.  In  fine,  after  great  fatigue  and  perseverance, 
seven  brigantines  were  finished  in  the  month  of  June,  but 
a  difficulty,  very  hard  to  be  overcome,  yet  remained,  and 
that  was,  to  set  them  afloat :  for  the  Indians  had  declared, 
that  the  great  river  rose  only  once  a  year,  at  the  time  when 
the  snows  were  melting ;  which  had  already  happened,  and 
no  rain  had  fallen  for  a  long  space.  However,  it  pleased 
God  that  the  river  swelled  suddenly,  upon  the  increase  of 
the  moon,  and  came,  as  it  were,  to  fetch  the  brigantines 
away ;  so  that  they  were  floated  into  the  bed  of  the  river 
with  great  ease.  A  thing  which,  but  for  this  event,  would 
have  been  effected,  not  without  great  labour  and  the  hazard 
of  straining  them,  and  opening  their  seams  in  hauling  them 
down  to  the  water.  And  thus,  on  the  second  day  of  July, 
in  the  year  1543,  the  Spaniards  were  all  embarked,  and 
departed  from  Minoya.  Moscoso  appointed  a  captain  to 
each  brigantine,  and  made  them  swear  to  obey  him  in  the 
same  manner  as  they  did  when  ashore.  This  being  done, 
they  proceeded  to  Guachoya.  Leaving  this  place,  they 
found  the  current  very  strong,  and  advanced  at  a  great  rate 
by  the  help  of  their  oars,  till  they  came  to  duigaltam. 
Moscoso  sent,  from  time  to  time,  parties  ashore,  and  found 
great  quantities  of  maize  in  the  houses,  which  were  after- 


rtr-y-p-"--y-'r'(^ 


li. 


OBAP.  XII.] 


JOURNEY   or    DE    SOTO's    MEN. 


405 


id, 
all 
ns, 
aey 
;  to 
bet- 
yet 

eful, 
tten, 
aedi- 
bvmd 
ire  for 
:ance, 
e,  but 
31,  and 
:lared, 
when 
>d,  and 
)leased 
ease  of 
antines 
le  river 
would 
hazard 


g 


them 
)f  July, 
ed,  and 
)tain  to 

in  the 
ig  done, 
they 


wards  embarked  on  board  of  the  vessels.  While  they  were 
passing  through  this  province,  frequent  attacks  were  made 
upon  th^m  by  the  Indians,  in  one  of  which  the  Spaniards 
lost  about  twenty-five  men,  with  their  commander,  John 
Gasman,  who  was  detached  with  this  party  in  canoes,  to 
attack  the  enemy ;  by  whose  canoes,  much  larger  and  more 
numerous  than  his,  he  was  soon  surrounded,  when  the  In- 
dians, throwing  themselves  in  multitudes  into  the  water, 
and  laying  hold  upon  the  Spaniards'  canoes,  overturned 
them  all  in  an  instant.  These  brave  men  all  perished,  be- 
ing carried  to  the  bottom  by  the  weight  of  their  armour.    ' 

"This  success  so  encouraged  the  Indians,  that  they 
omitted  no  opportunity  of  annoying  the  vessels  during  the 
whole  time  of  their  falling  down  the  river,  sometimes  ma- 
king a  shew,  as  if  they  intended  to  board  them,  and  con- 
stantly kept  up  a  continual  discharge  of  their  arrows  from 
the  banks  of  the  river.  The  Spaniards  lost  a  considerable 
number  of  men  upon  this  occasion.  They  at  last  lined  the 
gunnels  and  quarter-decks  with  a  breast-work  made  of  dou- 
ble mats,  so  thick  as  to  prevent  the  arrows  from  pene- 
trating. 

"  When  they  had  arrived  at  about  half  a  league's  dis- 
tance from  the  mouth  of  the  river,  the  general  landed  his 
men,  in  order  to  refresh  them,  as  they  had  been  greatly  fa- 
tigued by  rowing.  Here  they  staid  two  days  only,  as  the 
Indians  still  continued  to  alarm  them.  The  18th  of  July 
they  put  to  sea,  with  a  favourable  wind,  and  after  a  passage 
of  fifty-two  days,  arrived  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  Panuco, 
on  the  continent  of  Mexico,  on  the  10th  of  September 
1543,  having  undergone  various  fatigues,  dangers  and  diffi- 
culties, as  well  by  sea  as  by  land,  and  lost  above  one-half 
of  their  number  in  this  unfortunate  expedition." 

Biedma  returned  soon  after  to  Spain,  for  it  is  stated 
that  in  1544  he  presented  his  relation  to  the  king 
and  his  council  of  the  Indias. 


406 


VOYAGE    TO   CANADA    IN    1540. 


[book    II. 


.  i:  •■      '1  •.^. 


.•.'/^...•,      '■'■■     ♦    ./i- 


CHAPTER  XIII. 


\/> 


.'  /     Of  the  voyage  of  Jacques  Cartliier  to  Canada  in  1540. 

Francis  the  First  saw  and  talked  with  Donnacona, 
and  the  other  people  brought  by  Carthier  from  Ca- 
nada, ten  in  number ;  they  were  baptized  and  were 
some  time  in  France,  but  never  returned  to  their  na- 
tive country ;  all  save  one  little  girl,  about  ten  years 
old,  died  in  Bretaigne  before  Carthier's  third  voyage. 

He  sailed  from  St.  Malo  with  five  ships  the  23d  of 
May  1540,  but  owing  to  stormy  weather  had  a  tedious 
voyage,  and  did  not  reach  the  haven  of  Santa  Croix 
until  the  23d  of  August.  He  was  visited  immediately 
by  the  people,  among  whom  was  Agona,  appointed 
king  by  Donnacona  when  he  went  to  France.  The 
death  of  Donnacona  was  at  once  communicated,  but 
the  truth  was  concealed  as  to  the  rest.  Of  them,  it 
was  said  that  they  staid  in  France  as  great  lords,  and 
were  married,  and  would  not  return  to  their  country. 

Carthier  went  up  to  a  river  and  haven  about  four 
leagues  higher,  which  he  thought  better  for  his  ships 
to  ride  in,  and  there  he  kept  three  of  them :  the  other 
two  departed  on  the  2d  of  September  for  St.  Malo, 
with  letters  to  the  king  to  give  information  of  Car- 
thier's proceedings,  and  communicate  the  fact  that 
Sir  John  Francis  de  la  Roche,  Lord  of  Roberval,  who 
was  appointed  the  king's  lieutenant  and  governor, 
had  not  yet  arrived.     Carthier,  after  his  fort  was 


CHAP.  XIII.] 


VOYAGE  TO  CANADA  IN  1540. 


4or 


begun  at  the  place  which  he  had  selected,  called 
Charlesbourg  Royal,  went  up  the  river  to  see  the  Lord 
of  Hochelai,  who  in  the  former  voyage  gave  him  a 
little  girl,  and  had  been  in  other  things  friendly.  In 
return,  Carthier  gave  him  two  young  boys,  and  left 
them  with  him  to  learn  his  language,  "  and  bestowed 
upon  him  a  cloak  of  Paris  red,  which  cloak  was  set 
with  yellow  and  white  buttons  of  tin  and  small  bells," 
and  also  made  him  some  other  presents.  Carthier 
afterwards  visited  the  Saults,  which  form  what  is  now 
called  the  Sault  St.  Louis,  between  Montreal  and 
Lachine,  and  then  returned  to  Charlesbourg  Royal. 
On  his  way  back,  he  called  at  the  dwelling  of  the 
Lord  of  Hochelai,  but  he  was  absent.  There  being 
some  reason  to  apprehend  hostilities  from  the  natives, 
Carthier  caused  all  things  in  the  fortress  to  be  set  in 
good  order.  At  this  point,  the  relation  of  Carthier's 
third  voyage  abruptly  breaks  oft";  and  nothing  is 
known  of  his  proceedings  for  a  considerable  time. 
He  arrived  in  the  harbour  of  Saint  John  in  June 
1542,  and  thence  departed  home  for  Bretaigne.^ 


*  Hakluyt'B  Collection,  vol.  3,  p.  S33  to 240.    Hawkins's  auebec,  p.  55  to  64.    Mr.  Haw- 
k\na  says  tliat  Cliarlesbourg  Royal  is  Cap  Rouge,  and  that  Hochelai  is  Richelieu. 


■»,-»T^t.-«™n»fl  -r . ' 


408 

if".*  \  i.  ■ 


VOYAGE    TO    CANADA   IN    1542. 


[BOOK  II. 


:*:      1    '  ti. 


)f'M 


:,  "I  . . 


CHAPTER  XIV. 


Of  the  voyage  of  Sir  John  Francis  de  la  Roche,  Lord  of  Roberval,  to 

v*  ,  .  ! ,  •:  .. .  Canada  in  1542. 


,  t. '  •  i  .^ , » 


Carthier  had,  in  his  third  voyage,  only  the  appoint- 
ment of  captain  general  and  leader  of  the  ships,  and 
may  have  been  embarrassed  in  his  proceedings  by  the 
absence  of  the  knight,  who  was  the  king's  lieutenant 
and  governor.  This  person  did  not  sail  from  Ro- 
chelle  till  the  16th  of  April  1542  :  on  the  8th  of  June 
he  entered  the  road  of  Saint  John,  where  he  found 
seventeen  ships  of  fishers.  In  the  account  of  his 
voyage,  there  is  the  following  statement : 

"  V/hile  we  made  somewhat  long  abode  here,  Jacques 
Carthier  and  his  company  returning  from  Canada,  whither 
he  was  sent  with  five  sail  the  year  before,  arrived  in  the 
very  same  harbour.  Who,  after  he  had  done  his  duty  to  our 
general,  told  him  that  he  I^d  brought  certain  diamonds,  and 
a  quantity  of  gold  ore,  which  was  found  in  the  country. 
Which  ore,  the  Sunday  next  ensuing,  was  tried  in  a  fur- 
nace and  found  to  be  good. 

"Furthermore,  he  informed  the  ~';neral  that  he  could 
not,  with  his  small  company,  withstand  the  savages,  which 
went  about  daily  to  annoy  him,  and  that  this  was  the  cause 
of  his  return  into  France.  Nevertheless,  he  and  his  com- 
pany commended  the  counts/  to  be  very  rich  and  fruitful. 
But  when  our  general,  being  furnished  with  sufficient 
forces,  commanded  him  to  go  back  again  with  him,  he  and 
his  company,  moved  as  it  seemed  with  ambition,  because 


>*j^'3»iw^.,T"V!vy**^ry  Tyy 


CBAF.   XIV.J 


yOYAGE   TO   CANADA    IN    1542. 


409 


they  would  have  all  the  glory  of  the  discovery  of  those 
parts  themselves,  stole  privily  away  the  next  night  from  us, 
and  without  taking  their  leave,  departed  home  for  Bre- 
taigne." 

The  lofty  promontory  of  Quebec  has  since  re- 
ceived  the  name  of  Cape  Diamond,  because  of  its 
striking  productions.  What  Carthier  obtained  in  Ca- 
nada, was  of  little  avail.  He  sacrificed  his  fortune  in 
the  cause  of  discovery,  and  died  soon  after  his  rtturn 
to  France. 

The  Lord  of  Roberval  left  the  harbour  of  Saint 
John  the  last  of  June.  Of  his  course  from  Belle  Isle, 
Carpont  and  the  Grand  Bay,  up  the  river  for  two 
hundred  and  thirty  leagues,  there  is  a  full  account  by 
his  chief  pilot,  John  Alphonso  of  Xanctoigne.  Pro- 
ceeding four  leagues  westward  of  the  Isle  of  Orleans, 
he  there  built  a  fort,  which  he  called  the  Fort  of 
France-Roy.  It  was,  the  pilot  states,  in  forty-seven 
degrees  and  one  sixth  part  of  a  degree.  Mr.  Haw- 
kins thinks  it  was  the  same  place  that  Jacques  Car- 
thier chose  the  year  before.  Of  Roberval's  proceed- 
ings, while  in  Canada,  but  little  is  known.  We  see 
that  on  the  5th  of  June  1543,  he  departed  on  an  ex- 
pedition to  Saguenay,  but  there  are  no  particulars  of 
it,  except  that  one  of  the  barks  was  lost  and  eight 
men  drowned. 

"Roberval  return  co  France  in  1643;  and  animated 
by  the  duty  which  h^  owed  to  the  king,  on  the  war  again 
breaking  out  between  the  Emperor  Charles  V.  and  Fran- 
cis I.  his  active  disposition  led  him  back  to  the  profession 
of  arms.  He  distinguished  himself  in  this  war,  as  he  had 
done  on  many  previous  occasions. 
63 


# 


Ill  ii,iwiWtn»i;»i»w»'m'^i?a 


410 


▼OTAOE   TO   CANADA   IN    1542. 


[boob  II. 


"  After  the  death  of  his  royal  patron,  in  1547,  having 
got  together  a  band  of  enterprising  men,  he  embarked  again 
for  Canada  in  1549,  with  his  brother  Achille,  who  was  re- 
puted one  of  the  bravest  warriors  in  France,  and  who  was 
honourably  named  by  Francis  I.,  Le  Gendarme  d'Annibal. 
In  this  voyage,  all  these  gallant  men  perished,  or  were  ne- 
ver afterwards  heard  of."* 


^Tliii  chapter  ii  from  Hakluyt,  vol.  3,  p.  SX'  to  iM9,  ud  from  Hawkini'i  Quebec,  p.  64 
to  70. 


CHkf.  XV.] 


VOYAGE  TO  FLORIDA  IN  1549. 


411 


CHAPTER  XV. 


Of  the  voyage  of  Oregorio  de  Beteta  on  the  Florida  coast  in  1549 ;  and 
of  Sebastian  Cabot  from  bis  return  to  England  in  1548,  until  hit 
death  in  1557. 

Gregorio  de  Beteta  must  have  been  to  Florida  be- 
fore the  voyage  related  in  the  Collection  of  pieces 
on  Florida,  published  by  H.  Ternaux-Compans,  at 
Paris  in  1841.  Of  the  voyage  so  related,  his  state- 
ment is,  that  when  they  came  in  sight  of  land,  in 
about  twenty-eight  degrees,  not  seeing  there  any  ap- 
pearance of  the  port  they  were  seeking,  they  .vent  to 
twenty-eight  degrees  and  a  half  or  twenty-nine  de- 
grees. After  mentioning  that  the  boat  went  ashore, 
and  what  happened,  he  says, 

"  We  employed  eight  days  to  arrive  at  the  entrance  of 
the  bay,  and  eight  other  days  were  taken  to  enter  it ;  it 
was  from  six  to  seven  leagues  wide  :  we  entered  it  for  wa- 
ter, and  we  had  much  trouble  to  find  it.  The  day  of  the 
Fete-dieu  we  went  on  land." 

Indians  were  seen  who  could  repeat  some  words  in 
Spanish,  which  they  had  learnt  from  the  Spaniards 
who  had  before  been  to  this  country. 

"We  commenced,"  says  Gregorio,  "by  making  them 
understand  by  signs  that  we  desired  that  they  should  re- 
store the  friar,  the  christians  and  the  interpreter." 


(-^J^l-TTT^-'^TSIP"'" 


412 


VOYAGE    TO    FLORIDA    IN    1549. 


[book  u. 


In  the  absence  of  those  who  went  on  land  there 
came  aboard  a  man  named  Juan  Munoz ;  he  was  in 
the  expedition  of  Soto,  and  described  his  chief.  This 
man  said, 

"  The  Indians  who  had  received  the  friar  and  his  com- 
panions had  killed  them  the  instant  that  I  quitted  them, 
but  they  preserved  the  mariner's  life.  I  asked  him  how 
he  had  knowledge  of  it.  He  replied  to  me,  I  have  often 
heard  it  repeated  by  the  Indians  who  have  killed  them." 

On  this  second  visit  of  Beteta  he  had  with  him 
four  friars.  When  they  landed  the  Indians  made 
signs  to  them  to  return  to  the  boat.  One  of  them, 
more  resolute  on  staying  here  than  the  rest,  went 
ashore  a  second  time  and  was  massacred.  It  was 
wished  to  go  to  another  place  but  the  ship  was  not 
proper  for  navigating  the  coast,  being  unable  to  ap- 
proach the  land  nearer  than  five  or  six  leagues.  On 
the  28th  of  June  1549,  they  quit  the  port  of  Vendredi 
Saint ;  it  was  decided  at  first  to  go  to  Havana,  but 
afterwards  they  directed  themselves  towards  New 
Spain ;  on  Sunday  the  14th  of  July,  they  found  them- 
selves at  Yucatan  in  twenty  degrees;  on  the  19th 
they  arrived  at  San  Juan  de  Lua. 

From  1549  to  1557  but  little  appears  to  have  been 
done  towards  settling  the  Atlantic  coast  of  North 
America.  It  was  otherwise  in  Mexico  and  the  pro- 
vinces of  South  America.  The  titles  of  books  then 
put  forth  are  not  a  little  curious. 

Hans  Staden  of  Hombourg,  in  Hesse,  who  arrived 
the  28th  of  January  1548,  in  view  of  the  cape  of 
St.  Augustin  and  entered  the  port  of  Pernambouc, 


I  u. 


CHAP.  XV.]  SEBASTIAN  CABOT  FROM  1648  TO  1567. 


413 


lere 
sin 
rhis 


cora- 
hera, 

how 

often 
tn." 

I  him 
made 
them, 
,  went 
It  was 
as  not 
1  to  ap- 
s.    On 
endredi 
ina,  but 
is  New 
them- 
le  19th 

Lve  been 
North 
he  pro- 
jks  then 

arrived 
cape  ot 
jambouc, 


published  at  Marbourg  in  1557  a  volume  with  this 
tide,     .. 

"  Veritable  histoire  et  description  d'un  pays  habits  par 
des  hommes  sauvages,  nus,  feroces  et  anthropophages,  situe 
dans  le  nouveau  monde,  nomme  Amerique,  inconnu  dans  le 
pays  de  Hesse  avant  et  depuis  la  naissance  de  Jesus-Christ, 
jusqu'a  I'annee  derniere  que  Hans  Staden  de  Homberg,  en 
Hesse,  I'a  connu  par  sa  propre  experience  et  le  fait  connaitre 
actuellement  par  le  moyen  de  I'impression." 

This  veritable  history  and  description  is  again  given 
to  the  world  by  Mr.  Henri  Ternaux  along  with  the 
other  voyages,  relations  and  memoirs  published  by 
him  at  Paris  in  1837. 

Edward  the  Sixth  ascended  the  throne  the  28th  of 
January  154i;  Sebastian  Cabot  returned  to  England 
soon  afterwards.*  On  the  6th  of  January,  in  the  se- 
cond year  of  Edward's  reign,  (154t,)  letters  patent 
were  issued,  whereby,  in  consideration  of  the  service 
done  and  to  be  done  by  Cabot,  and  by  the  advice  of 
the  king's  uncle  Edward,  Duke  of  Somerset,  protec- 
tor of  his  kingdom,  and  of  the  rest  of  his  council, 
there  was  granted  to  Cabot,  from  the  preceding  feast 
of  St.  Michael,  the  archangel,  (29th  of  September,) 
an  annuity  of  £165.  13.  4.  during  his  Hfe.f  It  is 
said  that  Cabot  built  a  house  at  Blackwall ;  that  his 
place  was  called  Poplar ;  and  that  it  retains  the  name.| 

He  became  governor  of  the  company  of  mer- 
chants, adventurers  for  the  discovery  of  places  un- 
known. In  1553,  when  the  company  sent  out  a  fleet, 
Cabot  prepared  instructions  for  the  voyage,  which 

■^  Biddle'8  Memoir,  p.  179.       fS  Hakluyt,  p.  10, 11.       ;( Hawkins's  auebec,  p.  23. 


.J??dll^.J^^...,^. 


414 


SEBASTIAN    CABOT    FROM    1548    TO    1557.        [BOOK  II, 


may  be  seen  in  the  first  volume  of  Hakluyt,  page  226 
to  230 :  they  have  been  commended  as  giving  strong 
proof  of  his  sagacity.  Sir  Hugh  Willoughby,  the 
captain  general  of  the  fleet,  and  such  of  his  men  as 
were  in  two  of  the  ships,  perished  from  cold  in  Lap- 
land, in  or  after  January  155|.*  The  other  ship  was 
in  charge  of  the  pilot  general,  (Richard  Chancellor,) 
who  has  given  an  account  of  his  travels  in  Russia, 
Muscovy  and  the  adjoining  countries ;  it  is  in  1  Hak- 
luyt, page  237  to  255,  and  in  Purchas's  Pilgrims,  vol. 
3,  book  2,  ch.  1,  page  211. 

Stephen  Burroughs,  who  was  dispatched  to  the 
north  upon  another  enterprise  in  1556,  mentions  an 
entertainment  at  Gravesend,  just  before  the  departure 
of  his  ship,  and  tells  the  following  anecdote  of  Ca- 
bot.t 

"  The  27th  of  April,  being  Monday,  the  right  worshipful 
Sebastian  Oaboto  came  aboard  our  pinnace  at  Gravesend, 
accompanied  with  divers  gentlemen  and  gentlewomen, 
who,  after  they  had  viewed  our  pinnace  and  tasted  of  such 
cheer  as  we  could  make  them,  aboard,  they  went  on  shore, 
giving  to  our  mariners  right  liberal  rewards :  and  the  good 
old  gentleman  master  Caboto  gave  to  the  poor  most  liberal 
alms,  wishing  them  to  pray  for  the  good  fortune  and  pros- 
perous success  of  the  Serch-thrift,  our  pinnace.  And  then 
at  the  sign  of  the  Christopher,  he  and  his  friends  banqueted, 
and  made  me  and  them  that  were  in  the  company  great 
cheer :  and  for  very  joij,  that  he  had  to  see  the  forward- 
ness of  our  intended  discovery,  he  entered  into  the  dance 
himself,  amongst  the  rest  of  the  young  and  lusty  company : 
which  being  ended,  he  and  his  friends  departed  most  gent- 
ly, commending  us  to  the  governance  of  Almighty  God." 


*1  Hakluyt,  p.  337.        f  1  Hakluyt,  p.  974, 6.    Biddle'a  Memoir,  p.  a],*),  14. 


mmm 


wmm 


CHAP.  ST.] 


PORTRAIT    OF    CABOT. 


415 


When  Cabot  was  thus  dancing  with  the  rest  of  the 
young  people,  it  is  to  be  remembered,  he  was  nearly 
fourscore  years.  He  died  the  next  year  (1567)  in 
London,  at  the  advanced  age  of  eighty,  leaving  a 
high  character  both  as  a  navigator  and  a  man  of  ge- 
neral ability.  He  was  attended  in  his  last  moments 
by  his  friend  Richard  Eden,*  and  from  Eden's  pre- 
sence, it  is  inferred  London  was  the  place  of  his 
death.  "  He  gave,"  Mr.  Biddle  remarks,  "  a  conti- 
nent to  England,  yet  no  one  can  point  to  the  few  feet 
of  earth  she  has  allowed  him  in  return."  In  Boston 
and  Philadelphia,  there  are  respectable  families  with 
the  name  and  arms  of  Cabot,  who  are  supposed  to  be 
his  descendants.!  ^ 

•  Purchas  '  ol.  4,  p.  1812,)  refers  to  a  picture  of  Se- 
bastian Ci*  I  the  privy  gallery  at  Whitehall,  with 
this  inscripi 


tls.\^£k  . 


"  Effigies  Seb.  Oaboti  Angli,  filii  Johannis  Caboti  Yeneti 
Mililis  Aurati,  &c. ;  he  was  born  at  Venice,  and  serving 
Henry  VII.,  Henry  VIII.,  Edward  VI.,  was  accounted  En- 
glish— Galpano  saith  he  was  born  at  Bristol." 

"This  picture,"  Mr.  Biddle  says,|  "now  belon^^  tO  the 
representatives  of  the  late  Charles  Joseph  Harford,  Esq.  of 
Bristol.  The  inscription  which  Purchas  curtails  by  an 
'&c.'  is  this: 

"  '  Effigies  Seb.  Caboti  Angli,  filii  Johannis  Caboti  Veneti 
Militis  Aurati,  Primi  Inventoris  Terrm  Nova  sub  Henrico 
VII.  AnglicB  Rege.^ 

"  The  manner  in  which  the  portrait  came  to  the  know- 
ledge of  Mr.  Harford,  and  finally  into  his  possession,  is  very 
minutely  stated  in  a  memoir  prepared  by  him  and  left  with 

*  Biddle*B  Memoir,  p.  919.      t  Hawkins's  Quebec,  p.  S3.      X  Biddle's  Memoir,  p.  317 


416 


PORTRAIT   or    CABOT. 


[BOOR    II. 


his  family.  Without  needlessly  introducing  names,  it  may 
suffice  to  state  that  whilst  travelling  in  Scotland,  in  1792, 
he  saw  it  for  the  first  time  at  the  seat  of  a  nobleman ;  and, 
many  years  afterwards,  his  friend  the  late  Sir  Frederick 
Eden  was  enabled  to  gratify  his  anxious  wishes  by  procu- 
ring it  for  him. 

"  The  work  of  Purchas  was  published  in  1625,  at  the 
close  of  the  reign  of  James  I.  That  the  picture  was  not 
in  the  gallery  in  the  time  of  Charles  II.,  would  appear  from 
the  following  circumstances : 

"  There  is  a  tract  by  Evelyn,  the  celebrated  author  of 
Sylva,  &>c.  entitled  "  Navigation  and  commerce,  their  ori< 
ginal  and  progress,  containing  a  succinct  account  of  traffic 
in  general,  its  benefits  and  improvements ;  of  discoveries, 
wars  and  conflicts  at  sea,  from  the  original  of  navigation  to 
this  day ;  with  special  regard  to  the  English  nation  ;  their 
several  voyages  and  expeditions  to  the  beginning  of  our  late 
differences  with  Holland ;  in  which  his  majesty's  title  to 
the  dominion  of  the  sea  is  asserted  against  the  novel  and 
later  pretenders,  by  J.  Evelyn,  Esq.  S.R.S.  London,  1674.' 
It  is  dedicated  to  Charles  II.  to  whom  the  author  expresses 
his  gratitude  for  an  appointment  to  the  council  of  com- 
merce and  plantations.  The  object  of  it,  as  may  be  infer- 
red from  the  title,  is  to  shew  the  early  and  diffusive  influ- 
ence of  England  at  sea.  Referring  to  the  triumphant  con- 
flicts with  France  in  the  time  of  Henry  VIII.,  he  says,  (p. 
73,)  'see  also  that  rare  piece  of  Holbein's  in  his  majesty's 
gallery  at  Whitehall.'  He  adverts  (p.  57)  to  Sebastian  Ca- 
bot, '  born  with  us  at  Bristol,'  and  hazards  a  conjecture  as 
to  his  having,  with  his  father,  *  discovered  Florida  and  the 
shores  of  Virginia,  with  that  whole  tract  as  far  as  New- 
foundland, before  the  bold  Genoese.'  Had  the  portrait  in 
question  been  in  the  gallery  at  Whitehall  in  Evelyn's  time, 
he  would  not  have  omitted  to  notice  the  remarkable  asser- 
tion which  its  inscription  conveys. 


^% 


II. 

lay 
92, 
,nd, 
rick 

)CU- 

the 
I  not 
from 

lor  of 

ir  ori- 

traffic 

veries, 

ition  to 

;  their 

3ur  late 

title  to 

vel  and 

,  1674/ 

xpresses 

of  com- 
le  infer- 

|ve  influ- 

(ant  con- 

jsays,  (p. 
lajesty's 

[stian  Ca- 
icture  as 
and  the 
as  New- 
portrait  in 
n's  time, 
ible  asser- 


CHAP.  XV.] 


PORTRAIT  OF  CABOT. 


417 


"  The  disappearance  of  the  picture,  therefore,  from  White- 
hall, and  its  getting  into  private  hands,  may  be  referred  to 
the  intermediate  period.  It  was,  probably,  bought  at  the 
sales  which  took  place  after  the  death  of  Charles  I.,  and  of 
which  the  following  account  is  found  in  Walpole's  Anec- 
dotes of  Painting  in  England :  '• 

" '  Immediately  after  the  death  of  the  King,  several  votes  were  passed 
for  sale  of  his  goods,  pictures,  statues,  &c. 

"  *  Feb.  20, 1648.  It  was  referred  to  the  committee  of  the  navy  to 
raise  money  by  sale  of  the  crown  jewels,  hangings  and  other  goods  of 
the  late  king. 

"  <  In  the  ensuing  month  the  house  proceeded  to  vote,  that  the  perso- 
nal estate  of  the  late  king,  queen  and  prince,  should  be  inventoried,  ap- 
praised and  sold.  This  vote,  in  which  they  seem  to  have  acted  ho- 
nestly, not  allowing  their  own  members  to  be  concerned  in  the  sale, 
was  the  cause  that  the  collections  fell  into  a  variety  of  low  hands,  and 
were  dispersed  among  the  painters  and  officers  of  the  late  king's  house- 
hold ;  where  many  of  them  remained  on  sale  with  low  prices  affixed. 

" '  All  other  furniture  from  all  the  king's  palaces  was  brought  up  and 
exposed  to  sale ;  there  are  specified,  particularly,  Denmark  or  Somer- 
set-house, Greenwich,  fFhitehcdl,  Nonsuch,  Oatlands,  Windsor,  Wim- 
bleton-house,  St.  James's,  Hampton-court,  Richmond,  Theobalds,  Lud- 
low, Carisbrook  and  Kenilworth  castles;  Bewdley-house,  Holdenby- 
house,  Royston,  Newmarket  and  Woodstock  manorhouse.  One  may 
easily  imagine  that  such  a  collection  of  pictures,  with  the  remains  of 
jewels  and  plate,  and  the  furniture  of  nineteen  palaces,  ought  to  have 
amounted  to  a  far  greater  sum  than  one  hundred  and  eighteen  thousand 
pounds. 

" '  The  sale  continued  to  August  9, 1653.  The  prices  were  fixed,  but 
if  more  was  offered,  the  highest  bidder  purchased ;  this  happened  in 
some  instances,  not  in  many.  Part  of  the  goods  were  sold  by  inch  of 
candle.  The  buyers,  called  contractors,  signed  a  writing  for  the  seve- 
ral sums.  If  they  disliked  the  bargain,  they  were  at  liberty  to  be  dis- 
charged from  the  agreement  on  paying  one  fourth  of  the  sum  stipula- 
ted. Among  the  purchasers  of  statues  and  pictures,  were  several  pain- 
ters, as  Decritz,  Wright,  Baptist  Van  Leemput,  Sir  Balthazar  Gerbier, 
&c.  The  Cartoons  of  Raphael  were  bought  by  his  highness  (Crom- 
well) for  £  300.'" 

63 


418 


PORTRAIT    or    CABOT. 


[BOOK    11. 


"  The  circumstances  which  refer  this  portrait  to  Holbein 
seem  to  be  conclusive.  Cabot  is  represented  as  in  extreme 
age.  Now  he  had  not  been  in  England  from  1517  until 
his  return  in  1548.  The  portrait,  therefore,  must  have 
been  taken  after  the  last  mentioned  date.  Holbein  enjoyed 
the  continued  patronage  of  Henry  Till,  after  Sir  Thomas 
More  had  introduced  his  works  to  the  king's  notice  in  the 
manner  so  familiarly  known.  He  lived  through  the  reign 
of  Edward  YI.  and  died  ^X  Whitehall,  of  the  plague,  in 
1554.  It  is  not  probable,  under  such  circumstances,  that  a 
portrait  of  Cabot,  destined  for  the  king's  gallery,  would 
have  been  taken  by  any  other  hand. 

"  Such  seems  to  be  the  curious  history  of  a  picture  in  it- 
self so  interesting.  Painted  for  Edward  YI.  in  compliment 
to  this  great  seaman  and  national  benefactor,  and  the  pro- 
perty, in  succession,  of  two  queens  and  two  kings  of  Eng- 
land, its  retirement  to  private  life  may  probably  be  dated 
from  a  sale  at  which  Oliver  Cromwell  was  a  bidder. 

"  Cabot  was  evidently,  as  has  been  said,  at  a  very  ad- 
vanced age  when  the  portrait  was  taken.  His  stature, 
though  somewhat  lost  in  a  slight  stoop,  must  have  been 
commanding.  Holbein  would  seem  to  have  wished  to 
catch  the  habitual,  unpremeditated  expression  which  he 
had  doubtless,  from  engagements  about  the  Court,  had  fre- 
quent opportunities  of  remarking.  It  is  that  of  profound, 
and  even  painful  thought ;  and  in  the  deeply  marked  lines, 
and  dark  hazel  eye,  there  yet  linger  tokens  of  the  force 
and  ardour  of  character  of  this  extraordinary  man.  The 
right  hand  exhibits  an  admirable  specimen  of  the  painter's 
minute,  elaborate  finish.  Of  the  compasses  which  it  holds 
one  foot  is  placed  on  a  great  globe  resting  on  a  table,  on 
which  are  an  honr-glass  and  writing  materials.  The  rich 
robe  and  massy  gold  chain,  are  probably  badges  of  his  of- 
fice as  governor  of  the  society  of  merchant  adventurers. 
It  is  impossible  not  to  gaze  with  deep  interest  on  this  me- 


I  11. 


CHAP,  xr.] 


PORTRAIT   or    CABOT. 


419 


erne 

mtil 

have 

oyed 

omas 

1  the 

reign 

16,  in 

that  a 

would 

3  in  it- 
(liment 
16  pro- 
.f  Eng- 
le  dated 


morial,  heightened,  perhaps,  by  a  reflection  on  its  present 
humble  position — emblematic,  indeed,  of  the  slight  on  the 
closing  years  of  the  great  original."*  -\ 


■•'A  catalogue  of  the  pictares,  4cc.  be- 
longing to  Cbarlea  I.,  drawn  up  in  his  life- 
time, and  apparently  for  bis  use,  ia  found 
amongst  tbe  Harleian  MSB.  No.  4718. 
Amongst  tboie  enumerated  as  then  in  the 
privy  gallery  at  Whitehall,  that  of  Cabot 
is  not  mentioned.  This  might  lead  to  tbe 
inference  that  it  had  got  into  private  hands 
sooner  than  is  above  suggested,  particular- 
ly as  it  appears  by  the  catalogue  that  some 
of  the  pictures  had  been  recently  obtained 
in  the  way  of  exchange.  Again,  it  may 
have  been  sent  or  talien  away  by  tbe  king. 
In  the  MS.  work  of  Richard  Syraonds, 
(Harleian  MSB.  No.  991,)  it  is  said,  "  The 
committee  at  Somerset-house,  valued  the 
king's  pictures  and  other  movable  goods  at 
£  S300,000.,  notwkhatanding  that  both  himself 
and  the  queen  had  carried  ateajf  abundance.^' 
The  painting  in  question  is  not  specially 


mentioned  in  a  list  of  the  sales  during  the 
protectorate,  found  in  the  Harleian  MBS. 
No.  7359,  though  this  is  by  no  means  deci- 
sive, as  several  of  the  entries  are  mere 
charges  against  individuals  for  "a  pic- 
ture," "  two  pictures,"  "  three  pictures," 
4tc.  (fol.  SSQ,  et  seq.)  Cabot's  portrait  has 
recently  been  seen,  in  London,  by  the  most 
eminent  artists,  and  instantly  recognised 
as  a  Holbein.  However  we  may  balance 
between  probabilities  as  to  Its  intermedi- 
ate history,  a  doubt  as  to  its  identity  with 
the  picture  referred  to  by  Purchas,  seems 
to  involve  not  only  the  necessity  of  ac- 
counting for  the  disappearance  of  tbe  lat- 
ter, but  also  the  extravagant  supposition 
that  two  portraiU  of  Cabot,  bearing  the 
same  remarkable  inscription,  were  execu- 
ted by  the  great  artist  of  his  day. 


(^ery  ad- 
stature, 
,ve  been 
ished  to 
rhich  he 
had  fre- 
)rofound, 
ced  lines, 
the  force 
an.    The 
painter's 
h  it  holds 
table,  on 
The  rich 
of  his  of- 
Iventurers. 

,n  this  me- 


420 


EXAMINATION    OF    FLORIDA    COAST ;    1558.       ["OOE  ii. 


:  •    .,.>.                     -••    •       '"■'    -  ■      > 

-•■'  '■■*■■ .  h-'ijii 

■ 

.      .    ' ;•' '     .■>!'<  i/  ":• 

'                  '.             .             ,  '  ' 

-.  /    :••:•■  r 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

>     .'    .  . 

Of  an  examination  of  the  coast  of  Florida  in  1558,  wherein  was  seen 
a  bay,  described  as  "  the  largest  and  most  commodious  bay  of  all  on 
these  shores,"  which  was  named  then  Philipina,  and  afterwards  Santa 
Maria  Philipina ;  also  of  an  expedition  in  1559  to  the  port  of  Y'chuse 
in  thirty  degrees  twenty  minutes,  about  twenty  leagues  south  of  the 
bay  of  Santa  Maria;  and  of  a  reconnoissance  in  1561  to  about  thirty- 
five  degrees. 

Don  Louis  de  Velasco,  viceroy  of  Mexico,  sent 
Guido  de  las  Bazares  with  some  marines  and  other 
persons  to  reconnoitre  the  coasts  of  Florida,  for  the 
greater  safety  of  the  persons  who  were  going  there 
to  colonize  the  country  and  the  point  of  St.  Helena. 
He  set  out  from  the  port  of  Saint  Juan  de  Lua,  the 
3d  of  September  1558,  with  sixty  soldiers  and  ma- 
rines in  a  large  bark,  a  galley  and  a  shallop.  He  ar- 
rived at  the  river  of  Panuco  on  the  5th,  set  out  from 
it  on  the  14th,  and  went  to  land  on  this  coast  in 
twenty-seven  degrees  and  a  half.  Going  along  the 
coast,  he  discovered  a  bay  at  twenty-eight  degrees 
and  a  half  of  latitude,  which  he  named  San  Fran- 
cisco. Setting  out  from  this  place  he  went  to  recon- 
noitre the  Alacranes,  to  direct  himself  thence  towards 
Florida.  Contrary  winds  having  prevented  him  from 
approaching  where  he  wished,  he  landed  at  twenty- 
nine  degrees  and  a  half  upon  the  coast  of  east  south- 
east, where  he  found  an  isle,  four  leagues  from  Terra 
Firma ;  he  passed  within  that  isle,  Terra  Firma  and 


11- 


CHAP.  XVI.]   EXAMINATION    OF   FLORIDA   COAST )    1659. 


431 


B  seen 
all  oil 
I  Santa 
''chuse 
of  the 
;  thirty- 


),  sent 
other 

or  the 

;  there 

lelena. 

ua,  the 

id  nia- 
He  ar- 

at  from 
oast  in 

)ng  the 
degrees 
Fran- 
3  recon- 
towards 
lim  from 
twenty- 
st  south- 
in  Terra 
rma  and 


other  isles  of  tlie  continent,  and  gave  to  this  place 
the  name  of  the  bay  of  Bas-Fonds.  Thence  he  made 
ten  leagues  to  the  east;  he  saw  a  bay  which  he 
named  Philipina;  it  is  described  as  the  largest  and 
most  commodious  bay  of  all  on  these  shores ;  pene- 
trated, passing  by  the  point  of  an  isle  seven  leagues 
long;  and  distant  from  the  port  of  Saint  Juan  de 
Lua  about  two  hundred  and  seventy  leagues.^  After 
having  quitted  it,  he  tried  twice  to  reconnoitre  the 
coast,  extending  more  to  the  east;  he  followed  it 
more  than  twenty  leagues.  Quitting  the  coast  of 
Florida  on  the  3d  of  December,  he  entered  the  port 
of  San  Juan  de  Lua  the  14th. 

On  the  24th  of  September  1559,  Velasco  wrote  to 
the  king  a  letter  upon  his  affairs  in  Florida,  in  which 
he  mentions  that  a  fleet  fitted  out  for  the  colonization 
of  Florida,  from  the  point  of  Saint  Helena,  sailed  on 
the  1 1th  of  June  of  that  year  from  San  Juan  de  Ulua, 
and  that  on  the  9th  of  September,  there  arrived  a  gal- 
lion  dispatched  by  the  governor  Don  Tristan  d' Arel- 
lano ;  that  it  had  made  in  fourteen  days  the  passage 
from  the  place  whence  the  disembarkation  was  effec- 
ted ;  and  that  it  brought  the  following  information  of 
the  progress  of  the  fleet.  At  the  end  of  seventeen 
days,  it  found  itself  on  the  shores  of  the  river  of  Saint 
Esprit,  about  twenty  leagues  from  this  river  and  in 
twenty-seven  degrees  and  a  quarter  of  latitude.  From 
this  place  they  made  six  leagues  to  the  southeast,  to 
the  south  southwest,  and  to  the  south,  until  they  made 
to  the  lieight  of  the  Alacranes,  at  twenty»seven  de- 

*  The  account  of  Bazarea  is  that  "  I'entr6e  est  &2d  degrfes  et  demi  de  latitude  sud  ;" 
those  >vho  saw  it  in  the  succeeding  year  (it  will  be  seen)  place  it  in  rather  a  higher  lati- 
tude. 


422 


DISCOVERY   or   BAT    OF    SANTA   MARIA. 


[BOOK    II. 


grees  to  the  southwest  of  these  last.  From  this  point 
they  ran  another  course  to  the  northeast  to  reconnoi- 
tre the  coast.  Eight  days  after,  they  perceived  the 
coast  at  eight  leagues  from  the  bay  of  Mervelo  in  the 
direction  of  the  west,  about  twenty-nine  degrees  and 
a  half.  On  the  17th  of  July  the  fleet  sailed  for  the 
port  of  d'Ychuse.  This  is  described  as  twenty  leagues 
from  the  bay  Philipina,  and  about  thirty  leagues  from 
the  bay  of  Mervelo ;  as  between  these  bays,  and  in 
about  thirty  degrees  twenty  minutes.  The  pilot  on 
board  a  frigate  which  went  on  before,  not  perceiving 
this  port,  the  frigate  passed  beyond  and  cast  anchor 
in  the  bay  Philipina  discovered  by  Guido  de  las  Ba- 
zares.  The  horses  were  disembarked  in  this  bay,  and 
some  companies  of  infantry  repaired  with  them  by 
land  to  d'Ychuse.  The  army  quitted  the  bay  of  Phili- 
pina for  the  port  of  d'Ychuse,  the  day  of  Notre-Dame 
d'Aout,  which  caused  to  be  given  to  it  the  name  of 
Santa  Maria  Philipina. 

Notwithstanding  what  was  said  by  Bazares  of  the 
port  of  Philipina,  the  governor,  we  are  told,  knew 
that  the  port  d'Ychuse  "  was  the  best  and  the  most 
sure  on  all  this  coast."  Yet,  in  the  dispatch,  we  find 
afterwards  this  language : 


"Guide  arrived  in  this  bay  Philipina.  The  fleet  ran 
some  danger  in  enteri:  g  it,  because  of  the  small  depth  at 
the  bar,  which  hinders  the  entrance  of  large  vessels,  the 
strong  current  that  is  there,  and  the  bad  time  that  it  caused. 
The  army  quitted  the  bay  of  Philipina  for  the  port  of 
d'Ychuse,  the  day  of  Notre  Dame  d'Aout,  which  caused  to 
be  given  to  it  the  name  of  Santa  Maria  Philipina.  It  is 
one  of  the  best  ports  which  they  have  discovered  in  the 


CHAP.  XVI.]  EXAMINATION   OF    COAST    IN   1661  TO  35°. 


423 


Indias ;  the  lowest  depth  is  not  less  than  twelve  cubits ;  it 
has  seven  or  eight  fathoms  in  the  interior ;  the  width  is 
three  leagues ;  the  Spaniards  are  still  there  ;  the  bar  is  half 
a  league  wide."  Again,  it  is  said :  "  The  ships  can  cast 
anchor  in  four  or  five  fathoms,  at  a  shot  of  the  cross-bow 
from  the  shore ;  the  port  is  so  sure  that  no  wind  can  occa- 
sion there  any  misfortune.  We  saw  there  some  cabins, 
which  appeared  to  belong  to  Indian  fishers ;  the  soil  seemed 
very  fertile ;  there  grew  there  many  vines,  nuts,  and  other 
fruit  trees ;  there  were  numerous  woods,  much  game,  many 
birds,  excellent  fish  and  of  all  kinds.  We  found  there  also, 
a  field  of  maize." 


If  we  consider  this  as  intended  to  describe  the  port 
and  bay  of  Santa  Maria,  the  description  was  well  cal- 
culated to  encourage  a  subsequent  settlement  there. 

Velasco,  in  his  letter  of  September  1659,  writes 
that  he  is«  going  to  send  promptly  the  supplies  of 
which  the  governor  has  need.  It  was  contemplated 
'  to  explore  the  country,  to  choose  a  place  for  coloniz- 
ing, and  to  build  a  fortress ;  after  this,  to  penetrate 
into  the  interior,  and  put  in  execution  a  plan  for  pro- 
pagating the  Catholic  religion. 

On  the  27th  of  May  1561,  Angel  de  Villafane,  go- 
vernor and  captain  general  of  the  provinces  of  Flo- 
rida., entered,  with  a  frigate,  into  the  river  of  Saint 
Helena,  and  proceeded  to  thirty-three  degrees.  He 
made  four  or  five  leagues,  and  disembarked;  not 
deeming  the  place  suitable  for  colonizing,  he  regained 
the  sea  and  followed  the  coast,  to  seek  a  port.  After 
having  doubled  the  Cape  San  Roman,  at  thirty-four 
degrees,  he  went  upon  land  the  2d  of  June,  and  saw 
a  great  river,  of  which  he  took  possession.     The  8th 


v,> 


■^^ 


r^ 


424 


EXAMINATION    Or    COAST    IN    1561   TO   35^.      [BOOK  ii. 


of  June  he  entered,  on  board  of  the  frigates,  the  river 
Jordan,  which  runs  near  this  cape.  Again  he  put  to 
sea.  He  sent  the  treasurer  Alonzo  Velasquez,  to  the 
river  of  Canoes,  situated  near  thirty-four  degrees  and 
a  half.  The  reconnoissance  of  the  coast  was  conti- 
nued until  the  14th  of  June,  when  the  cape  of  Tra- 
falgar was  found  in  about  thirty-five  degrees.  A  tem- 
pest prevented  the  reconnoissance  from  being  prose- 
cuted farther.  They  reached  the  port  of  Monte 
Christo,  in  the  isle  of  Hispaniola,  the  9th  of  July 
1561. 

The  relations,  from  which  this  chapter  is  taken,  are 
in  a  volume  of  pieces  on  Florida,  published  at  Paris 
in  1841,  in  Ternaux's  collection  of  original  voyages, 
relations  and  memoirs,  to  serve  for  the  history  of  the 
discovery  of  America.  On  comparing  the  degrees 
with  the  best  maps  of  the  present  day,  it  js  very  ob- 
vious that  the  degrees,  as  understood  by  the  writers  of 
these  relations,  vary,  to  some  extent,  from  the  degrees 
as  now  understood. 


■■.■T'^r'Vi'*''!  -w*^" 


CHAP.  XTH.]  VOYAGE  OF  RIBAULT  TO  FLORIDA,'    1662. 


y >..!'[     t.  "i it'! .■.:%■• 

»'•        'Ur*    /        '            ••' 

' '   '           "                    \  .     1  '-  • 

y^^-y\  "..•  i    '  ■^ 

•  'f                          ■     ,'.. 

v■'.■K!.^    .^ 

•  ,••■          ;      ■             ."    , 

=   ■'   •.     v^      -,      . 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

"  -  ( 


■\  % 


425 


1 


•    i. 


Of  the  dissensions  existing  in  France  in  15G3;  and  the  voyage  thence 
to  Florida  this  year  under  captain  John  Ribault. 

Francis  the  First  of  France,  died  in  March  1647, 
about  two  months  after  Henry  the  Eighth  of  Englai'd. 
Ho  was  succeeded  by  Henry  the  Second,  who  died 
the  10th  of  July  1569.     Francis  the  Second,  a  son  of 
Henry  and  of  Catharine  de  Medici,  had  the  year  be- 
fore he  ascended  the  throne  married  Mary  Stuart, 
only  child  of  James  the  Fifth  of  Scotland,  by  Maria  of 
Lorraine,  daughter  of  Claude  the  first  duke  of  Guise. 
During  his  short  reign  of  seventeen  months  were 
sown  the  seeds  of  evils  which  afterwards  desolated 
France.     The  uncles  of  his  wife,  Francis  duke  of 
Guise,  and  the  duke's  brother  Charles,  the  cardinal 
of  Lorraine,  held  the  reigns  of  government.    Antony 
of  Bourbon,  King  of  Navarre,  and  his  brother  Louis, 
Prince  of  Conde,  unwilling  to  see  them  govern  the 
kingdom  while  princes  of  the  blood  were  reinoved 
from  the  administration,  united  with  the  Prott.  c-its 
to  overthrow  the  Guises  who  were  protectors  of  the 
Catholics.      Ambition   was  the   cause,  religion   the 
pretext,  and  the  conspiracy  of   Amboif  e  the   first 
symptom  of  the  civil  war  which  broke  out  in  March 
1560.     In  relation  to  this  subject,  reference  has  been 
made  to  the  second  volume  of   "  Nouvel  abrege 
chronologique  de  I'histoire  de  France,"  printed  at 

54 


426 


VOYAGE  OF  RIBAULT  TO  FLORIDA)    1562.         [BOOK  II. 


Paris  in  1775,  the  author  of  which  remarks  at  page 
616,  that  "the  diflference  of  commencing  the  year 
in  the  month  of  January,  or  at  Easter,  has  occa- 
sioned sometimes  a  diversity  in  dates ;  some  placing, 
for  example,  the  conspiracy  of  Amboise  in  1659,  and 
others  in  1560." 

The  Prince  of  Conde,  as  the  head  of  the  Hugue- 
nots, was  already  condemned  to  die  by  the  hands  of 
the  executioner,  when  Francis  the  Second  died  the 
5th  of  December  1660,  in  the  eighteenth  year  of  his 
age.  He  was  succeeded  by  his  brother  Charles  the 
Ninth,  who  ascended  the  throne  at  the  age  of  ten 
years.  His  mother,  Catharine  de  Medici,  without 
having  the  title  of  regent,  undertook  to  administer 
the  government,  with  the  counsel  of  the  King  of  Na- 
varre, who  was  appointed  governor  general.  In  the 
beginning  of  this  reign  the  Prince  of  Conde  was  set 
at  liberty.  ' 

There  were  in  England,  after  the  death  of  Henry 
the  Eighth,  as  many  different  sovereigns  within  a  short 
number  of  years,  as  in  France  after  the  death  of 
Francis  the  First.  The  reign  of  Edward  the  Sixth 
ended  the  6th  of  July  1663;  then  Mary  was  queen 
till  her  marriage  with  Philip  the  26th  of  July  1654; 
and  Philip  and  Mary  reigned  till  her  death  on  the 
17th  of  November  1668,  when  Elizabeth  ascended 
the  throne. 

In  the  mean  time,  to  wit,  in  1666,  the  Emperor 
Charles  the  Fifth  had  abdicated  his  crown  in  favour 
of  Philip.  After  the  death  of  Mary,  who  had  been 
induced  by  Philip  to  declare  war  against  France,  he 
made  peace  with  that  kingdom  in  1669,  and  soon  af- 


CHAP.  XVII.]  voYAOE  OF  RIBAULT  TO  FLORIDA  J   1662. 


427 


[enry 
short 
ith  of 
Sixth 
queen 
1654; 
)n  the 
jended 


ter  married  a  daughter  of  Henry  the  Second.  The 
arrival  of  PhiHp  in  Spain  this  year  was  celebrated  by 
the  inquisition ;  he  received  from  the  Protestants  the 
appellation  of  Demon  of  the  South. 

Mary  Stuart,  whom  Catharine  de  Medici  loved  not, 
and  who  loved  her  no  more,  returned  to  Scotland  in 
1561  by  the  advice  of  her  uncle,  the  cardinal  of  Lor- 
raine, after  having  relinquished  the  arms  and  the  title 
of  Queen  of  England,  to  avoid  being  stopped  by  the 
vessels  of  Elizabeth. 

In  France,  there  were  now  two  strong  parties :  On 
the  side  of  Conde  were  the  Protestants  and  Gaspard 
de  Coligny,  admiral  of  France ;  on  the  side  of  Fran- 
cis Guise,  now  duke  of  Lorraine,  were  the  constable 
of  Montmorenci  and  the  marshal  of  Saint  Andre. 
To  these  the  King  of  Navarre  joined  himself;  and 
the  fear  that  his  junction  would  make  the  party  of 
the  Catholics  too  powerful,  it  is  said,  caused  the  edict 
of  January  1562,  which  granted  to  the  Huguenots 
the  public  exercise  of  their  religion.  This  was  with 
a  proviso  that  they  should  advance  nothing  opposed 
to  the  Council  of  Nice,  to  symbols,  or  to  the  Old  or 
New  Testament.*  The  domestic  dissensions  which 
existed  were  probably  not  without  their  influence  in 
leading  the  French  now  to  take  measures  for  coloni- 
zing in  America. 

The  admiral  of  Chastillo»  caused  two  ships  to  sail 
for  America  in  1562  under  captain  John  Ribault,  a  Hu- 
guenot, accompanied  by  several  gentlemen,  amongst 
whom  was  Mons'r  Rene  Laudonniere  who  has  given 
an  account  of  the  voyage.     It  will  be  found  in  the 


*  "  L'hi8toire  dc  France,"  printed  at  Paris  in  1775,  vo*.  2,  p.  535. 


■^^amm- 


t^W'^fW^^ 


428 


VOTAGE  OF  RIBAULT  TO  FLORIDA  ;   1562.         ["OOK  ii. 


i--~  y 


third  volume  of  Hakluyt's  Collection,  page  303  to 
319.  They  went  to  sea  the  18th  of  February,  and 
after  sailing  two  months,  arrived  in  Florida,  landing 
near  a  cape  distant  from  the  equator  about  thirty  de- 
grees, which  they  called  Cape  Fran9ois.  Coasting 
north,  they  discovered  a  great  river  where  they  landed 
and  saw  many  Indians,  men  and  women,  by  whom 
they  were  kindly  received.  Not  far  from  the  mouth 
of  this  river  they  planted  a  pillar  of  stone  on  which 
were  the  arms  of  France.  Then  they  crossed  over 
to  the  other  side  of  the  river  and  offered  up  a  prayer 
of  thanksgiving  for  having  been  so  far  safely  con- 
ducted. Several  Indians  were  present,  observing  at- 
tentively this  proceeding.  When  it  was  over,  there 
was  an  exchange  of  presents  between  their  king  and 
Ribault.  After  which  the  French  went  back  to  the 
shore  where  they  first  were,  and  exchanged  presents 
with  the  king  that  was  on  that  side.  The  river,  they 
called  the  river  of  May,  because  they  discovered  it 
the  first  of  that  month. 

Returning  to  the  ships  they  weighed  anchor  and 
hoisted  their  sails,  to  discover  the  coast  farther  north. 
They  discovered  and  partly  explored  another  river 
which  they  called  the  Seine.  They  had  not  sailed 
much  farther  along  the  coast  before  they  discovered 
a  third  river  and  an  isle.  They  saw  here  a  king,  no 
less  affable  than  the  rest,  and  named  this  river  the 
Somme.  Sailing  then  about  six  i 'agues,  they  viewed 
a  fourth  river  which  they  named  the  Loyre,  and  there 
discovered  five  others,  whereof  the  first  was  named 
Cherente,  the  second  Garonne,  the  third  Gironde,  the 
fourth  Belle,  the  fifth  Grande ;  having  thus  in  less 


CHAP.  XVII.]  VOYAGE  or  RIBAULT  TO  FLORIDA  J   1562. 


429 


than  sixty  leagues,  discovered  many  things  along  nine 
rivers.  Yet  they  sailea  kbther  north,  following,  says 
Laudonniere,  "  the  course  that  might  bring  us  to  the 
river  of  Jordan,  one  of  the  fairest  rivers  of  the  north." 
Fogs  and  tempests  constrained  them  to  leave  the 
coast  and  bear  to  sea,  but  when  the  weather  became 
better,  they  saw  a  river  which  they  called  Belle  a  Voir, 
and  afterwards  arrived  at  a  mighty  river  in  thirty-two 
degrees,  which,  because  of  its  fairness  and  largeness, 
they  named  Port  Royal.  Here  they  cast  anchor  at 
ten  fathoms  of  water;  the  depth  being  such  "when 
the  sea  beginneth  to  flow  that  the  greatest  ships  of 
France,  yea  the  arguses  of  Venice,  may  enter  in 
there."  The  captain  and  his  soldiers  went  ashore, 
he  being  the  first  to  land. 

"  The  river,"  says  Laudonniere,  "  at  the  mouth  thereof, 
from  cape  to  cape,  is  no  less  than  three  French  leagues 
broad :  it  is  divided  into  two  great  arms,  whereof  the  one 
runneth  towards  the  west,  the  other  towards  the  north. 
And  I  believe  in  my  judgment  that  the  arm  which  stretch- 
eth  towards  the  north,  runneth  up  into  the  country  as  far 
as  the  river  Jordan :  the  other  arm  runneth  into  the  sea,  as 
it  was  known  and  understood  by  tho?e  of  our  company 
which  were  left  behind  to  dwell  in  this  place.  These  two 
arms  are  two  great  leagues  broad,  and  in  the  midst  of  them 
there  is  an  isle  which  is  pointed  towards  the  opening  of  the 
great  river." 

They  sailed  in  the  ships  three  leagues  up  the  river, 
and  cast  anchor.  After  which,  Ribault,  accompa- 
nied by  some  of  the  soldiers,  went  further  up,  into  the 
arm  that  runs  towards  the  west.  Having  sailed 
twelve  leagues,  they  perceived  a  troop  of  Indians, 


430 


VOYAGE  OF  RIBAULT  TO  FLORIDA  ;   1562.         [BOOK  ii. 


who,  SO  soon  as  they  saw  the  pinnaces,  fled  into  the 
woods,  leaving  behind  a  young  Lucerne  they  were 
turning  on  a  spit;  for  which  reason  the  place  was 
called  Cape  Lucerne.  Finding  another  arm  of  the 
river,  which  run  towards  the  east,  the  captain  deter- 
mined to  sail  up  that.  A  little  while  after,  they  saw 
Indians  in  the  woods,  who  at  first  were  dismayed,  but 
afterwards  made  signs  to  the  French  to  come  on  shore. 
After  exchanging  presents  with  the  Indians,  and  ta- 
king aboard  their  pinnace  a  pillar  of  hard  stone,  fash- 
ioned like  a  column,  whereon  were  engraved  the  arms 
of  the  King  of  France,  they  sailed  three  leagues  to- 
wards the  west,  where,  says  Laudonniere,  "  we  disco- 
vered a  little  river,  up  which  we  sailed  so  long,  that 
in  the  end  we  found  it  returned  into  the  great  cur- 
rent, and  in  his  return  to  make  a  little  island,  sepa- 
rated from  the  firm  land,  where  we  went  on  shore ; 
and  by  commandment  of  the  captain,  because  it  was 
exceeding  fair  and  pleasant,  there  we  planted  the  pil- 
lar upon  a  hillock,  open  round  about  to  the  view,  and 
environed  with  a  lake,  half  a  fathom  deep,  of  very 
good  and  sweet  water."  The  little  river  they  named 
the  river  of  Liborne.  Then  they  embarked  to  search 
another  isle,  not  far  distant,  whereon  finding  nothing 
but  tall  cedars,  they  called  it  the  Isle  of  Cedars. 

A  few  days  afterwards,  Ribault,  with  a  body  of  sol- 
diers, returned  to  that  arm  of  the  river  which  runs 
towards  the  west,  and  at  the  same  place  at  which  they 
first  saw  the  Indians,  took,  by  permission  of  their 
king,  two  Indians  to  carry  to  France,  as  the  queen 
had  commanded.  While  these  Indians  were  on  board 
the  ship,  they  spoke  to  Laudonniere  of  the  greatest 


CHAP.  XVII.]   voTAGE  OF  RIBAULT  TO  FLORIDA  j   1662. 


43t 


lord  of  their  country,  whom  they  called  Chiquola, 
who  dwelt  in  an  enclosure,  within  which  were  many 
houses.    V      ' 

"I  began,"  says  Laudonniere,  "to  shew  them  all  the 
parts  of  Heaven,  to  the  intent  to  learn  in  which  quarter 
they  dwelt.  And  straightway,  one  of  them,  stretching  out 
his  hand,  shewed  me  that  they  dwelt  towards  the  north, 
which  makes  me  think  that  it  was  the  river  of  Jordan. 
And  now,  I  remember  that  in  the  reign  of  the  Emperor 
Charles  the  Fifth,  certain  Spaniards,  inhabitants  of  Saint 
Domingo,  (which  made  a  voyage  to  get  certain  slaves  to 
work  in  their  mines,)  stole  away  by  subtlety,  the  inhabi- 
tants of  this  river,  to  the  number  of  forty,  thinking  to  carry 
them  into  their  New  Spain.  But  they  lost  their  labour,  for, 
in  despite,  they  died  all  for  hunger,  saving  one,  that  was 
brought  to  the  emperor,  which,  a  little  while  after,  he 
caused  to  be  baptized,  and  gave  him  his  own  name,  and 
called  him  Charles  of  Chiquola,  because  he  spake  so  much 
of  this  lord  of  Chiquola,  whose  subject  he  was.  Also,  he 
reported  continually  that  Chiquola  made  his  abode  within 
a  very  great  enclosed  city.  Besides  this  proof,  those  which 
were  left  in  the  first  voyage,  have  certified  me,  that  the  In- 
dians shewed  them,  by  evident  signs,  that  farther  within 
the  land,  towards  the  north,  there  was  a  great  enclosure,  or 
city,  where  Chiquola  dwelt. 

"After  they  (the  Indians)  had  staid  awhile  in  our  ships, 
they  began  to  be  sorry,  and  still  demanded  of  me  when 
they  should  return.  I  made  them  understand  that  the  cap- 
tain's will  was  to  send  them  home  again,  but  that  first  he 
would  bestow  apparel  on  them,  which  four  days  after  was 
delivered  unto  them.  But  seeing  he  would  not  give  them 
license  to  depart,  they  resolved  with  themselves  to  steal 
away  by  night,  and  to  get  a  little  boat  which  we  had,  and 
by  the  help  of  the  tide,  to  sail  home  toward  their  dwellings. 


S^' 


432 


VOYAGE  OF  AIBAUI4T  TO  FLORIDA  ,'    1562.         [>00K  11. 


and  by  this  means  to  save  themselves ;  which  thing  they 
failed  not  to  do,  and  put  their  enterprise  in  execution,  yet 
leavii.g  behind  them  the  apparel  which  the  captain  had 
given  them,  and  carrying  away  nothing  but  that  which 
was  their  own."  s-. 

At  the  mouth  of  the  river,  Ribault  having  com- 
manded that  all  the  men  of  his  ship  should  come 
upon  deck,  made  an  oration  to  encourage  some  of 
his  men  to  dwell  there,  which  was  well  received.  He 
embarked  next  morning  to  select  a  fit  place  for  the 
habitation,  and  was  followed  by  those  disposed  to  in- 
habit there. 

"Having,"  says  Laudonniere,  "sailed  up  the  great  river 
on  the  north  side,  in  coasting  an  isle  which  ended  with  a 
sharp  point  towards  the  mouth  of  the  river,  having  sailed 
awhile,  he  discovered  a  small  river,  which  entered  into  the 
island,  which  he  would  not  fail  to  search  out :  which  done, 
and  finding  the  same  deep  enough  to  harbour  therein,  gal- 
lies  and  galliots  in  good  number,  proceeding  further  he 
found  a  very  open  place,  joining  upon  the  bank  thereof, 
where  he  went  on  land ;  and  seeing  the  place  fit  to  build  a 
fortress  at,  and  commodious  for  them  that  were  willing  to 
plant  there,  he  resolved  incontinent  to  cause  the  bigness  of 
the  fortification  to  be  measured  out.  And,  considering  that 
there  staid  but  twenty-six  there,  he  caused  the  fort  to  be 
made  in  length  but  sixten  fathoms,  and  thirteen  in  breadth, 
with  flanks  according  to  the  proportion  thereof.  The  mea- 
sure being  taken  by  me  and  captain  Salles,  we  sent  unto 
the  ships  for  men,  and  to  bring  shovels,  pick-axes  and  othei 
instruments  necessary  to  make  the  fortification.  We  tra- 
vailed so  diligently,  that  in  a  short  space  the  fort  was  made 
in  some  sort  defencible  ;  in  which  meantime  John  Ribault 
caused  victuals  and  warlike  munition  to  be  brought,  for  the 
defence  of  the  place." 


CHAP. XVII.]  voyage;  of  bibault  to  Florida;  1562. 


433 


They  called  the  fort  Caroline  or  Charles  Fort,  and 
the  river  Chenondeau.  Ribault  made  an  exhortation 
to  Captain  Albert,  whom  he  left  in  his  place,  and  to 
the  men  who  staid  behind,  and  then  departed,  says 
Laudonniere,  "  with  good  hopes,  if  occasion  would 
permit,  to  discover  perfectly  the  river  of  Jordan." 
Sailing  towards  the  north,  after  going  about  fifteen 
leagues  thence,  they  saw  a  river,  and  sent  the  pinnace 
to  it,  which,  finding  not  more  than  half  a  fathom  of 
water  in  its  mouth,  it  was  called  the  Base  or  Shallow 
river.  As  they  went  on  sounding,  they  found  not  past 
five  or  six  fathoms  of  water,  although  six  good  leagues 
from  the  shore  ;  and  at  length  not  past  three  fathoms. 
Stopping  for  the  night,  when  morning  came,  Ribault 
referred  to  the  company  what  was  best  to  be  done. 
Some  answered  that  he  had  occasion  fully  to  content 
himself,  since  he  had  discovered  more  in  six  weeks 
than  the  Spaniards  had  done  in  two  years,  in  the  con- 
quest of  New  Spain ;  and  that  he  should  do  the  king 
great  service  if  he  did  bring  him  news  in  so  short  a 
time,  of  his  happy  discovery.  Others  set  forth  the 
loss  of  food,  and  likewise  the  inconvenience  that 
might  arise  from  the  shallow  water  found  continually 
along  the  coast.  "  Which  things,"  says  Laudonniere, 
"  being  well  and  at  large  debated,  we  resolved  to  leave 
the  coast,  forsaking  the  north  to  take  our  way  toward 
the  east,  which  is  the  right  way  and  course  to  our 
France,  where  we  happily  arrived  the  20th  day  of 
July,  the  year  1562." 

Albert  became  on  good  terms  with  the  Indian  kings 
in  his  vicinity,  and  visited  the  country  of  Stalame, 
distant  fifteen  great  leagues  from  Charles  Fort;   it 
55 


434 


VOTAGB  or  RIBAULT  TO  FLORIDA;  1562.         ["OOK  ii. 


was  situate  to  the  north,  and  Albert  sailed  up  the  ri- 
ver to  get  to  it.  On  each  side  of  them  the  Indians 
were  very  friendly :  supplying  them  with  provisions, 
and  when  their  house  was  burnt  by  accident,  assisting 
to  rebuild  it.  After  a  time,  however,  there  was  a  mu- 
tiny, and  Albert  was  killed.  The  men  then  built  a 
small  pinnace,  wherein  they  might  return  to  France, 
if  no  succour  came  to  them ;  the  Indians  supplied 
them  with  cordage.  Their  voyage  was  tedious,  and 
they  suffered  greatly  for  want  of  food  and  water ;  so 
much  that,  it  is  said,  they  eat  their  shoes  and  leather 
jerkins,  and  some  of  them  died  from  hunger.  In  their 
despair,  some  among  them  urged  that  it  was  better 
one  should  die  than  so  many  perish ;  and  it  was  agreed 
one  should  die  to  sustain  the  others :  the  agreement 
was  executed,  and  his  flesh  divided  among  his  fellows. 
At  last  land  was  seen,  and  they  were  boarded  by  an 
English  bark,  in  which  was  a  Frenchman,  who  had 
been  with  Ribault  in  Florida.  It  was  determined  by 
the  Englishmen  to  land  the  most  feeble,  and  carry  the 
rest  to  their  queen,  who  purposed  at  that  time  to  send 
to  Florida. 


-vTWfT'    T'rm^ 


CHAP.  XVIii.]  VOYAGE    TO    FLORIDA   IN    1664. 


435 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

Of  the  Huguenots  in  France  from  1562  to  1564 ;  and  the  voyage  of  M. 
R^n6  Laudonni^re  in  1564  from  that  country  to  Florida. 

In  1562,  the  duke  of  Guise  determined  to  pursue 
the  Protestants,  sword  in  hand.  Having  passed  the 
borders  of  Champagne,  he  found  them  at  Vassi,  the 
first  of  March  1562,  singing  psalms  in  a  barn.  His 
party  insulted  them ;  they  came  to  blows ;  and  of  the 
Protestants  nearly  sixty  were  killed  and  two  hundred 
wounded.  The  duke  of  Guise  was  wounded  also. 
A  civil  war  now  raged  throughout  the  kingdom. 
This  was  the  state  of  things  when  Ribault  returned 
to  France  in  July ;  and  this  the  cause  of  no  immedi- 
ate succour  being  sent  to  the  men  left  in  Florida. 

The  prince  of  Conde  was  now  the  declared  chief 
of  the  Protestants:  he  surprised  Orleans,  which 
thenceforth  became  their  headquarters.  The  Hu- 
guenots, encouraged  by  his  example,  took  possession 
of  several  cities,  among  others  of  Rouen.  On  the 
15th  of  October,  when  the  army  of  the  king  retook 
Rouen  by  assault,  the  king  of  Navarre  received  a 
wound,  of  which  he  died  the  17th  of  November. 
On  the  19th  of  December  was  the  battle  of  Dreux, 
where  the  generals  of  both  armies  were  made  priso- 
ners; the  prince  of  Conde  and  the  constable  of 
Montmorenci.  There  the  marshal  of  St.  Andre  was 
killed.     The  duke  of  Guise,  though  he  had  not  the 


"•  »^i^,'TT  '  •  ""*T    ■ 


436 


VOrAOE    TO    FLORIDA    IN    1564. 


[BOOK   II. 


command,  gained  the  victory.  That  night,  his  priso- 
ner the  prince  of  Conde  slept  in  the  same  bed  with 
him :  next  day  the  prince  related  that  he  had  not 
closed  his  eyes,  but  that  the  duke  had  slept  at  his  side 
as  profoundly  as  if  they  had  been  the  best  friends  in 
the  world.  At  the  siege  of  Orleans,  on  the  24th  of 
February  1663,  the  duke  was  killed  by  a  pistol  shot, 
fired  by  Poltrot  de  Mercy,  a  Huguenot  nobleman. 
On  the  19th  of  March,  there  was  an  edict  of  peace ; 
which  so  far  as  it  gave  advantages  to  the  Huguenots, 
resulted  from  the  fear  of  their  being  assisted  by  Eng- 
land. 

In  1564,  the  plague  in  several  of  the  cities  caused 
the  king  to  go  to  the  chateau  of  Roussillon  in  Dau- 
phiny.  There  he  made  an  edict,  by  which  he  dimi- 
nished the  advantages  before  granted  to  the  Hugue- 
nots. There,  too,  "  the  famous  ordinance  of  Roussil- 
lon was  made,  importing  that  the  year  should  there- 
after begin  on  the  first  of  January,  instead  of  on  Holy 
Saturday,  after  vespers ;  the  parliament  consented  to 
this  change  only  towards  the  year  1567.  It  is  to  be 
remarked  on  this  subject,  that  the  Romans  com- 
menced the  year  on  the  first  of  January,  and  gave 
presents  on  that  day ;  and  M.  Ducange  observes  that 
in  France,  even  when  the  year  commenced  at  Easter, 
they  still  gave  presents  the  first  of  January."* 

This  year,  (1564,)  through  the  influence  of  the 
Lord  Admiral  De  Chastillon,  three  ships  were  fur- 
nished, one  of  six  score  tons,  another  of  one  hundred 
and  the  third  of  sixty,  to  seek  out  and  succour  the 
men  left  in   Florida,  of  whom   nothing  had  been 


• '« L'HistoIre  de  Prance,"  vol.  2,  p.  529,  30. 


>Wli||iiUi  I  I 


CHAP.  XVIII.]  VOYAGE   TO    FLORIDA    IN    1664. 


437 


heard.  M.  Rene  Laudonnicre  was  made  chief  cap- 
tain, and  has  given  an  account  of  his  proceedings  at 
great  length.  It  is  in  the  third  volume  of  Hakluyt's 
Collection,  page  319  to  349.  He  embarked  at  New 
Haven,  the  22d  of  April  1564,  and  arrived  at  Florida 
(which  he  calls  New  France)  on  the  22d  of  June,  and 
landed  near  a  little  river  which  is  described  as  thirty 
degrees  from  the  equator  and  ten  leagues  above  Cape 
Francois,  drawing  toward  the  south,  and  about  thirty 
leagues  above  the  river  of  May.  At  tii^:  f ^juth  of 
the  river,  the  channel  was  found  to  be  very  shallow, 
although  farther  within  the  water  was  found  reasona- 
bly deep,  which  separated  itself  into  two  great  arms, 
whereof  one  runs  towards  the  south  and  the  other  to- 
wards the  north.  He  named  it  the  river  of  Dolphins. 
On  the  23d,  he  weighed  anchor  and  sailed  toward  the 
river  of  May,  where  he  arrived  two  days  after.  Here 
he  was  entertained  by  the  same  king  who  had  been 
met  with  in  the  voyage  of  Ribault :  the  pillar  there 
erected  was  still  standing  and  appeared  to  be  treated 
by  the  Indians  with  great  reverence. 

Laudonniere  sailed  three  leagues  up  the  river, 
where  he  was  treated  with  great  kindness.  He  re- 
marks that  "more  than  six  great  leagues  off,  near 
the  river  Belle,  a  man  may  behold  the  meadows  divi- 
ded asunder  into  isles  and  islets,  interlacing  one  ano- 
ther. Briefly,''  lit-  says,  "the  place  is  so  pleasant, 
that  those  which  are  melancholic  would  be  enforced 
to  change  their  humour." 

Returning  to  the  ships,  Laudonniere  sailed  toward 
the  river  of  Seine,  distant  from  the  river  of  May 
about  four  leagues,  and  then  to  the  Somme  not  past 


I  nil  ;wg^y*ylmp<i 


m 


438 


VOYAGE   TO   FLORIDA    IN    1564. 


[book    II. 


five  leagues  distant  from  the  Seine.  Here,  aiier  he 
had  visited  the  king  and  returned  to  the  ships,  there 
was  a  conference,  in  which  it  was  agreed  to  be  more 
expedient  to  seat  on  the  river  of  May  than  to  go  fur- 
ther north  to  Port  Royal ;  and  so  sailing  again,  ho  ar- 
rived at  the  river  of  May  the  29th  of  June.  He  went 
to  the  place  which  had  been  discovered  before,  when 
he  sailed  up  the  river. 


"  On  the  morrow,  about  the  break  of  day,"  proceeds  Lau- 
donniere,  "  I  commanded  a  trumpet  to  be  sounded,  that 
being  assembled,  we  might  give  God  thanks  for  our  fa- 
vourable and  happy  arrival.  There  we  sang  a  psalm  of 
thanksgiving  unto  God,  beseeching  him  that  it  would 
please  him  of  his  grace  to  continue  his  accustomed  good- 
ness towards  us,  his  poor  servants,  and  aid  us  in  all  our  en- 
terprises, that  all  might  turn  to  his  glory  and  the  advance- 
ment of  our  king.  The  prayer  ended,  every  man  began  to 
take  courage. 

"  Afterward,  having  measured  out  a  piece  of  ground,  in 
form  of  a  triangle,  we  endeavoured  ourselves  of  all  sides, 
some  to  bring  earth,  some  to  cut  fagots,  and  others  to  raise 
and  make  the  rampire,  for  there  was  not  a  man  that  had  not 
either  a  shovel,  or  cutting  hook,  or  hatchet,  as  well  to  make 
the  ground  plain  by  cutting  down  the  irees,  as  for  the 
building  of  the  fort,  which  we  did  hasten  in  such  cheerful- 
ness, that  within  few  days  the  effect  of  our  diligence  was 
apparent ;  in  which  mean  space  the  Paracoussy  Satouriona, 
our  nearest  neighbour,  and  on  whose  ground  we  built  our 
fort,  came,  usually  accompanied  with  his  two  sons  and  a 
great  number  of  Indians,  to  offer  to  do  us  all  courtesy. 
And  I  likewise,  for  my  part,  bestowed  divers  of  our  trifles 
frankly  on  him,  to  the  end  he  might  know  the  good  will 
we  bare  him,  and  thereby  make  him  more  desirous  of  our 


CHAP.  XVIII. ]  VOYAGE    TO   FLORIDA    IN    1564. 


439 


friendship,  in  such  sort,  that  as  the  days  increased,  so  our 
amityr  and  friendship  incr^^ased  a]so. 

"  After  that  our  fort  was  brought  into  form,  I  began  to 
build  a  grange  to  retire  my  munition  and  things  necessary 
for  the  defence  of  our  fort :  praying  the  Paracoussy  to  com- 
mand his  subjects  to  make  us  a  covering  of  palm  leaves ; 
and  this  to  the  end,  that  when  that  was  done,  1  might  un- 
freight  my  ships,  and  put  under  coverture  those  things  that 
were  in  them.  Suddenly,  the  Paracoussy  commanded,  in 
my  presence,  all  the  Indians  of  his  company  to  dress  the 
next  day  morning  so  good  a  number  of  palm  leaves,  that 
the  grange  was  covered  in  less  than  two  days ;  so  that  bu- 
siness was  finished.  For  in  the  space  of  these  two  days, 
the  Indians  never  ceased  from  working,  some  in  fetching 
pahn  leaves,  others  in  interlacing  of  them  :  in  such  sort  that 
their  king's  commandment  was  executed  as  he  desired. 

"  Our  fort  was  built  in  form  of  a  triangle.  The  side  to- 
ward the  west,  which  was  toward  the  land,  was  inclosed 
with  a  little  trench  and  raised  with  trusses  made  in  form  of 
a  battlement  of  nine  foot  high  :  the  other  side,  which  was 
toward  the  river,  was  inclosed  with  a  palisado  of  planks  of 
timber,  after  the  nianner  that  gabions  are  made.  On  the 
south  side  there  was  a  kind  of  bastion,  within  which  I  caused 
an  house  for  the  munition  to  be  built:  it  was  all  builded 
with  fagots  and  sand,  saving  about  two  or  three  foot  high 
with  turfs,  whereof  the  battlements  were  made.  In  the 
midst  I  caused  a  great  court  to  be  made,  of  eighteen  paces 
long  and  broad :  in  the  midst  whereof,  on  the  one  side 
drawing  toward  the  south,  I  builded  a  corps  de  gard,  and 
an  house  on  the  other  side  toward  the  north,  which  I 
caused  to  be  raised  somewhat  too  high :  for  within  a  short 
time  after,  the  wind  beat  it  down ;  and  experience  taught 
me,  that  we  may  not  build  with  high  stages  in  this  coun- 
try, by  reason  of  the  winds,  whereunto  it  is  subject.  One 
of  the  sides  that  inclosed  my  court,  which  1  made  very  fair 
and  large,  reached  unto  the  grange  of  my  munitions :  and 


^-i 


/■WwS'lfff'^  -■■''  "-^  -"■ 


440 


V07AGE  TO  FLORIDA  IN  1564; 


[book    II, 


on  the  other  side,  toward  the  river,  was  mine  own  lodg- 
ing, round  about  which  were  galleries,  all  covered.  The 
principal  door  of  my  lodging  was  in  the  midst  of  the  great 
place,  and  the  other  was  toward  the  river.  A  good  dis- 
tance from  the  fort  I  built  an  oven,  to  avoid  the  danger 
against  fire,  because  the  houses  are  of  palm  leaves,  which 
will  soon  be  burnt  after  the  fire  catches  hold  of  them,  so 
that,  with  much  ado,  a  man  shall  have  leisure  to  quench 
them.  Lo,  here,  in  brief,  the  description  of  our  fortress, 
which  I  named  Caroline,  in  honour  of  our  prince.  King 
Charles." 

On  the  28th  of  July,  the  ships  departed  for  France ; 
the  4th  of  September,  Captain  Bourdet  arrived  with 
other  soldiers.  About  the  10th,  Bourdet  determined 
to  return  to  France,  and  carried  with  him,  at  the  re- 
quest of  Laudonniere,  six  or  seven  soldiers  whom  the 
latter  could  not  trust. 

From  time  to  time  excursions  were  made  up  the 
river  to  make  discoveries  of  the  interior.  But  these 
were  checked  after  a  while,  by  some  of  the  mariners 
and  other  men  stealing  away  with  the  barks  for  the 
purpose  of  going  to  the  Antilles.  Two  larger  barks 
were  directed  to  be  built,  but  when  they  were  nearly 
ready,  a  large  number  of  the  men  mutinied,  took 
the  captain  into  custody,  and  having  armed  the  ves- 
sels, compelled  him  to  sign  a  passport.  The  men 
who  went  in  one  of  the  barks,  after  committing  seve- 
ral piracies,  amongst  which  they  took  a  brigantine 
and  went  aboard  of  it  in  lieu  of  their  bark,  returned 
to  the  river  of  May,  where  four  of  them  were  shot  as 
an  example  to  those  whom  they  had  suborned.  In 
the  absence  of  these  men,  two  other  barks  had  been 
built. 


CHAP.  XTIII.]  VOYAGE    TO   FLORIDA   IN    1564. 


441 


"  Two  Indians,"  says  Landonniere,  "  came  unto  me  one 
day  to  salute  me  on  the  behalf  of  their  king,  whose  name 
was  Marracou,  dwelling  from  the  place  of  our  fort  some 
forty  leagues  toward  the  south,  and  told  me  that  there  was 
one  in  the  house  of  King  Onathaqua,  which  was  called 
Barbu  or  the  bearded  man,  and  in  the  house  of  King  Ma- 
thiaca,  another  man  whose  name  they  knew  not,  which 
was  not  of  their  nation :  whereupon  I  conceived  that  these 
might  be  some  Christians.  Wherefore  I  sent  to  all  the 
kings  my  neighbours,  to  pray  them,  that  if  there  were  any 
Chri&tian  dwelling  in  their  countrys,  they  would  find 
meant:  that  he  might  be  brought  unto  me,  and  that  I  would 
make  them  double  recompense.  They,  which  love  re- 
wards, took  so  much  pains  that  the  two  men  whereof  we 
have  spoken,  were  brought  to  the  fort  unto  me.  They 
were  naked,  wearing  their  hair  long,  unto  their  hams,  as 
the  savages  used  to  do,  and  were  Spaniards  born,  yet  so 
well  accustomed  to  the  fashion  of  the  country,  that  at  the 
first  sight  they  found  our  manner  of  apparel  strange.  After 
that  I  had  questioned  of  certain  matters  with  them,  I 
caused  them  to  be  apparelled  and  to  cut  their  hair ;  which 
they  would  loose,  but  lapped  it  up  in  a  linen  cloth,  saying 
that  they  would  carry  it  into  their  country  to  be  a  testi- 
mony of  the  misery  that  they  had  incurred  in  the  Indias. 
in  the  hair  of  one  of  them  was  found  a  little  gold  hidden, 
to  the  value  of  five  and  twenty  crowns,  which  he  gave 
unto  me.  And  examining  them  of  the  places  where  they 
had  been,  and  how  they  came  thither,  they  answered  me 
that  fifteen  years  past,  three  ships,  in  one  of  which  they 
were,  were  cast  away  over  against  a  place  named  Calos, 
upon  the  flats  which  are  called  the  Martyrs,  and  that  the 
king  of  Calos  recovered  the  greatest  part  of  the  riches 
which  were  in  the  said  ships  travelling,  in  such  sort  that 
the  greatest  part  of  the  people  was  saved  and  many  wo- 
men ;  among  which  number  there  were  three  or  four  wo- 
56 


442 


VOYAGE    TO   FLORIDA   IN    1564. 


[book   II. 


men  married,  remaining  there  yet,  and  their  children  also, 
with  this  king  of  Calos.  I  desired  to  learn  what  this  king 
was.  They  answered  me  that  he  was  t'.ie  goodliest  and 
the  tallest  Indian  of  the  country,  a  migaty  man,  a  warrior, 
and  having  many  subjects  under  his  obedience.  They  told 
me,  moreover,  that  he  had  great  store  of  gold  and  silver,  so 
far  forth,  that  in  a  certain  village,  he  had  a  pit  full  thereof, 
which  was  at  the  least  as  high  as  a  man  and  as  large  as  a 
ton  :  all  which  wealth  the  Spaniards  fully  persuaded  them- 
selves that  they  could  cause  me  to  recover,  if  I  were  able 
to  march  thither  with  an  hundred  shot,  besides  that  which 
I  might  get  of  the  common  people  of  the  country,  which 
had  also  great  store  thereof.  They  further  also  advertised 
me,  that  the  women  going  to  dance,  did  wear  about  their 
girdles  plates  of  gold  as  broad  as  a  saucer,  and  in  such 
number,  that  the  weight  did  hinder  them  to  dance  at  their 
ease;  and  that  the  men  wear  the  like  also.  The  greatest 
part  of  these  riches  was  had,  as  they  said,  out  of  the  Spa- 
nish ships  which  commonly  were  cnst  away  in  this  strait  ; 
and  the  rest  by  the  traffic  which  this  king  of  Calos  had 
with  the  other  kings  of  the  country:  finally  that  he  was 
had  of  great  reverence  by  his  subjects ;  and  that  he  made 
them  believe  that  his  sorceries  and  charms  were  the  causes 
that  made  the  earth  bring  forth  her  fruit :  and  that  he 
might  the  easier  persuade  them  that  it  was  so,  he  retired 
himself  once  or  twice  a  year  to  a  certain  house,  accompa- 
nied with  two  or  three  of  his  most  familiar  friends,  where 
he  used  certain  enchantments;  and  if  any  man  intended 
himself  to  go  to  see  what  thoy  did  in  this  place,  the  king 
immediately  caused  him  to  be  put  to  death.  Moreover, 
they  told  me,  that  every  year,  in  the  time  of  harvest,  this 
savage  king  sacrificed  one  man,  which  was  kept  expressly 
for  this  purpose,  and  taken  cut  of  the  number  of  the  Spa- 
niards which  by  tempest  were  cast  away  upon  that  coast. 
One  of  these  two  declared  unto  me  that  he  had  served  him 
a  long  time  for  a  messenger;  and  that  often  times,  by  his 


CHAP.  XViii.]  VOYAGE   TO   FLORIDA   IN    1664. 


413 


commandment,  he  had  visited  a  king  named  Oathcaqua, 
distant  from  Calos  four  or  five  days  journey,  which  always 
remained  his  faithful  friend ;  but  that  in  the  midway,  there 
was  an  island  situate  in  a  great  lake  of  fresh  water,  named 
Sarrope,  about  five  leagues  in  bigness,  abounding  with 
many  sorts  of  fruits,  specially  in  dates,  which  grow  on  the 
palm  trees,  whereof  they  make  a  wonderful  traflBc  ;  yet  not 
so  great  as  of  a  kind  of  root,  whereof  they  make  a  kind  of 
meal,  so  good  to  make  bread  of,  that  it  is  impossible  to  eat 
better,  and  that  for  fifteen  leagues  about,  all  the  country  is 
fed  therewith :  which  is  the  cause  that  the  inhabitants  of 
the  isle  gain  of  their  neighbours  great  wealth  and  profit ; 
for  they  will  not  depart  with  this  root  without  they  be  well 
paid  for  it.  Besides  that,  they  are  taken  for  the  most  war- 
like men  of  all  that  country,  as  they  made  good  proof  when 
the  king  of  Calos,  having  made  alliance  with  Oathcaqua,. 
was  deprived  of  Oathcaqua's  daughter,  which  he  promised 
to  him  in  marriage.  He  told  me  the  whole  matter  in  this 
sort :  As  Oathcaqua,  well  accompanied  with  his  people,  car- 
ried one  of  his  daughters,  exceeding  beautiful,  according  to 
the  colour  of  the  country,  unto  king  Calos,  to  give  her  unto 
him  for  his  wife,  the  inhabitants  of  this  isle,  advertised  of 
the  matter,  laid  an  ambush  for  him,  in  a  place  where  he 
should  pass,  and  so  behaved  themselves,  that  Oathcaqua 
was  discomfited,  the  betrothed  young  spouse  taken,  and  all 
the  damsels  that  accompanied  her ;  which  they  carried  unto 
their  isle ;  which  thing,  in  all  the  Indian  country,  they  es- 
teem to  be  the  greatest  victory  :  for  afterwards,  they  marry 
these  virgins  and  love  them  above  all  measure.  The  Spa- 
niard that  made  this  relation,  told  me,  that  after  this  defeat, 
he  went  to  dwell  with  Oathcaqua,  and  had  been  with  him 
full  eight  years,  even  until  the  time  that  he  was  sent  unto 
me.  The  place  of  Calos  is  situate  upon  a  river  which  is 
beyond  the  cape  of  Florida,  forty  or  fifty  leagues  towards 
the  southwest:  and  the  dwelling  of  Oathcaqua  is  on  this 
side  the  cape,  toward  the  north,  in  a  place  which  we  call, 


m 


444 


VOTAOE   TO   FLORIDA   IN    1564. 


[book  II. 


in  the  chart,  Gannaveral,  which  is  in  twenty-eight  de- 
grees." ■■    -?-•■:   :^  ■;-.;;   \  -r''^' 

In  another  place  he  says : 

"  The  Indians  are  wont  to  leave  their  houses  and  to  re- 
tire themselves  into  the  woods,  the  space  of  three  months, 
to  wit,  January,  February  and  March :  during  which  time 
by  no  means  a  man  can  see  one  Indian.     For  when  they 
go  on  hunting,  they  make  little  cottages  in  the  woods, 
whereunto  Ihey  retire  themselves,  living  upon  that  which 
they  take  in  hunting.     This  was  the  cause  that  during  this 
time,  we  could  get  no  victuals  by  their  means :  and  had  it 
not  been  that  I  had  made  good  provision  thereof,  while  my 
men  had  store,  until  the  end  of  April  (which  was  the  time 
when  at  the  uttermost,  we  hoped  to  have  succor  out  of 
France)  I  should  have  been  greatly  annoyed.     This  hope 
was  the  cause  that  the  soldiers  took  no  great  care  to  look 
well  unto  their  victuals,  although  I  divided  equally  among 
them  that  which  I  could  get  abroad  in  the  country,  without 
reserving  unto  myself  any  more  than  the  least  soldier  of  all 
the  company.     The  month  of  May  approaching,  and  no 
manner  of  succor  come  out  of  France,  we  fell  inio  extreme 
want  of  victuals,  constrained  to  eat  the  roots  of  the  earth 
and  certain  sorrel  which  we  found  in  the  fields.     For  al- 
though the  savages  were  returned  by  this  time  unto  their 
villages,  yet  they  succored  us  with  nothing  but  certain  fish, 
without  which  assuredly  we  had  perished  with  famine. 
Besides  they  had  given  us  before,  the  greatest  part  of  their 
maize  and  of  their  beans  for  our  merchandise.     This  fa- 
mine held  us  from  the  beginning  of  May  until  the  middle 
of  June.     During  which  time  the  poor  soldiers  and  handi- 
craftsmen become  as  feeble  as  might  be,  and  being  not  able 
to  work  did  nothing  but  go  one  after  another  in  centinel 
unto  the  clift  of  an  hill,  situate  very  near  unto  the  fort,  to 
see  if  they  might  discover  any  French  ship." 


CHAP,  sviii.]  VOYAGE   TO   FLORIDA   IN    1564. 


446 


fort,  to 


It  was  now  resolved  to  trim  up  a  bark  and  build  a 
larger  ship  wherein  to  return  to  France ;  the  calcula- 
tion was  that  the  ships  would  be  ready  by  the  8th  of 
August.  In  the  mean  time  food  was  wanted  to  sus- 
tain the  company;  and  the  plan  was  suggested  of 
seizing  on  an  Indian  king,  those  in  favour  of  it  saying 
that  if  they  had  the  king,  his  subjects  would  not  let 
them  suffer  for  want  of  food.  Laudonniere  did  not 
at  first  agree  to  this,  but  in  the  end  consented,  to 
avoid  the  sedition  which  he  foresaw  would  ensue  if 
he  refused.  Departing  with  fifty  of  his  best  soldiers, 
in  two  barks,  he  arrived  in  the  dominions  of  Utina, 
distant  from  the  fort  about  forty  or  fifty  leagues.  Then 
going  on  shore  he  drew  towards  Utina's  village,  situ- 
ated six  great  leagues  from  the  river,  and  took  him 
prisoner.  Yet  very  small  supplies  were  obtained  ei- 
ther by  this  or  any  other  measure  until  he  sent  to  the 
river  of  Somme.  There  d  great  many  of  the  lords 
of  the  country  had  assembled  to  make  merry,  and  the 
men  got  good  cheer  and  their  boats  laden  with  meal. 
In  the  mean  time  hostilities  had  ensued  from  taking 
Utina,  in  which  two  of  the  carpenters  were  slain.  The 
master  carpenter  then  declared  himself  unable,  for 
want  of  men,  to  make  the  ship  by  the  time  he  had 
promised,  "which  speech  caused  such  a  mutiny 
among  the  soldiers  that  very  hardly  he  escaped  kil- 
ling." However,  the  captain  appeased  them,  and  in- 
stead of  working  longer  on  the  ship,  repairs  were 
commenced  on  the  brigantine.  The  men  begf'n  to 
beat  down  the  houses  without  the  fort,  so  that  they 
might  have  the  timber ;  they  beat  down  also  the  pali- 
sade which  was  toward  the  water's  side. 


446 


SIR   JOHN   HAWKINS. 


[book  II. 


^  -  r 


V  CHAPTER  XIX. 

Of  Sir  John  Hawkins;  bis  voyages  from  London  to  Africa,  to  take  ne- 
groes and  sell  tbem ;  his  visit  to  Laudonni^ro  in  Florida,  in  1565 ; 
and  his  going  home  by  Newfoundlancl. 

On  the  3d  of  August,  Laudonniere  descried  four 
sails ;  it  was  the  fleet  of  John  Hawkins  of  England, 
afterwards  made  a  knight ;  he  was  on  a  voyage  in 
which  lio  had  taken  negroes  in  Africa,  and  had  been 
3el!uig  them.  For  the  better  understanding  of  this 
matte  J    i\G  must  go  some  years  back. 

It  was  stated  in  the  twenty-ninth  chapter  of  the 
first  book,  page  266,  that  Diego  Columbus  departed 
from  Hispaniola  the  9th  of  April  1615,  It  was  not 
until  1520  that  he  obtained  a  decision  from  the  Em- 
peror Charles  the  Fifth,  as  to  his  rights.  He  sailed 
in  September,  and  found  that,  during  his  absence, 
considerable  changes  had  taken  place.  The  sugar 
cane  was  cultivated  in  place  of  working  the  mines ; 
and  slaves  had  been  imported  in  great  numbers  from 
Africa,  being  found  more  serviceable  in  the  culture  of 
the  cane  t'ian  the  feeble  Indians.* 

Hawkins  having  ascertained  "that  ne'^roes  were  very 
good  merchandise  in  Hispauiola,  and  that  score  of  negroes 
might  easily  be  had  upon  the  coast  of  Guinea,  resolved 
with  himself  to  make  trial  thereof,  and  communicated  that 
device  with  his  worshipful  friends  of  London,  namely,  with 

*  Irving's  Columbus,  vol.  2,  p.  220,  'Jl,  Appendix  No.  2. 


~3*^,':'rr 


CRAr.  XIX.] 


TRAFFIC    IN   NEGROES. 


447 


Sir  Lionel  Duchet,  Sir  Thomas  Lodge,  Mr.  Gunson  his 
father-in-law,  Sir  William  Winter,  Mr.  Bromfield,  and 
others ;  all  which  persons  liked  so  well  of  his  intention,  that 
they  became  liberal  contributors  and  adventurers  in  the  ac- 
tion ;  for  which  purpose  there  were  three  good  ships  imme- 
diately provided :  the  one  called  the  Solomon,  of  the  bur- 
then of  one  hundred  and  twenty  tons,  wherein  M.  Haw- 
kins himself  went  as  general ;  the  second  the  Swallow,  of 
one  hundred  tons,  wherein  went  for  captain  M.  Thomas 
Hampton  ;  and  the  third,  the  Jonas,  a  barque  of  forty  tons, 
wherein  the  master  supplied  the  captain's  room.  In  which 
small  fleet,  M.  Hawkins  took  with  him  not  above  one  hun- 
dred men,  for  fear  of  sickness  and  other  inconveniences, 
whereunto  men  in  long  voyages  are  commonly  subject. 

"  With  this  company  he  put  off  and  departed  from  the 
coast  of  England  in  the  month  of  December  1562,  and  in  his 
course  touched  first  at  Teneriffe,  where  he  received  friendly 
entertainment.  From  thence  he  passed  to  Sierre  Leone, 
upon  the  coast  of  Guinea,  which  place,  by  the  people  of 
the  country  is  called  Tagarin,  where  he  stayed  some  good 
time,  and  got  into  his  possession,  partly  by  the  sword  and 
partly  by  other  means,  to  the  number  of  three  hundred  ne- 
groes at  the  least,  besides  other  merchandises  which  that 
country  yieldeth.  With  this  prey,  he  sailed  over  the  Ocean 
sea  unto  the  island  of  Hispaniola,  and  arrived  first  at  the 
port  of  Isabella :  and  there  he  had  reasonable  utterance  of 
his  English  commodities,  as  also  of  some  part  of  his  ne- 
groes, trusting  the  Spaniards  no  further  than  that  by  his 
own  strength  he  was  able  still  to  master  them.  From  the 
port  of  Isabella  he  went  to  Puerto  del  Plata,  where  he  made 
like  sales,  standing  always  upon  his  guard ;  from  thence, 
also,  he  sailed  to  Monte  Christi,  another  port  on  the  north 
side  of  Hispaniola,  and  the  last  place  of  his  touching,  where 
he  had  peaceable  traffic,  and  made  vent  of  the  whole  num- 
ber of  his  negroes :  for  which  he  received  in  those  three 


^:y 


M'^^^- 


■'    "WF!"]!'-!  •■  ■flfF*!^--- 


448 


TRAFFIC    Ilf   NEGROES. 


[book    II. 


places,  by  way  of  exchange,  such  quantity  of  merchandise 
that  he  did  not  only  lade  his  own  three  ships  with  hides, 
ginger,  sugars,  and  some  quantity  of  pearls,  but  he  freighted 
also  two  other  hulks  with  hides  and  other  like  commodities, 
which  he  sent  into  Spain.  And  thus,  leaving  the  island, 
he  returned  and  disembogued,  passing  out  by  the  islands  of 
the  Caycos,  without  further  entering  into  the  bay  of  Mex- 
ico, in  this  his  first  voyage  to  the  West  Indias.  And  so, 
with  prosperous  success,  and  much  gain  to  himself  and  the 
aforesaid  adventurers,  he  came  home,  and  arrived  in  the 
month  of  September  1663."* 

About  a  year  after,  Hawkins  commenced  a  second 
voyage.  He  sailed  from  Plymouth  on  the  18th  of 
October  1564,  with  four  ships  and  one  hundred  and 
ninety  men,  furnished  with  ordnance  and  provisions. 
The  business  in  which  he  had  embarked,  was  not  one 
which  it  would  be  creditable  to  an  English  knight  to 
engage  in  now,  but  from  the  way  in  which  his  pro- 
ceedings are  related,  it  is  apparent  that  they  were  not 
regarded,  at  that  day,  as  at  all  disgraceful.  There  is 
no  occasion  to  speak  of  them  till  the  12th  of  Decem- 
ber, when  he  reached  Sambula. 

"  In  this  island  we  stayed  certain  days,  going  every  day 
on  shore  to  take  the  inhabitants,  with  burning  and  spoiling 
their  towns,  who  before  were  Sapies  and  were  conquered 
by  the  Samboses,  inhabitants  beyond  Sierra  Leone.  These 
Samboses  had  inhabited  there  three  years  before  our  coming 
thither,  and  in  so  short  a  space  have  so  planted  the  ground 
that  they  had  great  plenty  of  millet,  rice,  roots,  pumpkins, 
also  poultry,  goats,  small  fry  dried,  and  every  house  full  of 
the  country  fruit  planted  by  God's  providence,  as  palmetto 


*  Third  vol.  of  Haklayt,  p.  500. 


CHAP.  XIX.] 


TRArriO    IN    NEOROES. 


449 


ry  day 

)oiling 

^ueted 

1  These 

poming 

■ground 

ipkinS) 
full  of 
ilmetto 


trees,  fruits  like  dates,  and  sundry  other  in  no  place  in  all 
that  country  so  abundantly,  whereby  they  lived  more  deli- 
ciously  than  other.     These  inhabitants  have  divers  of  the 
Sapies  which  they  took  in  the  wars,  as  their  slaves,  whom 
only  they  kept  to  till  the  ground,  in  that  they  neither  have 
the  knowledge  thereof,  nor  yet  will  work  themselves,  of 
whom  we  took  many  in  that  place,  but  of  the  Samboses 
none  at  all,  for  they  fled  into  the  main.     All  the  Samboses 
have  white  teeth  as  we  have,  far  unlike  to  the  Sapies  which 
do  inhabit  about  Rio  Grande,  for  their  teeth  are  all  filed, 
which  they  do  for  a  bravery,  to  set  out  themselves,  and  do 
tag  their  flesh,  both  legs,  arms  and  bodies,  as  workmanlike 
as  a  jerkinmaker  with  us  pinketh  a  jerkin.     These  Sapies 
be  more  civil  than  the  Samboses :  for  whereas  the  Sam- 
boses live  most  by  the  spoil  of  their  enemies,  both  in  taking 
their  victuals,  and  eating  them  also,  the  Sapies  do  not  eat 
man's  flesh  unless  in  the  war  they  have  been  driven  by  ne- 
cessity thereunto,  which  they  have  not  used  but  by  the  ex- 
ample of  the  Samboses,  but  live  only  with  fruits  and  cat- 
tle, whereof  they  have  great  store.     This  plenty  is  the  oc- 
casion that  the  Sapies  desire  not  war,  except  they  be  there- 
unto provoked  by  the  invasions  of  the  Samboses,  whereas 
the  Samboses  for  want  of  food  are  inforced  thereunto,  and 
therefore  are  not  wont  only  to  take  them  that  they  kill,  but 
also  keep  those  that  they  take,  until  such  time  as  they 
want  meat,  and  then  they  t:ill  them.     There  is  also  ano- 
ther occasion  that  provolrcth  the  Samboses  to  war  against 
the  Sapies,  which  is  for  covetousness  of  their  riches.     For 
whereas  the  Sapies  have  an  order  to  bury  their  dead  in  cer- 
tain places  appointed  for  that  purpose,  with  their  gold  about 
them,  the  Samboses  dig  up  the  ground,  to  have  the  same 
treasure :  for  the  Samboses  have  not  the  like  store  of  gold, 
that  the  Sapies  have.     In  this  island  of  Sambula  we  found 
about  fifty  boats  called  almadyes,  or  canoas,  which  are 
made  of  one  piece  of  wood,  digged  out  like  a  trough,  but 

67 


150 


TRArriC    IN   NEOROES. 


[BOOK   II. 


•*'^. 
^*^ 


k 


of  a  good  proportion,  being  about  eight  yards  long,  and  one 
in  breadth,  having  a  beak  head  and  a  stern  very  proportion- 
ably  made,  and  on  the  outside  artificially  carved,  and  painted 
red  and  blue :  they  are  able  to  carry  twenty  or  thirty  men, 
but  they  are  about  the  coast  able  to  carry  three  score  and 
upward.  In  these  canoas  they  row  standing  upright,  with 
an  oai:  somewhat  longer  than  a  man,  the  end  whereof  is 
made  about  the  breadth  and  length  of  a  man's  hand,  of  the 
largest  sort.  They  row  very  swift,  and  in  some  of  them 
four  rowers  and  one  to  steer  make  as  much  way  as  a  pair 
of  oars  in  the  Thames  of  London. 

"  Their  towns  are  prettily  divided  with  a  main  street  at 
the  entering  in,  that  goeth  through  their  town,  and  another 
overthwart  street  which  maketh  their  towns  crossways : 
their  houses  are  built  in  a  rank  very  orderly  in  the  fare  of 
the  street,  and  they  are  made  round  like  a  dove-cote,  with 
stakes  set  full  of  palmetto  leaves,  instead  of  a  wall :  they 
are  not  much  more  than  a  fathom  large,  and  two  of  heighth, 
and  thatched  with  palmetto  leaves  very  close,  other  some 
with  reed,  and  over  the  roof  thereof,  for  the  better  garnish- 
ing the  same,  there  i<^.  a  round  bundle  of  reed,  prettily  con- 
trived like  a  tower:  in  the  inner  part,  they  make  a  loft  of 
sticks,  whereupon  they  lay  all  their  provision  of  victuals : 
a  place  they  reserve  at  their  entrance  for  the  kitchen,  and 
the  place  they  lie  in  is  divided  with  certain  mats  artificially 
made  with  the  rind  of  palmetto  trees:  their  bedsteads  are 
of  small  staves  laid  along,  and  raised  a  foot  from  the  ground, 
upon  which  is  laid  a  mat,  and  another  upon  them  when 
they  list :  for  other  covering  they  have  none.     In  the  mid- 
dle of  the  town  there  is  a  house  larger  and  higher  than  the 
other,  but  in  form  alike,  adjoining  unto  which  there  is  a 
place  made  of  four  good  stanchions  of  wood,  and  a  round 
roof  over  it,  the  ground  also  raised  round  with  clay  a  foot 
high,  upon  the  which  floor  were  strewed  many  fine  mats : 
this  is  the  consultation-house,  the  like  whereof  is  in  all 


:  "^ftfui"' 


CHir.  xiz.] 


TRAFFIC    IN    NEGROES. 


461 


towns,  as  the  Portugals  affirm :  in  which  place,  when  they 
sit  in  council  the  king  or  captain  sitteth  in  the  midst,  and 
in  the  elders  upon  the  floor  by  him,  (for  they  give  reve- 
rence to  their  elders,)  and  the  common  sort  sit  round  about 
them.     There  they  sit  to  examine  matters  of  theft,  which 
if  a  man  be  taken  with,  to  steal  but  a  Portugal  cloth  from 
another,  he  is  sold  to  the  Portugals  for  a  slave.     They  con- 
sult also,  and  take  order  what  time  they  shall  go  to  wars : 
and  as  it  is  certainly  reported  by  the  Portugals,  they  take 
order  in  gati  ering  of  the  fruits  in  the  season  of  the  year, 
and  also  of  palmetto  wine,  which  is  gathered  by        ^le  cut 
in  the  top  of  a  tree,  and  a  pourd  set  for  the  recei     ,g  there- 
of, which  falleth  in  by  drops,  and  yieldeth  fresh  wine  again 
within  a  month,  and  this  divided  part  and  portion  like  to 
every  man,  by  the  judgment  of  the  captain  and  elders, 
every  man  holdeth  himself  contented :  and  this  surely  I 
judge  to  be  a  very  good  order :  for  otherwise,  whereas  scar- 
city of  palmetto  is,  every  man  would  have  the  same,  which 
might  breed  great  strife :  but  of  such  things  as  every  man 
doth  plant  for  himself,  the  sower  thereof  reapeth  it  to  his 
own  use,  so  that  nothing  is  common,  but  which  is  unset 
by  man's  hands.     In  their  houses  there  is  more  common 
passage  of  lizards  like  evets,  (newts,)  and  other  greater,  of 
black  and  blue  colour,  of  near  a  foot  long,  besides  their 
tails,  than  there  is  with  us  of  mice  in  great  houses.     The 
Sapies  and  Samboses  also  use  in  their  wars,  bows  and  ar- 
rows made  of  reeds,  with  heads  of  iron  poisoned  with  the 
juice  of  a  cucumber,  whereof  I  had  many  in  my  hands. 
In  their  battles  they  have  target-men,  with  broad  wicker 
targets,  and  darts  with  heads  at  both  ends,  of  iron,  the  one 
in  form  of  a  two  edged  sword,  a  foot  and  an  half  long,  and 
at  the  other  end,  the  iron  long  of  the  same  length  made  to 
counterpoise  it,  that  in  casting  it  might  lie  level,  rather 
than  for  any  other  purpose  that  I  can  judge.     And  when 
they  espy  the  enemy,  the  captain  to  cheer  his  men,  cries 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


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^BAFFIO   IN   NE0B0B8. 


[BOOK  It. 


Hungry,  and  they  answer  Heygre,  and  with  that  every 
man  places  himself  in  order,  for  about  every  target-man 
three  bow-men  will  cover  themselves,  and  shoot  as  they 
see  advantage :  and  when  they  give  the  onset,  they  make 
such  terrible  cries,  that  they  may  be  heard  two  miles  off. 
For  their  belief,  I  can  hear  of  none  that  they  have,  but  in 
such  as  they  themselves  imagine  to  see  in  their  dreams,  and 
so  worship  the  pictures,  whereof  we  saw  some  like  unto 
devils.     In  this  island  aforesaid  we  sojourned  unto  the  one 
and  twentieth  of  December,  where  having  taken  certain 
negroes,  and  as  much  of  their  fruits,  rice  and  millet,  as  we 
could  well  carry  away,  (whereof  there  was  such  store,  that 
we  might  have  laden  one  of  our  barks  therewith,)  we  de- 
parted, and  at  our  departure  divers  of  our  men  being  desi- 
rous to  go  on  shore  to  fetch  pompions,  which  having  proved 
they  found  to  be  very  good,  certain  of  the  Tiger's  men 
went  also,  amongst  the  which  there  was  a  carpenter,  a 
young  man,  who  with  his  fellows  having  set  many,  and 
carried  them  down  to  their  boats,  as  they  7/ere  ready  to  de- 
part, desired  his  fellow  to  tarry  while  he  might  go  up  to 
fetch  a  few  which  he  had  laid  by  for  him8elf,  who  being 
more  lickerous  than  circumspect,  went  up  without  weapon, 
and  as  he  went  up  alone,  possibly  being  marked  of  the  ne- 
groes that  were  upon  the  trees,  espying  him  what  he  did, 
perceiving  him  to  be  alone,  and  without  weapon,  dogged 
him,  and  finding  him  occupied  in  binding  his  pompions  to- 
gether, came  behind  him,  overthrowing  him  and  straight 
cut  his  throat,  as  he  was  afterwards  found  by  his  fellows, 
who  came  to  the  pJiace  for  him,  and  there  found  him  naked. 
"  The  two  and  twentieth  the  captain  went  into  the  river, 
called  Callowsa,  with  the  two  barks,  and  the  John's  pin- 
nace and  the  Solomon's  boat,  leaving  at  anchor,  in  the  ri- 
ver's mouth,  the  two  ships,  the  river  being  twenty  leagues 
in,  where  the  Portugals  rowed :  he  came  thither  the  five 
and  twentieth,  and  dispatched  his  business,  and  so  returned 
with  two  caravels,  loaded  with  negroes. 


CBAP.  UI.] 


TBirFlC  IN  NEGROES. 


453 


"  The  27th  the  captain  was  advertised  by  the  Portugals 
of  a  town  of  the  negroes,  called  Bymba,  being  in  the  way 
as  they  returned,  where  was  not  only  great  quantity  of  gold, 
but  also  that  there  were  not  above  forty  men  and  an  hun- 
dred women  and  children  in  the  town,  so  that  if  he  would 
give  the  adventure  upon  the  same,  he  might  get  an  hundred 
slaves ;  with  the  which  tidings  he  being  glad,  because  the 
Portugals  should  not  think  him  to  be  of  so  base  a  courage, 
but  that  he  durst  give  them  that,  and  greater  attempts :  and 
being  thereunto  also  the  more  provoked  with  the  prospe- 
rous success  he  had  in  other  islands  adjacent,  where  he  had 
put  them  all  to  flight,  and  taken  in  one  boat  twenty  to- 
gether, determined  to  stay  before  the  town  three  or  four 
hours,  to  see  what  he  could  do :  and  thereupon  prepared 
his  men.  in  armour  and  weapon  together,  to  the  number  of 
forty  men,  well  appointed,  having  to  their  guides  certain 
Portugals  in  a  boat,  who  brought  some  of  them  to  their 
death :  we  landing  boat  after  boat,  and  divers  of  our  men 
scattering  themselves,  contrary  to  the  captain's  will,  by  one 
or  two  in  a  company,  for  the  hope  that  they  had  to  find 
gold  in  their  houses,  ransacking  the  same,  in  the  mean  time 
the  negroes  came  upon  them,  and  hurt  many,  being  thus 
scattered :  whereas  if  five  or  six  had  been  together,  they 
had  been  able,  as  their  companions  did,  to  give  the  over- 
throw to  forty  of  them ;  and  being  driven  down  to  take 
their  boats,  were  followed  so  hardly  by  a  rout  of  negroes, 
who  by  that  took  courage  to  pursue  them  to  their  boats, 
that  not  only  some  of  them,  but  others  standing  on  shore, 
not  looking  for  any  such  matter  by  means  that  the  negroes 
did  flee  at  the  first,  and  our  company  remained  in  the  town, 
were  suddenly  so  set  upon  that  some,  with  great  hurt,  re- 
covered their  boats,-  othersome  not  able  to  recover  the 
same,  took  the  water,  and  perished  by  means  of  the  ooze. 
While  this  was  doing,  the  captain,  who,  with  a  dozen  men, 
went  through  the  town,  returned,  finding  two  hundred  ne- 


454 


TBArriC    IN   NEGROES. 


[book    II. 


groes  at  the  water  side,  shooting  at  them  in  the  boats,  and 
cutting  them  in  pieces  which  were  drowned  in  the  water, 
at  whose  coming  they  ran  all  away :  so  he  entered  his 
boats,  and  before  he  could  put  off  from  the  shore,  they  re- 
turned again,  and  shot  very  fiercely,  and  hurt  divers  of 
them.  Thus  we  returned  back,  somewhat  discomforted, 
alf.hough  the  captain,  in  a  singular  wise  manner,  carried 
himself  with  >countenance  very  cheerful  outwardly,  as 
though  he  did  little  weigh  the  death  of  his  men,  nor  yet 
the  great  hurt  of  the  rest,  although  his  heart  inwardly  was 
broken  in  pieces  for  it ;  done  to  this  endj  that  the  Portugals 
being  with  him,  should  not  presume  to  resist  against  him; 
nor  take  occasion  to  put  him  to  further  displeasure  or  hin- 
drance for  the  death  of  our  men :  having  gotten  by  our  go- 
ing ten  negroes,  and  lost  seven  of  our  best  men,  whereof 
Mr.  Field,  captain  of  the  Solomon,  was  one,  and  we  had 
twenty-seven  of  our  men  hurt.  In  the  same  hour  while 
this  was  doing,  there  happened  at  the  same  instant,  a  mar- 
vellous miracle  to  them  in  the  ships,  who  rode  ten  leagues 
to  seaward,  by  many  sharks  or  tiburons,  who  came  about 
the  ships :  among  which,  one  was  taken  by  the  Jesus,  and 
four  by  the  Solomon,  and  one  very  sore  hurt  escaped ;  and 
so  it  fell  out  of  our  men,  whereof  one  of  the  Jesus's  men, 
and  four  of  the  Solomon's  were  killed,  and  the  fifth,  hav- 
ing twenty  wounds,  was  rescued,  and  escaped  with  much 

"  The  28th  they  came  to  their  ships,  the  Jesus  and  the 
Solomon,  and  the  30th  departed  from  thence  to  Taggarin. 

"  The  1st  of  January,  the  two  barks  and  both  the  boats 
forsook  the  ships,  and  went  into  a  river  called  the  Casse- 
noes ;  and  the  6th,  having  dispatched  their  business,  the  two 
barks  returned,  and  came  to  Taggarin,  where  the  two  ships 
were  at  anchor.  Not  two  days  after  the  coming  of  the 
two  ships  thither,  they  put  their  water  cask  ashore  and 
filled  it  with  water,  to  season  the  same,  thinking  to  have 


CHAP.   XIX.] 


TBAFFIO    IN   NEGROES. 


456 


two 
hips 
the 
and 
ave 


filled  it  with  fresh  water  afterward :  and  while  their  men 
were  some  on  shore  and  some  at  their  boats,  the  negroes 
set  upon  them  in  the  boats  and  hurt  divers  of  them,  and 
came  to  the  casks  and  cut  off  the  hoops  of  twelve  butts, 
which  lost  us  four  or  five  days  time,  besides  great  want  we 
had  of  the  same.  Sojourning  at  Taggarin,  the  Swallow 
went  up  the  river  about  her  trafiic,  where  they  saw  great 
towns  of  the  negroes,  and  canoas  that  had  threescore  men 
in  apiece ;  there  they  understood  by  the  Portugals  of  a 
great  battle  between  them  of  Sierra  Leone  side  and  them 
of  Taggarin:  they  of  Sierra  Leone  had  prepared  three 
hundred  canoas,  to  invade  the  other.  The  time  was  ap- 
pointed not  past  six  days  after  our  departure  from  thence, 
which  we  would  have  seen,  to  the  intent  we  might  have 
taken  some  of  them,  had  it  not  been  for  the  death  and  sick- 
ness of  our  men,  which  was  caused  by  the  contagiousness 
of  the  place,  which  made  us  to  make  haste  away."*' 

The  writer  of  the  narrative  seems  to  have  consi- 
dered that  they  were  engaged  in  a  very  holy  work ; 
one  acceptab^3  to  the  Almighty  God.     His  account  is, 

"The  29th  of  this  same  month,  (January,)  we  departed 
with  all  our  ships  from  Sierra  Leone,  towards  the  West  In- 
dias,  and  for  the  space  of  eighteen  days,  we  were  becalm- 
ed, having  now  and  then  contrary  winds,  and  some  torna- 
dos amongst  the  same  calm,  which  happened  to  us  very  ill, 
being  but  reasonably  watered  for  so  great  a  company  of  ne- 
groes and  ourselves,  which  pinched  us  all,  and  that  which 
was  worst,  put  us  in  such  fear  that  many  never  thought  to 
have  reached  the  Indias,  without  great  death  of  negroes 
and  of  themselves :  but  the  Almighty  God,  who  never  suf- 
fers his  elect  to  perish,  sent  us  'he  sixteenth  of  February, 
the  ordinary  breeze,  which  is  the  northwest  wind,  which 

*  Third  vol.  of  Hakluyt,  p.  904  to  506. 


466 


TRAFFIC    IN  MEQB0E8. 


[BOOK  II. 


I  I 


never  left  us  till  we  came  to  the  island  of  the  Canibals, 
called  Dominica,  where  we  arrived  the  ninth  of  March."* 

Hawkins  found  some  difficulty  in  trading  in  the 
Spanish  islands.  The  governor  of  the  island  of  Mar- 
garita refused  him  license  to  traffic,  and  sent  word  to 
St.  Domingo,  to  the  viceroy,  who  gave  orders  to 
places  along  the  coast  prohibiting  such  traffic.  On 
the  third  of  April,  Hawkins  anchored  at  a  town  call- 
ed Burborata.  There  he  was  at  first  told  that  they 
were  forbidden  by  the  king  to  traffic  with  any  foreign 
nation  upon  the  penalty  of  forfeiting  their  goods ;  but 
in  the  end  the  governor  granted  his  request  for  a  li- 
cense. There  was  another  thing,  the  abating  the 
king's  custom,  being  upon  every  slave  thirty  ducats, 
which  he  still  refused  to  grant. 

"  Whereupon  the  captain  perceiving  that  they  would  nei- 
ther come  near  his  price  he  looked  for  by  a  great  deal,  nor 
yet  would  abate  the  king's  custom  of  that  they  offered,  so 
that  either  he  must  be  a  great  loser  by  his  wares,  or  else 
compel  the  officers  to  abate  the  same  king's  custom,  which 
was  too  unreasonable,  for  to  a  higher  price,  he  could  not 
bring  the  buyers:  Therefore  the  sixteenth  of  April,  he 
prepared  one  hundred  men,  well  armed  with  bows,  arrows, 
arquebusses  and  pikes,  with  the  which  he  marched  to  the 
townwards,  and  being  perceived  by  the  governor,  he  straight 
with  all  expedition  sent  messengers  to  know  his  request, 
desiring  him  to  march  no  farther  forward  until  he  had  an- 
swer again,  which  incontinent  he  should  have.  So  our 
captain  declaring  how  unreasonable  a  thing  the  king's  cus- 
tom was,  requested  to  have  the  same  abated,  and  to  pay 
seven  and  a  half  per  centum,  which  is  the  ordinary  custom 


*  Third  vol.  of  Haklayt,  p.  807. 


OHAP.   XIX.] 


TRAFFIC    IN   NEOROES. 


457 


for  wares  through  his  dominions  there,  and  unto  this  if 
they  would  not  grant,  he  would  displease  them.  And  this 
word  being  carried  to  the  governor,  answer  was  returned 
that  all  things  should  be  to  his  content,  and  thereupon  he 
determined  to  depart,  but  the  soldiers  and  mariners  finding 
so  little  credit  in  their  promises,  demanded  gages  for  the 
performance  of  the  promises,  or  else  they  would  not  depart. 
And  thus  they  being  constrained  to  send  gages,  we  depart- 
ed, beginning  our  traffic  and  ending  the  same  without  dis- 
turbance."* 

On  the  19th  of  May,  Hawkins  came  to  tLe  Rio  de 
la  Hacha,  where,  as  at  Burborata,  he  told  them  they 
might  determine  either  to  give  him  license  to  trade  or 
else  tastand  to  their  arms.  : .   -. :  ;    •        v      .  *  v  r,- 

"  So  upon  this,  it  was  determined  he  should  have  license 
to  trade,  but  they  would  give  him  such  a  price  as  was  the 
one  half  less  than  he  had  sold  for  before,  and  thus  they 
sent  word  they  would  do  and  none  otherwise,  and  if  it 
liked  him  jiot,  he  might  do  what  he  would,  for  they  were 
not  determined  to  do  otherwise  with  him.  Whereupon  the 
captain  weighing  their  unconscionable  request,  wrote  to 
them  a  letter  that  they  dealt  too  rigorously  with  him,  to  go 
about  to  cut  his  throat  in  the  price  of  his  commodities, 
which  were  so  reasonably  rated,  as  they  could  not  by  a 
great  deal  have  the  like  at  any  other  man's  hands.  But 
seeing  they  had  sent  him  this  to  his  supper,  he  would  in 
the  morning  give  them  as  good  a  breakfast.  And  therefore 
in  the  morning,  being  the  21st  of  May,  he  shot  off  a  whole 
culverin  to  summon  the  town,  and  preparing  one  hundred 
men  in  armour,  went  ashore,  having  in  his  great  boat  two 
falcons  of  brass,  and  in  the  other  boats  double  bases  in 
their  noses,  which  being  perceived  by  the  townsmen,  they 


*  Hakliijrt,  vol.  3,  p.  510. 


58 


458 


TRArriO    IN   NBOBOKS. 


[■OOE   II. 


// 


incontinoDt  in  battle  array,  with  their  drum  and  ensign  dis- 
played, marched  from  the  town  to  the  sands,  of  footmen  to 
the  number  of  one  hundred  and  fifty,  making  great  brags 
with  their  criet?  and  waving  us  ashore,  whereby  they  made 
a  semblance  to  have  fought  with  us  indeed.  But  our  cap- 
tain perceiving  them  so  brag,  commanded  the  two  falcons 
to  be  discharged  at  them,  which  put  them  in  no  small  fear 
to  see  (as  they  afterward  declared)  such  great  pieces  in  a 
boat.  At  every  shot,  they  fell  flat  to  the  ground,  and  as 
we  approached  near  unto  them,  they  broke  their  array  and 
dispersed  themselves  so  much  for  fear  of  the  ordnance  that 
at  last  they  went  all  away  with  their  ensign.  The  horse- 
men, also,  being  about  thirty,  made  as  brave  a  show  as 
might  be,  coursing  up  and  down  with  their  horses,  their 
brave  white  leather  targets  in  the  one  hand  and  their  jave- 
lins in  the  other,  as  though  they  would  have  received  us  at 
our  landing.  But  when  we  landed,  they  gave  ground  and 
consulted  what  they  should  do,  for  little  they  thought  We 
should  have  landed  so  boldly :  and  therefore  as  our  captain 
was  putting  his  men  in  array  and  marchv^d  forward  to  have 
encountered  with  them,  they  sent  a  messenger  on  horse- 
back with  a  flag  of  truce  to  the  captain,  who  declared  that 
the  treasurer  marvelled  what  he  meant  to  do  to  come  ashore 
in  that  order,  in  consideration  that  they  had  granted  to 
every  reasonable  request  that  he  did  demand :  but  the  cap- 
tain, not  well  contented  with  this  messenger,  marched  for- 
wards. The  messenger  prayed  him  to  stay  his  men,  and 
said  if  he  would  come  apart  from  his  men,  the  treasurer 
would  come  and  speak  with  him,  whereunto  he  did  agree 
to  commune  together.  The  captain  only  with  his  armour, 
without  weapon,  and  the  treasurer  on  horseback  with  his 
javelin,  was  afraid  to  come  near  him  for  fear  of  his  armour, 
which  he  said  was  worse  than  his  weapon,  and  so  keeping 
aloof,  communing  together,  granted  in  fine  to  all  his  re- 
quests.    Which  being  declared  by  the  captain  to  the  com- 


m 


sh( 

gaj 
thij 
for 


■J'^-^s^a^Ji-Oi^.. 


CHAP.  IIX.]    visn  or  HAWKINS  TO  FLORIDA  IN  1565. 


459 


paiiy,  they  desired  to  have  pledges  for  the  performanee  of 
all  things,  doubting  that  otherwise  when  they  had  made 
themselves  stronger,  they  would  have  been  at  defiance 
with  us :  and  seeing  that  now  they  might  have  what  they 
would  request,  they  judged  it  to  be  more  wisdom  to  be  in 
assurance  than  to  be  forced  to  make  any  moro  labours  about 
it.  So  upon  this,  gages  were  sent|  and  we  made  our  traffic 
quietly  with  them."* 

Hawkins  had  with  him  a  Frenchman,  Martin  Ati- 
nas  of  Diepe,  who  had  been  in  Florida  in  1662  with 
Ribault,  and  now  guided  the  English  along  this  coast. 
They  ranged  along  it,  seeking  for  fresh  water,  and  en- 
quiring of  the  Floridians  where  the  French  inhabited ; 
they  were  disappointed  at  not  seeing  any  habitation 
of  the  French  in  twenty-eight  degrees,  but  found  the 
ship  and  two  pinnaces  at  the  river  of  May,  in  thirty 
degrees  and  better,  and  sent  Atinas  as  messenger  to 
Laudonniere,  at  the  fort,  two  leagues  up.  Two  fia- 
gons  of  wine  and  some  wheat  bread,  brought  by  Atinas, 
were  very  acceptable.  Next  day,  a  visit  was  paid  by 
Hawkins,  who  seeing  the  wants  of  the  French,  sup- 
plied them  with  meat  and  other  provisio:»s,  and  of- 
fered them  a  bark,  for  which  they  paid  kiti  in  ord- 
nance.t 

"  Moreover,"  says  Laudonniere,  "  for  as  much  as  he  saw 
my  soldiers  go  barefoot,  he  offered  me  besides  fifty  pair  of 
shoes,  which  I  accepted  and  agreed  of  a  price  with  him,  and 
gave  him  a  bill  of  mine  hand  for  the  same,  for  which  until 
this  present  I  am  indebted  to  him.  He  did  more  than  this : 
for  particularly  he  bestowed  upon  myself  a  great  jar  of  oil, 
a  jar  of  vinegar,  a  barrel  of  olives,  and  a  great  quantity  of 


*  Hakluyt,  vol.  3,  p.  519.       f  Id.  p.  347,  8,  and  p.  516  to  590. 


460 


VISIT  or  HAWKINS  TO  FLOBIOA  IN  1565.        ['OOK  II. 


rice  and  a  barrel  of  white  biscuit.  Besides,  he  gave  divers 
presents  to  the  principal  officers  of  my  company,  according 
to  their  qualities :  so  that  I  may  say,  that  we  received  as 
many  courtesies  of  the  general  as  it  was  possible  to  receive 
of  any  man  living.  Wherein,  doubtless,  he  hath  won  the 
reputation  of  a  good  and  charitable  man,  deserving  to  be  es- 
teemed as  much  of  us  all  as  if  he  had  saved  all  our  lives." 

In  returning,  owing  to  the  nature  of  the  winds, 
Hawkins  was  as  far  north  as  the  bank  of  Newfound- 
land, where  he  obtained  a  great  number  of  fresh  cod 
fish,  which  gave  great  relief.  After  this,  with  a  good 
wind,  he  came  the  20th  of  September  to  Padston,  in 
Cornwall,  with  the  loss  of  twenty  persons  in  the  voy- 
age, but  with  profit  to  the  adventurers.^         .  ,^ 

i      M  ^   ■♦       ...     •3II«kluyt,p.aiO,9J. 


• )  ' ; 


'',■  ' 


Me 
of 


CHAP.  IS.] 


VOTAOBS   TO   FLORIDA    IN    1565. 


461 


■Mt^>^  <rti  .Tf.^'^^i  ■*^Vn^ii':rh  <*    ,>*s'«^'^'-''"' 

'f 

'9^j--^-'i-d*.4r;                         >\:'h.    '•;'-r''  •viutfi;n»- vt  i    ,'..'.•..!>■ 

-...  ,-,;^^ 

imV'^^'^^f    'i-'      r'-'-''"  •    '■'*  *>'■'■  ^•■'''Vi;ri;    •.^l':->f  ' 

^'   '/»i|^|v^ 

-TW*V?^;'-^^")»?\-  .V'iJi?^'';:-  ,.  ^.;:^     .     v^*    ,'|'Lr>'.'  -',)^V^ 

^ri^  -'V* 

CHAPTER  XX.             ^'  ' 

'     <*},f^ 

Of  the  voyage  of  Ribault  from  France  to  Florida  ia  1565;  and  the 
massacre  there  of  the  French  by  the  Spaniards,  under  Menendez. 

After  the  departure  of  Hawkins  from  the  fort,  Lau- 
donniere  proceeded  to  get  every  thing  necessary  on 
board  his  vessel ;  he  was  ready  to  sail,  when,  on  the 
28th  of  August  1565,  certain  ships  were  seen.  Ribault 
came  in.  them,  bringing  a  letter  from  Chastillon,  sta- 
ting his  appointment  as  governor,  and  desiring  Lau- 
donniere  to  return  to  France.  The  ships  of  Ribault 
were  brought  into  the  river  the  4th  of  September. 

In  the  meantime,  the  proceedings  of  the  French  in 
Florida,  had  attracted  the  attention  of  the  court  of 
Spain.  On  the  5th  of  May  1565,  the  secretary  Gon- 
zalo  Perez  presented  to  the  president  of  the  council 
of  the  Indias,  some  lines  from  the  king,  in  relation  to 
his  rights  to  Florida,  where  the  French  had  built  a 
fort.  The  council  was  of  opinion  that  the  right  of 
the  King  of  Spain  was  very  clear ;  that  it  resulted 
from  the  donation  of  Alexander  the  Sixth,  and  the 
taking  possession  by  Angel  de  Villafaiie,  on  the  same 
shores  and  in  the  port  which  the  French  were  now 
occupying;  and  that  besides,  Guido  de  las  Bazares 
had  pursued  the  same  formality  in  1558. 

A  fleet,  (composed  of  eight  ships,)  of  which  Pedro 
Menendez  de  Abiles  was  general,  sailed  from  the  bay 
of  Cadiz  the  28th  of  June  1565.    Before  it  set  out. 


46^ 


▼0TA0B8   TO   fLOmOA    IN    1565. 


[BOOB   II. 


three  caravels  were  sent,  at  different  times,  to  trana- 
mit  to  Saint  Domingo  and  Havana  the  orders  of  the 
king,  as  to  the  conduct  to  be  observed  on  the  arrival 
of  the  fleet.  When  the  second  of  these  caravels  ar- 
rived near  the  isle  of  Mona,  it  is  said  to  have  met  a 
French  vessel,  the  men  on  board  of  which,  forced  the 
caravel  to  surrender ;  took  possession  of  its  papers, 
and  read  the  orders  given  for  the  conquest  of  Florida. 
The  Spaniards  arrived  upon  the  Florida  coast  the 
28th  of  August ;  on  the  dth  of  September,  five  Spa- 
nish encountered  four  French  ships  at  the  mouth  of 
a  river.  The  Spanish  general  said  to  a  French  cap- 
tain: ^^What  are  you  doing  upon  the  lands  of  King 
Philip  ?  Leave  them,  for  I  do  not  see  what  you  are 
doing  here,  nor  what  you  wish  to  do."  The  captain 
dispatched  a  shallop  to  his  admiral.  What  the  former 
said,  was  not  known,  but  the  admiral  was  heard  to 
say  in  reply :  **  I  am  the  admiral ;  I  would  rather  die." 
Then  the  French  cut  their  cables,  directed  themselves 
towards  the  full  sea,  displayed  the  foremast  sails,  and 
passed  in  the  midst  of  the  Spaniards.  The  Spanish 
followed  the  French  admiral,  summoned  him  to  lower, 
and  soon  after  directed  a  small  culverin  to  be  fired. 
Again  there  was  a  summons  to  surrender,  and  again 
the  reply,  rather  die  than  surrender.  There  was  a 
second  fire,  which  carried  oflf  five  or  six  men.  One 
of  the  French  shallops  was  taken,  and  during  the 
night  the  Spanish  admiral  and  captain  gave  chase  to 
the  French  admiral  and  captain.  Next  morning  there 
was  a  great  tempest;  the  Spaniards  were  afraid  to 
continue  out  at  sea,  and  regained  the  shore.  They 
went  to  a  river,  described  as  about  fifteen  leagues 


CHAr.  XI.] 


VOTAOEI   TO    rLORIOA    IN    156ff. 


463 


above  that  of  the  French;  took  posseBtion  of  the 
country  in  the  name  of  the  king,  and  built  a  fort. 
Three  shallops  were  sent  out  to  seek  provisions  and 
some  troops  which  were  on  board  a  gallion  and  another 
vessel,  that  had  not  arrived.  Two  French  ships 
came  behind  one  of  the  shallops,  with  the  intention 
of  attacking  it,  but  the  wind  enabled  the  shallop  to 
enter  a  port  where  the  water  was  not  deep  enough 
for  the  French  to  follow.  The  gallion  and  the  other 
vessel  referred  to,  sailed,  one  of  them  for  Spain,  and 
the  other  for  Havana.  In  a  severe  storm,  most  of 
the  French  vessels  were  lost  at  sea. 

On  the  17th  of  September,  the  general  set  out  with 
five  hundred  men,  to  attack  the  French.  The  chap- 
lain, well  supplied  with  that  bigotry  which  it  was  the 
fashion  of  the  times  to  mistake  for  Christianity,  ex- 
presses the  hope  that  God  will  do  what  is  necessary, 
that  the  Spaniards  may  propagate  his  holy  Catholic 
religion,  and  destroy  the  heretics!  On  the  22d,  there 
arrived  a  Frenchman,  who  said  that  he  was  one  of 
sixteen  who  had  been  seat  from  the  French  fort  eight 
days  before,  to  observe  vhat  the  Spaniards  were  do- 
ing ;  that  the  frigate  was  wrecked  at  the  mouth  of  a 
river,  four  leagues  more  to  the  south,  where  five  pe- 
rished then,  and  the  next  day  three  were  killed  by  the 
Indians ;  that  one  of  his  comrades  had  attempted  to 
regain  the  port,  but  he  did  not  know  what  had  be- 
come of  the  rest.  He  said  there  were  in  all  seven 
hundred  men  in  the  fort,  of  whom  a  third  were  Lu- 
therans, and  they  had  two  priests  who  preached  the 
Lutheran  doctrine ;  that  of  the  seven  hundred,  more 
than  two  hundred  had  embarked  in  the  four  vessels ; 


^.,.^i,_,..,;Miiaii^ 


464 


MASSACRE    or   THE  FRENCH    IN    1565.  [BOOK  II. 


that  there  were  in  the  camp  eight  or  ten  Spaniards, 
of  whom  three  had  been  found  quite  naked  among 
the  Indians,  having  belonged  to  a  vessel  which  was 
shipwrecked  on  the  coast  long  before.  The  Spa- 
niards afterwards  got  the  frigate  afloat,  and  brought 
it  to  their  port ;  there  were  seen  fifteen  bodies  of  the 
French,  who  had  belonged  to  the  frigate.  An  hour 
after  the  fi-igate  arrived,  news  came  of  the  victory 
over  the  Froiich.  •';'>>:"  '.^ '■  -/^':rk.'^^^;.-^v.*i..:'H-.-;.  ■^':*^J■•^..>• 
"  The  enemy  did  not  perceive  them  until  the  moment 
that  they  were  attacked.  As  it  was  a  heavy  morning  and 
rained  in  torrents,  the  most  part  were  in  bed ;  some  arose 
in  their  shirts,  others  were  quite  naked  and  asked  for  quar- 
ter: notwithstanding,  a  hundred  and  forty-two  of  them 
were  killed.  The  others,  who  were  to  the  number  of 
about  three  hundred,  scaled  the  walls;  some  gained  the  fo- 
rest ;  others  took  refuge  in  the  ships  which  were  in  the  ri- 
ver, loaded  with  wealth  ,*  so  that  in  an  hour,  the  fort  was 
in  our  power,  without  our  having  lost  a  single  man  and 
without  even  one  being  wounded.  There  were  six  ships 
in  the  river :  we  took  one  brigantine  ;  and  a  galliot  which 
was  not  yet  finished,  as  also  another  ship  which  had  dis- 
charged rich  merchandize,  were  run  aground." 

On  the  28th  of  September,  they  learnt,  from  the 
signs  of  some  Indians,  that  on  the  coast  towards  the 
south,  they  had  seen  a  vessel  which  was  wrecked. 
The  admiral  was  immediately  ordered  to  arm  a  shal- 
lop, and  go  with  fifty  men  thither :  the  general  fol- 
lowed with  twelve  men,  in  another  shallop.  Upon 
reaching  the  French,  one  of  them  came  to  speak  to 
the  general. 


T^ 


CBAV.  Xl.J        MASSACRE    OF   THE    FRENCH    IN    1565. 


465      ' 


««^"He  told  him  of  their  shipwreck  and  of  the  extremity 
ia  which  they  were;  that  they  had  not  eaten  bread ^ for 
eight  or  ten  days.  He  admitted  that  all ,  or  at  least  the 
most  part  of  them  were  Luth<)rans.  Immediately  the  ge- 
neral sent  him  back  to  his  comrades  to  tell  them  to  surren- 
der and  bring  their  arms ;  that  otherwise,  he  would  put 
them  all  to  the  sword.  A  French  serjeant  came  with  the 
response  of  the  enemy :  he  said,  they  would  surrender  on 
condition  that  their  lives  were  spared.  After  a  good  deal 
of  talking,  our  general  replied  that  he  would  not  give  his 
word ;  that  they  ought  to  surrender  at  discretion  and  put 
down  their  arms,  because  if  he  granted  to  them  life,  he 
wished  them  to  make  acknowledgment  of  it,  and  if  on  the 
contrary,  he  put  them  to  death,  they  could  not  complain. 
Seeing  they  had  no  other  resource,  the  serjeant  returned  to 
his  camp,  and  a  little  time  after,  all  brought  their  arms  and 
their  clothes :  they  gave  them  to  the  general  and  surren- 
dered at  discretion." 

It  is  curious  to  see  in  what  manner  the  chaplain  re- 
lates the  cruel  massacre  which  then  occurred. 


"  Seeing  that  all  were  Lutherans,  his  lordship  took  the 
resolution  of  condemning  them  all  to  death ;  but  as  I  was 
a  priest,  and  as  I  had  the  bowels  of  a  man,  I  prayed  him  to 
grant  to  me  one  favour,  that  of  not  putting  to  death  those 
whom  we  should  find  to  be  Christians.  He  granted  it  to 
me.  I  made  some  examination.  I  found  of  them  ten  or 
twelve  whom  we  carried  away  ;  all  the  others  were  execu- 
ted because  they  were  Lutherans,  enemies  of  our  Holy  Ca- 
tholic faith.  All  this  took  place  on  Saturday,  the  day  of 
Saint  Michael,  the  22d  of  September  1565.  A  hundred 
and  twelve  Lutherans  were  there  put  to  death  without 
counting  fourteen  or  fifteen  prisoners." 
.69  •   ■ 


<m 


466 


MASSACRE    OF   THE   rSENCU    IN    1565.  [BOOK  li. 


Such  is  the  account  of  this  inhuman  transaction, 
as  told  by  the  Spaniards  themselves ;  such  the  rela- 
tion of  ^Francisco  Lopes  de  Mendoza,  chaplain  of  the 
expedition  of  Pedro  Menendez,  as  it  is  found  in  a  vo- 
lume of  pieces  on  Florida,  published  at  Paris  in  1841, 
in  the  collection  of  H.  Ternaux-Compans.  .^.^ 

^  In  the  same  volume  is  the  French  account :  a  re- 
publication  of  a  small  book,  printed  at  Lyons  in  1566, 
by  Jean  Saugrain,  (a  bookseller,)  in  which  the  follow- 
ing statements  are  made  :  j-  ;  i  f  vr^>.  ..^e-,  ,%•  ^livn.' 
.On  the  3d  of  September  there  arrived  near  our 
shipping,  five  Spanish  ships.  At  night  they  spoke  to- 
gether. The  French  asked  why,  and  to  what  end 
they  were  seeking  them  ?  They  replied  that  they  con- 
sidered them  enemies ;  that  the  war  was  sufficiently 
declare^.  The  French  ru'sed  their  sails,  and  the  Spa- 
niards made  chase ;  after  which,  the  Spaniards  retired 
to  the  river  of  the  Dauphins.  Three  of  the  French 
ships  afterwards  returning  to  the  road,  Ribault  dehbe- 
rated  on  going  with  these  three  to  find  the  Spaniards, 
and  concluded  that  he  ought  to  shew  himself  against 
them  on  the  waters.  On  the  10th  of  September,  the 
captain  embarked,  taking  not  only  the  soldiers,  newly 
arrived,  but  also  the  best  of  those  who  were  there  be- 
fore. On  the  1 1th,  when  the  French  ships  were  near 
some  of  the  Spanish,  a  tornado  arose,  which  separated 
them;  the  tempest  lasted  till  the  23d. 

Those  who  remained  in  the  fort,  were  composed 
partly  of  the  sick,  partly  of  artizans,  and  partly  of 
women  and  little  children ;  the  whole  numbering  two 
hundred  and  forty  souls.  Most  of  these  were  in  the 
fort  asleep ;  and  the  guard,  having  had  a  bad  time  all 


T*^^ 


~-^;^^.T-r,-V^^-T  IJ^7J1W5^»'  1^ 


CHAP.  XS.}        MASSACRE   OP   THE   FRENCH   IN    1665. 


467 


night,  had  Iain  down  to  refresh  themselves,  when  on 
the  20th  day  of  September,  in  the  morning,  the  Spa- 
niards entered  the  fort  without  resistance,  and  did 
horrible  execution :  cutting  the  throats  of  the  healthy 
and  the  sick,  the  women  and  the  little  children,  so 
that  it  is  not  possible  to  conceive  a  massacre  which 
could  exceed  it  in  cruelty  and  barbarity.  Some  of 
the  French  escaped  to  the  ships,  in  the  river.  Some 
having  reached  the  woods,  six  of  them  thought  it 
might  be  the  least  of  evils  to  return  end  surrender 
themselves  to  the  Spaniards.  But  these  six,  on  com- 
ing out  of  the  woods,  meeting  some  of  the  Spaniards, 
were  seized  and  treated  no  better  than  the  rest.  The 
French,  from  whom  the  six  parted  in  the  woods,  one 
of  whom  is  jthe  writer  of  this  relation,  after  much  dif- 
ficulty, joined  Laudonniere  and  his  party  of  twenty- 
six  persons,  and  with  them  reached  the  ship  of  cap- 
idin  Maillard,  near  which  was  another  ship.  The 
company  being  divided  between  the  two  vessels,  they 
sailed  on  the  25th  of  September,  but  were  soon  sepa- 
rated, and  did  not  meet  again.  The  vessel  in  which 
the  author  of  this  narrative  sailed,  encountered  on  the 
way  a  Spanish  ship,  but  the  French  got  the  better  of 
it.     They  landed  on  the  coast  of  Rochelle. 

Jean  Ribault,  during  five  days  that  he  was  seeking 
the  Spaniards,  did  not  find  them,  but  met  the  admiral 
of  his  fleet  named  the  Trinity.  In  the  tempest,  these 
two  ships  were  driven  on  the  coast  below  the  river  of 
May,  about  fifty  leagues  by  sea  and  twelve  by  land ; 
the  vessels  were  broken,  and  their  munitions  lost. 
Captain  La  Grange  having  thrown  himself  upon  a 
mast,  was  swallowed  up  by  the  waters ;  the  rest  of 


468 


MASSACRE    OF   THE    FRENCH    IN  1565.  ['OOK  u. 


/■■; 


the  men  reached  the  land.  For  eight  days  they  suf- 
fered greatly  from  hunger  and  thirst.  The  river  of 
the  Dauphins,  very  deep  and  about  a  quarter  of  a 
league  wide,  was  between  them  and  the  fort ;  they 
could  not  pass  it  without  a  vessel.  On  the  9th,  they 
found  a  small  bark.  Ribault,  ignorant  of  the  mas- 
sacre at  the  fort,  was  of  opinion  that  some  of  the 
men  should  go  thither  in  the  bark,  to  inform  the  peo- 
ple there  of  the  wreck  and  their  condition.  Sixteen 
were  selected  for  the  purpose.    The  same  day  the 


"fe^ 


:,Mr?i!T' 


;»■;'?';'  *i^4hb^' ^•j'li^^.iml 


Spaniards  came. 

.,  "Our  French  in  such  an  abyss  of  anguish,  as  a  last  re- 
source, sent  some  of  the  company  to  make  an  offer  to  sur- 
render if  their  lives  were  spared.  The  delegates  were  ap- 
parently received  with  humanity.  The  captain  of  this  Spa- 
nish company,  whose  name  was  Yalletiiande,  protested  on 
the  faith  of  a  gentleman,  a  chevalier  and  a  christian,  of  his 
good  will  towards  the  French ;  that  they  should  be  treated 
according  to  the  usage  which  had  been  in  all  time  practised 
in  war  when  the  Spaniards  were  victorious.  He  declared  so 
that  all  might  be  persuaded  of  this  fair  promise,  that  he 
would  never  do  in  this  place  what  nations  could  afterwards 
resent,  and  immediately  caused  to  be  accoutred  a  bark  in 
which  five  Spaniards  passed  beyond  our  people.  Captain 
Jean  Ribault  entered  among  the  first  in  the  bark  with  others 
to  the  number  of  thirty.  The  reception  of  him  was  suffi- 
ciently humane,  but  the  others  which  were  in  his  company 
were  carried  far  behind  him  and  all  tied,  two  and  two,  their 
hands  behind  the  back.  Then  the  rest  passed  thirty  at  a 
time,  whilst  Vallemande  was  discoursing  in  fair  but  hypo- 
critical words  with  this  good  captain  John  Ribault,  who  re- 
lied simply  on  the  faith  of  this  Vallemande  to  whom  he 
had  surrendered.     Our  men  being  all  passed,  were  thus  tied  . 


CHAP.  XX.]        MASSACRE    OF   THE    FRENCH    IN    1565. 


469 


Ir    ^ 
la 


together  two  and  two,  and  ail  vant  together,  French  and 
Spaniards,  towards  the  fort.  The  captain  Jean  Ribault  and 
others,  particularly  Signor  d'Ottigny,  when  they  saw  our 
men  thus  coupled  together,  began  to  change  colour  and 
commended  themselves  to  the  faith  of  Signor  de  Yallemande 
who  assured  them  saying  that  the  tying  was  only  to  carry 
them  to  the  fort  in  safety,  and  that  there  he  would  keep  to 
them  what  he  had  promised.  As  they  came  very  near  the 
fort,  he  began  to  inquire  concerning  those  who  were  sailors, 
ship  carpenters,  gunners  and  others  who  would  be  useful 
for  offices  of  the  marine.  These  being  chosen  were  found 
to  number  thirty  men.  Soon  after  was  seen  coming  from 
the  fort  a  company  to  meet  our  people,  whom  they  made 
march  behind  Yallemande  and  his  company,  as  you  would 
see  a  troop  of  beasts  which  they  were  driving  to  slaughter. 
Then  to  the  sound  of  fifes,  drums  and  trumpets,  the  cou- 
rage of  these  furious  Spaniards  was  displayed  against  the 
poor  French  who  were  tied  with  cords :  Then  it  was  to 
whom  they  should  give  the  best  blow  with  an  axe,  halberd 
or  sword,  so  that  in  half  a*i  hour,  they  gained  the  field  and 
bore  off  this  glorious  victory,  killing  villainously  those  who 
had  surrendered  and  been  received  on  their  faith  and  safe- 
guard. During  this  cruelty,  captain  John  Ribault  made 
some  remonstrances  to  Yallemande  to  save  his  life ;  even 
Signor  d'Ottigny,  throwing  himself  at  his  feet,  reminded 
him  of  his  promise :  but  all  this  availed  nothing ;  for  the 
backs  being  turned,  he  marehed  behind  them  and  one  of 
his  executioners  struck  from  behind  with  a  dagger  captain 
Jean  Ribault.  He  fell  on  the  ground  and  soon  after  there 
were  two  or  three  other  blows  which  ended  his  life." 

This  relation,  appears  to  have  been  gathered  in 
part,  at  least,  from  one  of  the  French  sailors  named 
Christopher  Le  Breton,  of  Havre  de  Grace,  u'lio  after 
making  the  voyage  with  the  Spaniards  from  Florida 


470 


MASSACBE    or   THE    FRENCH    IN    1565.  [book  ii. 


to  Spain  secretly  withdrew  from  the  City  of  Seville 
to  Bcrdeaax.  ^^ai^^f*',^*^  i  -  <«jy'ts.f. 

*  There  is  a  fiirther  account  of  this  massacre  by  Lau- 
donniere,  in  the  third  volume  of  Hakluyt's  Collection, 
page  362  to  356. 

.  Such  conduct  would  scarcely  have  been  ventured 
upon  by  the  Spaniards  towards  citizens  of  France  in 
time  of  peace  but  for  the  strength  of  the  Catholic 
party  in  the  latter  kingdom,  and  their  hostility  to  the 
Protestants.  In  this  year  Philip  the  Second,  in  con- 
sequence of  the  revolt  in  the  low  countries,  having 
sent  thither  the  Duke  of  Alba,  there  was  an  interview 
at  Bayonne  of  the  king  and  Catharine  of  Medicis, 
with  Philip's  queen  and  the  Duke  of  Alba.  Catha- 
rine, under  the  pretext  of  the  passage  of  the  duke 
into  the  low  countries,  caused  troops  to  be  raised,  by 
way  of  precaution,  she  said,  against  him.  The  Hu- 
guenots of  France  as  well  as  of  the  low  countries 
viewed  this,  with  distrust.  They  wished  to  prevent 
the  establishment  of  the  inquisition,  and  the  King  of 
Spain  was  disposed  to  punish  them.  The  measure 
of  Catharine,  just  mentioned,  it  has  been  «aid,  irrita- 
ted those  in  France  and  gave  rise  to  the  second  civil 
war. 


¥ 


•  \,-» 


■,-  ^ 


;"U 


,    J 


•y'Nj;',? 


•■nv, 


'':1J*^'" 


^'•^•/'•^7'7f-.'--r'r" 


CRAF.  mi.] 


THE    GHEVALIKR   DE   GOUROUE.  '^^ 


4T1 


'0 


'■4> 


CHAPTER  XXI. 


-.u- 


■iy'f 


:*.'^^^' 


Of  the  chevalier  de  Gourgue;  his  chivalrous  enterprise;  the  manner 
in  which  the  massacre  of  the  French  in  Florida  by  the  Spaniards  in 
1565  was  avenged  by  him  at  the  same  place  in  1568.        .  ^'  ^^  ,'i,;'  ,  . 

In  1567  the  Duke  of  Alba  had  arrived  in  the  low 
countries  and  arrested  the  Count  of  Egmont  and  the 
Count  de  Horn.  In  France  the  Huguenots  with  the 
Prince  of  Conde  and  the  Admiral  de  Cohgni  at  their 
head,  wiighed  to  take  possession  of  the  person  of  the 
king  who  was  at  Monceaux ;  the  queen  was  informed 
of  it  and  withdrew  to  Meaux,  whence  the  Swiss,  com- 
manded by  their  colonel,  carried  the  king  to  Paris.* 

It  was^  in  this  year  that  the  chevalier  de  Gourgue 
carried  out  his  singular  and  chivalrous  enterprise,  of 
which  there  is  an  accountin  a  volume  of  pieces  on 
Florida,  published  at  Paris  in  1841,  in  Ternaux's  Col- 
lection ;  in  the  third  volume  of  Hakluyt's  Collection, 
page  356  to  360 ;  and  in  Hawkins's  Quebec,  page  78 
to  85. 

Gourgue  was  born  at  Mount  Marsan  in  Gascony, 
and  was  in  the  armies  of  different  princes  for  twfenty- 
five  or  thirty  years.  When  a  captain  near  Sienna  in 
Tuscany,  he  sustained  with  thirty  soldiers  the  brunt 
of  a  part  of  the  Spanish  army ;  here,  when  his  men 
had  been  cut  to  pieces,  he  was  taken  and  put  into  a 
galley,  which  going  towards  Sicily  was  taken  by  the 


**'  L'histoiie  de  France,"  printed  at  Paris  in  1775,  vol.  3,  p.  533. 


472 


EXPEDITION    01*    GOURGUX    IN    1568. 


[book  II. 


W 


Turks,  carried  to  Rhodes  and  then  to  Constantinople. 
It  vmB  shortly  afterwards  recovered  by  Romeguas, 
commander  of  the  army  of  Malta.  Returning  home, 
Gourgue  made  a  voyage  on  the  coast  of  Africa, 
whence  he  went  to  Brazil  and  the  South  sea. 

"  He  had,"  says  Hawkins,  '^  just  returned  to  France  from 
one  of  his  voyages,  with  the  reputation  of  the  bravest  and 
most  able  among  her  navigators,  when  he  heard  of  the  dis- 
astrous tale  of  La  Caroline,  and  the  disgraceful  manner  in 
which  his  countrymen  had  been  put  to  death  by  the  Spa- 
niards. Like  a  patriot,  he  felt  keenly  for  the  honour  of  his 
country ;  and  as  a  man,  he  burned  for  an  opportunity  of 
satiating  his  long  dormant  revenge  on  the  perfidious  Spa- 
niards, for  their  unworthy  treatment  of  himself.  At  this 
time,  too,  there  was  circulated  in  France  a  narrative  inti- 
tuled, the  '  Supplication  of  the  widows  and  children  of 
those  who  had  been  massacred  in  Florida,'  calculated  to 
rouse  the  national  feeling  to  the  highest  pitch.  These  uni- 
ted motives  urged  De  Gourgue  to  a  chivalrous  underta- 
king— no  less  than  to  chase^  the  murderous  invaders  from 
the  coasts  of  Florida  at  the  sword's  point,  or  to  die  in  the 
attempt."       , 


■-  :-ji    ■  .- 


rviv:;  ii'i  ^:  xUji'f'f'..'. 


With  funds  obtained  by  borrowing  from  his  friends 
and  selling  part  of  his  property,  he  fitted  out  three 
ships,  with  from  one  hundred  to  one  hundred  and  fifty 
soldiers  and  eighty  mariners,  and  set  forth  in  August 
1567.  At  the  end  of  the  isle  of  Cuba,  about  two 
hundred  leagues  from  Florida,  his  intention,  hitherto 
concealed  from  his  men,  was  disclosed  to  them  ;  their 
ready  assent  and  purpose  to  cooperate  with  him, 
were  immediately  expressed,  and  they  soon  reached 
Florida.     The  Spaniards  saluted  them  with  cannon. 


£^^i* 


CHAP.  HI.]  ASSAULT   ON   THE    SPANIARDS   IN   FLOKIDA. 


473 


supposing  them  of  their  nation,  and  Gourgue  re- 
turned the  salute,  that  they  might  retain  this  impres- 
sion, and  he  the  more  easily  surprise  them.  Sailing 
out  of  their  sight,  he  landed  at  the  mouth  of  the  Seine, 
fifteen  leagues  from  the  Spanish  fort.  The  shore 
here  was  covered  with  the  natives,  with  whose  chief 
Olocatara,  a  league  was  quickly  formed ;  the  outrages 
of  the  Spaniards  upon  the  Indians,  causing  a  desire 
in  them  no  less  than  in  the  French,  to  be  avenged. 
Gourgue,  too,  had  an  opportunity  of  examining  Peter 
de  Bre,  a  stripling  who  had  escaped  out  of  the  fort, 
while  the  Spaniards  murdered  the  rest  of  the  French, 
and  was  brought  up  by  the  Indians.  All  met  at  the 
river  of  Sarauaki.  Gourgue  learned  that  the  Spa- 
niards were  four  hundred  strong,  divided  into  three 
forts  upon  the  river  of  May,  one  where  the  French 
had  theirs,  and  two  leagues  nearer  the  mouth,  a  fort 
on  each  side  of  the  river.  One  of  these  last  was  the 
subject  of  the  first  assault.  As  soon  as  Gourgue  and 
his  comrades  had  passed  over  the  small  river  that  falls 
down  thereby,  they  prepared  for  the  assault.  It  was 
on  Sunday  eve  next  after  Easter  day,  in  April  1568. 


Gourgue  "gave  twenty  shot  to  his  lieutenant  Cazenove, 
and  ten  mariners  laden  with  pots  and  balls  of  wild  fire  to 
burn  the  gate ;  and  then  he  assaulted  the  fort  on  another 
side,  after  he  had  made  a  short  speech  unto  his  men  of  the 
strange  treasons  which  the  Spaniards  had  played  their  com- 
panions. But  being  descried  as  they  came  holding  down 
their  heads  within  two  hundred  paces  from  the  fort,  the 
gunner  being  upon  the  terrace  of  the  fort,  after  he  had 
cried  'arm,  arm,  these  be  Frenchmen,'  discharged  twice 
upon  them  a  culverin  whereon  the  arms  of  France  were 
60 


474 


ASSAULT   ON   TBE    8PAMIABOS    IN    rLORIDA.      [■<><»  ». 


graven,  which  had  been  taken  from  Laudonniere.  But  as 
he  went  about  to  charge  it  the  third  lime,  Olocatara,  which 
had  not  learned  to  keep  his  rank,  or  rather  moved  with 
rage,  leapt  on  the  platform,  and  thrust  him  through  the 
body  with  his  pike  and  slew  him.  Whereupon  Gourgue 
advanced  forward,  and  after  he  had  heard  Cazenove  cry, 
that  the  Spaniards  which  had  issued  out  armed  at  the  cry 
of  the  alarm,  were  fled,  he  drew  to  that  part  and  so  hemmed 
them  in  between  him  and  his  lieutenant,  that  of  three  score, 
there  escaped  not  a  man,  saving  only  fifteen  reserved  unto 
the  same  death  which  they  had  put  the  French  unto.  The 
Spaniards  of  the  other  fort  in  the  meanwhile  ceased  not  to 
play  with  their  ordnance,  which  much  annoyed  the  assail- 
ants: although  to  answer  them  they  had  by  this  placed 
and  oftentimes  pointed  the  four  pieces  found  in  the  first 
fort.  Whereupon  Gourgue  being  accompanied  with  four- 
score shot  went  aboard  the  bark  which  met  him  there  to* 
good  purpose,  to  pass  into  the  wood  near  unto  the  fort,  out 
of  which  he  supposed  the  Spaniards  would  issue  to  save 
themselves  through  the  benefit  of  the  woods  in  the  great 
fort,  which  was  not  past  one  league  distant  from  the  same. 
Afterward  the  savages  not  staying  for  the  return  of  the 
bark,  leapt  all  into  the  water,  holding  up  their  bows  and 
arrows  in  one  hand  and  swimming  with  the  other,  so  that 
the  Spaniards  seeing  both  the  shores  covered  with  so  great 
a  number  of  men,  thought  to  flee  toward  the  woods :  but 
being  charged  by  the  French  and  afterwards  repulsed  by 
the  savages  toward  whom  they  would  have  retired,  they 
were  sooner  than  they  would,  bereft  of  their  lives.  To 
conclude,  they  all  there  ended  their  days,  saving  fifteen  of 
those  which  were  reserved  to  be  executed  for  the  example 
of  others.  Whereupon  captain  Gourgue  having  caused  all 
that  he  found  in  the  second  fort  to  be  transported  unto  the 
first,  where  he  went  to  strengthen  himself  to  take  resolu- 
tion against  the  great  fort,  the  state  whereof  he  did  not  un- 


CHAF.  MI.]  ASSAULT   ON   THE    8PANIAB08    IW   rLORIDA. 


475 


all 
the 
|>lii- 

in- 


derstand :  in  fine  a  sergeant  of  a  band  one  of  the  prisoners 
assured  him  that  they  might  be  there  very  near  three  hun- 
dred well  furnished  under  a  brave  governor,  which  had  for- 
tified there,  attending  farther  succours.  Thus  having  ob- 
tained of  him  the  platform,  the  height,  the  fortification  and 
passages  unto  it,  and  having  prepared  eight  good  ladders, 
and  raised  all  the  country  against  the  Spaniard,  that  he 
might  neither  have  news,  nor  succours,  nor  retract  on  any 
side,  he  determined  to  march  forward.  In  the  meanwhile 
the  governor  sent  a  Spaniard  disguised  like  a  savage  to  spy 
out  the  state  of  the  French.  And  though  he  were  disco- 
vered by  Olocatara,  yet  he  used  all  the  cunning  he  could 
possibly  to  persuade  them  that  he  was  one  of  the  second 
fort,  out  of  which  having  escaped,  and  seeing  none  but 
savages  on  every  side,  he  hoped  more  in  the  Frenchmen's 
than  their  mercy,  unto  whom  he  came  to  yield  himself  dis- 
guised like  a  savage,  for  fear  lest  if  he  should  have  been 
known,  he  should  have  been  massacred  by  those  barbarians : 
but  the  spy  being  brought  face  to  face  with  the  sergeant  of 
the  band,  and  convicted  to  be  one  of  the  great  fort,  was 
reserved  until  another  time :  after  that  he  had  assured  Gour- 
gue  that  the  bruit  was  that  he  had  two  thousand  French-* 
men  with  him,  for  fear  of  whom  the  two  hundred  and 
threescore  Spaniards  which  remained  in  the  great  fort  were 
greatly  astonished.  Whereupon  Gourgue  being  resolved  to 
set  upon  them  while  they  were  thus  amazed,  and  leaving 
his  standard-bearer  and  a  captain  with  fifteen  shot  to  keep 
the  fort  and  the  entry  of  the  river,  he  caused  the  savages 
to  depart  by  night  to  lie  in  ambush  within  the  woods  on 
both  sides  of  the  river ;  then  he  departed  in  the  morning, 
leaving  the  sergeant  and  the  spy  fast  bound  along  with  him, 
to  show  him  that  indeed  which  they  had  only  made  him  un- 
derstand before  in  painting.  As  they  marched,  Olocatara,  a 
resolute  savage  which  never  left  the  captain,  said  unto  him 
that  he  had  served  him  faithfully,  and  done  whatsoever  he 


476 


AMAULT   ON  THK    SPANIABXM   IN   FLOBIDA.      ["OOE  II. 


had  commanded  him,  that  he  was  assured  to  die  in  the  con- 
flict at  the  great  fort,  wherein  nevertheless  he  would  not 
fail,  though  it  were  to  save  his  life :  but  he  prayed  him  to 
give  that  unto  his  wife,  if  he  escaped  not,  which  he  had 
meant  to  bestow  on  him,  that  she  might  bury  the  same 
with  him,  that  thereby  he  might  be  better  welcome  unto 
the  village  of  the  souls  or  spirits  departed.  To  whom  cap- 
tain Gourgue  answered,  after  he  had  commended  his  faith- 
ful valour,  the  love  toward  his  wife,  and  his  noble  care  of 
immortal  honour,  that  he  desired  rather  to  honour  him  alive 
than  dead,  and  that  by  God's  help  he  would  bring  him 
home  again  with  victory.  After  the  discovery  of  the  fort, 
the  Spaniards  were  no  niggards  of  their  cannon  shot,  nor 
of  two  double  culverins,  which  being  mounted  upon  a  bul- 
wark, commanded  all  along  the  river,  which  made  captain 
Gourgue  to  get  to  the  hill  covered  with  wood,  at  the  foot 
whereof  the  fort  beginneth,  and  the  forest  of  wood  conti- 
nueth  and  stretcheth  forth  beyond  it :  so  that  he  had  suffi- 
cient coverture  to  approach  thereunto  without  offence.  He 
purposed  also  to  remain  there  until  the  morning,  wherein 
he  was  resolved  to  assault  the  Spaniards  by  serving  their 
walls  on  the  side  toward  the  hill,  where  the  trench  seemed 
not  sufficiently  flanked  for  the  defence  of  the  curtains,  and 
from  whence  part  of  his  men  might  draw  them  that  were 
besieged,  which  should  show  themselves  to  defend  the  ram- 
part while  the  rest  were  coming  up.  But  the  governor  has- 
tened his  unhappy  destiny,  causing  threescore  shot  to  sally 
forth,  which  passing  through  the  trenches,  advanced  for- 
ward to  descry  the  number  and  valour  of  the  French, 
whereof  twenty  under  the  conduct  of  Cazenove,  getting 
between  the  fort  and  them  which  now  were  issued  forth, 
cut  off  their  re-passage,  while  Gourgue  commanded  the  rest 
to  charge  them  in  the  front,  but  not  to  discharge  but  near 
at  hand,  and  so  that  they  might  be  sure  to  hit  them,  that 
afterwards  with  more  ease  they  might  cut  them  in  pieces 


OBAr.  XII.]  ASSAULT    ON   THE    SPANIABDI    IN   rLOBIOA. 


477 


with  their  swords.  So  that  turning  their  backs  as  soon  as 
they  were  charged  and  compassed  in  by  his  lieutenant,  they 
remained  all  slain  upon  the  place.  Whereat  the  rest  that 
were  besieged,  were  so  astonished,  that  they  knew  none 
other  mean  to  save  their  lives,  but  by  fleeing  into  the  woods 
adjoining,  where  nevertheless  being  encountered  again  by 
the  arrows  of  the  savages  which  lay  in  wait  there  for  them, 
(whereof  one  ran  through  the  target  and  body  of  a  Spa- 
niard, which  therewithal  fell  down  stark  dead,)  some  were 
constrained  to  turn  back,  choosing  rather  to  die  by  the  hand 
of  the  French,  which  pursued  them :  assuring  themselves 
that  none  of  them  could  find  any  favour  neither  with  the 
one  nor  the  other  nation,  whom  they  had  alike  and  so  out 
of  measure  cruelly  intreated,  saving  those  which  were  re- 
served to  be  an  example  for  the  time  to  come.  The  fort 
when  it  was  taken,  was  found  well  provided  of  all  neces- 
saries: namely  of  five  double  culverins  and  four  minions, 
with  divers  other  small  pieces  of  all  sorts,  and  eighteen 
gross  cakes  of  gunpowder,  all  sorts  of  weapons,  which 
Gourgue  caused  with  speed  to  be  embarked,  saving  the 
powder  and  other  moveables,  by  reason  it  was  all  consumed 
with  fire  through  the  negligence  of  a  savage,  which  in 
seething  of  his  fish,  set  fire  to  a  train  of  powder  which 
was  made  and  hidden  by  the  Spaniards  to  have  feasted  the 
French  at  the  first  assault,  thus  blowing  up  the  storehouse 
and  the  other  houses  built  of  pine  trees.  The  rest  of  the 
Spaniards  being  led  away  prisoners  with  the  others,  after 
that  the  general  had  showed  them  the  wrong  which  they 
had  done  without  occasion  to  all  the  French  nation,  were 
all  hanged  on  the  boughs  of  the  same  trees  whereon  the 
French  hung ;  of  which  number  five  were  hanged  by  one 
Spaniard,  which  perceiving  himself  in  the  like  miserable 
estate,  confessed  his  fault  and  the  just  judgment  which 
God  had  brought  upon  him.  But  instead  of  the  writing 
which  Pedro  Menendes  had  hanged  over  them,  importing 


478 


ASSAULT    ON   #lEIE    SPANIARDS    IN    FLORIDA.      [BOOK  ii. 


these  words  in  Spanish,   *  /  do  not  this  as  unto  French- 
men, but  as  untc  LutheranSf'  Gourgue  caused  to  be  im- 
printed with  a  searing  iron,  in  a  table  of  firwood,  '  /  do 
not  this  as  unto  Spaniards,  nor  as  unto  mariners,  but  as 
unto  traitors,  robbers  and  murderers.^     Afterwards  consi- 
dering he  had  not  men  enough  to  keep  his  forts  which  he 
had  won,  much  less  to  store  them,  fearing  also  lest  the  Spa- 
niard, which  hath  dominions  near  adjoining,  should  renew 
his  forces,  or  the  savages  should  prevail  against  the  French- 
men, unless  his  majesty  would  send  thither,  he  resolved  to 
raze  them.     And  indeed  after  he  had  assembled,  and  in  the 
end  persuaded  all  the  savage  kings  so  to  do,  they  caused 
their  subjects  to  run  thither  with  such  affection  that  they 
overthrew  all  the  three  forts  flat,  even  with  the  ground,  in 
one  day.     This  done  by  Gourgue,  that  he  might  return  to 
his  ships,  which  were  left  in  the  river  of  Seine,  called  Ta- 
catacouro,   fifteen    leagues   distant   from    thence   he   sent 
Cazenove  and  the  artillery  by  water :  afterwards  with  four- 
score arquebussiers,  armed  with  corslets  and  matches  light, 
followed  with  forty  mariners  bearing  pikes,  by  reason  of 
the  small  confidence  he  was  to  have  in  so  many  savages,  he 
marched  by  land  always  in  battle  array,  finding  the  ways 
covered  with  savages,  which  came  to  honour  him  with  pre- 
sents and  praises,  as  the  deliverer  of  all  the  countries  round 
about  adjoining.     An  old  woman  among  the  rest,  said  unto 
him,  that  now  she  cared  not  any  more  to  die,  since  she  had 
seen  the  Frenchmen  once  again  in  Florida  and  the  Spa- 
niards chased  out.     Briefly  being  arrived,  and  finding  his 
ships  set  in  order,  and  every  thing  ready  to  set  sail,  he 
counselled  the  kings  to  continue  in  the  amity  and  ancient 
league  which  they  had  made  with  the  king  of  France 
which  would  defend  them  against  all  nations:  which  they 
all  promised,  shedding  tears  because  of  his  departure,  Olo- 
catara  especially:    for  appeasing  of   whom,  he  promised 
them  to  return  within  twelve  moons,  (so  they  count  the 


CHAP,  sxi.]  ASSAULT   ON   THE    SPANIARDS   IN   FLORIDA. 


479 


years,)  and  that  his  king  would  send  them  an  army,  and 
store  of  knives  for  presents,  and  ail  other  things  necessary. 
So  that  after  he  had  taken  his  leave  of  them,  and  assembled 
his  men,  he  thanked  God  of  all  his  success  since  his  setting 
forth,  and  prayed  to  him  for  an  happy  return.  The  third 
day  of  May  1568,  all  things  were  made  ready,  the  rendez- 
vous appointed,  and  the  anchors  weighed  to  set  sail  so  pros- 
perously, that  in  seventeen  days  they  ran  eleven  hundred 
leagues :  continuing  which  course,  they  arrived  at  Rochelle 
the  sixth  of  June,  the  four  and  thirtieth  day  after  their  de- 
parture from  the  river  of  May,  having  lost  but  a  small  pin- 
nace and  eight  men  in  it,  with  a  few  gentlemen  and  others 
which  were  slain  in  the  assaulting  of  the  forts.  After  the 
cheer  and  good  entertainment  which  he  received  of  those 
of  Rochelle,  he  sailed  to  Bordeaux  to  inform  Monsieur 
Monluc  of  the  things  above  mentioned,  albeit  he  was  ad- 
vertised of  eighteen  pinnaces  and  a  great  ship  of  two  hun- 
dred tons,  full  of  Spaniards,  which  being  assured  of  the  de- 
feat in  Florida,  and  that  he  was  at  Rochelle,  came  as  far  as 
Che-de  Bois,  the  same  day  that  he  departed  thence  and  fol- 
lowed him  as  far  as  Blay,  (but  he  was  gotten  already  to 
Bordeaux,)  to  make  him  yield  another  account  of  his  voy- 
age than  that  wherewith  he  made  many  Frenchmen  right 
glad.  The  Catholic  being  afterwards  informed  that  Gour- 
gue  could  not  easily  be  taken,  offered  a  great  sum  of  mo- 
ney to  him  that  could  bring  him  his  head,  praying  moreover 
King  Charles  to  do  justice  on  him  as  of  the  author  of  so 
bloody  an  act  contrary  to  their  alliance  and  good  league  of 
friendship.  Insomuch  as  coming  to  Paris  to  present  him- 
self unto  the  king  to  signify  unto  him  the  success  of  his 
voyage,  and  the  means 'which  he  had  to  subdue  this  whole 
country  unto  his  obedience,  (wherein  he  offered  to  employ 
his  life  and  all  his  goods,)  he  found  his  entertainment  and 
answer  so  contrary  to  his  expectation,  that  in  fine  he  was 
constrained  to  hide  himself  a  long  space  in  the  court  of 


480 


SPANIARDS  IN  fliORIDA  DESTROYED   IN  1568.    [book  ii. 


Roan,  about  the  year  1570.  And  without  the  assistance 
of  president  Marigny,  in  whose  house  he  remained  certain 
days,  and  of  the  receiver  of  Yacquieux,  which  always  was 
his  faithful  friend,  he  had  been  in  great  danger.  Which 
grieved  not  a  little  Dominique  de  Gourgue,  considering  the 
services  which  he  had  done  as  well  unto  him  as  to  his  pre- 
decessors, kings  of  France."* 

The  preceding  extract  is  from  Hakluyt,  who  con- 
cludes his  account  by  saying  that  Gourgue  "  died  in 
the  year  1682,  to  the  great  grief  of  such  as  knew 
him."  Champlain  seems  also  to  have  been  a  great 
admirer  of  his  conduct.  The  account  given  of  the 
expedition,  in  Champlain's  Voyages,  closes  in  these 
terms : 

"  Thus  did  this  brave  knight  repair  the  honour  of  the 
French  nation,  insulted  by  the  Spaniards ;  which  otherwise 
had  been  an  everlasting  subject  of  regret  to  France,  if  he 
had  not  avenged  the  aflfront  received  from  the  Spanish  peo- 
ple. A  generous  enterprise,  undertaken  by  a  gentleman, 
and  executed  at  his  own  cost,  for  honour's  sake  alone,  with- 
out any  other  expectation ;  and  one  which  resulted  in  ob- 
taining for  him  a  glory  far  more  valuable  than  all  the  trea- 
sures of  the  world."t 


*  Vol.  3  of  Hakluyt,  p.  358.       t  Hawkins's  auobec,  p.  85. 


"Z'W'^^^'^ 


CMAr.  SXII.]  OREKMHOW'S    COMMUNIOATIOM. 


481 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

Communication  from  Robert  Greenhow,  Esq.,  stating  that  the  Spaniards 
in  1566,  had  knowledge  of,  and  in  1573  visited  a  bey  called  Santa 
Maria,  in  the  latitude  of  thirty-seven  degrees ;  and  suggesting  that 
this  bay  must  have  been  the  Chesapeake. 

The  following  communication  to  the  Historical  So- 
ciety of  Virginia,  from  one  of  its  corresponding  mem- 
bers, imparts  matter  of  much  interest,  and  new,  it  is 
believed,  to  most  Virginians : 


"  Washington  City,  May  1848. 

"  I  have  the  honour  to  address  to  the  Virginia  Histori- 
cal Society,  the  accompanying  *  Memoir  on  the  first  Dis- 
covery of  Chesapeake  Bay,''  embracing  some  information 
on  that  subject,  obtained  in  the  course  of  researches  among 
the  old  Spanish  Chroniclers  of  the  New  World,  for  my 
'  History  of  Florida,  Louisiana  and  Texas,^  now  in  the 
press.  Those  works  have  been  most  lamentably  neglected 
by  our  historians ;  few  of  whom  have,  indeed,  possessed  a 
knowledge  of  the  language  in  which  they  are  written,  suf- 
ficient for  such  investigations;  and  innumerable  are  the 
facts  relating  to  the  countries  now  included,  as  well  as  to 
those  about  to  be  included,  within  the  limits  of  our  re- 
public, which  still  remain  unnoticed,  though  recorded  in 
full  in  those  venerable  volumes.  Some  of  these  works 
have,  it  is  true,  been  long  since  translated  into  English,  and 
abstracts  of  others  have  been  made ;  but  all  so  imperfectly, 
that  it  would  be  difficult  to  suppose  from  them,  that  the 
61 


482 


OBEENHOW'S    COMMUNICATION. 


[book  II. 


pages  of  Cortes,  Bernal  Dias  and  Herrera,  were  not  less  in> 
teresting  than  those  of  Froissart,  Joinville  and  Comines.  ^ 

"The  facts  stated  in  the  accompanying  memoir,  may 
serve  to  exemplify  this  assertion ;  and  I  may  add,  that 
proofs,  undeniable,  exist  of  the  discovery  of  the  Mississippi 
by  the  Spaniards,  many  years  before  the  expedition  of  Her- 
nando de  Soto  in  1541 ;  notwithstanding  which,  a  picture 
is  now  in  progress,  by  order  of  our  government,  in  com- 
memoration of  the  discovery  of  the  great  river  by  that  re- 
nowned captain,  destined  to  adorn  the  rotunda  of  the  ca- 
pitol. 

"  I  will  take  the  liberty,  in  conclusion,  to  recommend  to 
the  Society,  in  the  publication  of  the  Annals  of  Virginia, 
which  is  soon  to  be  commenced,  while  preserving  the  exact 
words  of  the  old  historians,  in  quotations  or  extracts,  to 
give  them  in  the  modern  orthography ;  as  I  know,  from 
observation,  that  the  ancient  orthography  will  repel  a  large 
proportion  of  the  ordinary  readers,  to  whom  such  extracts 
would  present  all  the  difficulties  of  a  new  language,  unless 
this  rule  should  be  observed. 

"  With  the  hope  that  the  Society  may  succeed  in  the  ob- 
jects for  which  it  has  been  instituted,  in  rescuing  from  de- 
struction the  historical  monuments  and  records  of  our  An- 
cient Dominion,  and  in  bringing  to  light  those  which  lie 
hidden  in  obscurity, 

"  I  remain,  with  great  respect, 

"  Its  unworthy  corresponding  member,     • 

ROBERT  GREENHOW. 


"  To  the  YiROiNiA  Historical  Societj, 

Richmond,  Virginia. ' ' 


CHAP.   XXII.] 


OREENHOW'S    COMMUNICATION. 


483 


Memoir  on  the  first  discovery  of  the  Chesapeake  Bay. 
Communicated  to  the  Virginia  Historical  Society,  by 
Robert  Qreenhow.     May  1848. 


"  The  Bay  of  Chesapeake  is  usually  supposed  to  have 
been  first  seen,  and  entered  by  the  English,  under  Gosnold, 
Smith  and  Newport,  who  founded  the  earliest  European 
settlement  on  its  waters  in  1607.  The  onljyillusion  to  it, 
in  any  English  account  of  anterior  date,  appears  in  the  nar- 
rative, by  Ralph  Lane,  of  the  proceedings  of  the  colonists 
sent  by  Sir  Walter  Raleigh  in  1585,  to  occupy  the  country, 
then  first  named  Virginia,  bordering  upon  the  two  bays 
now  known  as  Albemarle  and  Pamlico  Sounds.  He  there 
relates,  that  an  exploring  party  of  English  had  penetrated 
northward  from  their  settlement  on  Roanoke  island,  be- 
tween the  two  sounds,  one  hundred  and  thirty  miles,  to  the 
country  of  the  Chesepians  or  of  Chesepiook ;  and  he  had 
been  at  the  salne  time  told  by  an  Indian  king,  '^that  going 
three  days  journey  in  a  canoe,  up  his  river  of  Chawanok, 
(the  Chowan,)  and  then  descending  to  the  land,  you  are 
within  four  days  journey,  to  pass  over  land,  northeast  to  a 
certain  king's  country,  whose  province  lieth  upon  the  sea ; 
but  his  place  of  greatest  strength,  is  an  island,  situate,  as 
he  described  unto  me,  in  a  bay,  the  water  about  the  island 
very  deep.'  The  country  of  the  Chesepiooks,  here  men- 
tioned, we  afterwards  learn  from  Smith  (page  65)  to  have 
been  on  Elizabeth's  river,  near  the  southernmost  shore  of 
Chesapeake  bay ;  as,  indeed,  its  position  and  distance  with 
reference  to  Roanoke  island,  plainly  indicate.  The  bay 
described  by  the  King  of  Chawanok,  could  have  been  no 
other  than  the  Chesapeake ;  Lane  laments  that  he  had 
not  been  able  to  explore  it  by  way  of  the  river,  as  well  as 


♦Hakluyl'a  Collection  of  Voyages,  &c. 
original  edition  of  1589,  page  738,  or  edi- 
tion of  IGOO,  vol.  iii.  page  255.  The  copy 
of  the  narrative  in  Smith's  History  ii  very 


imperfect.  Smith'8  History  of  Virginia 
has  been  consulted  in  the  original  edition 
of  1634. 


484 


OBEENHOW's    COMMUNICATION. 


[■OOK   II. 


by  vessels  sent  along  the  coast  to  its  entrance ;  particularly 
as  he  was  assured,  that  it  yielded  '  great  store  of  pearls,' 
and  that  it  received  a  large  river  called  Moratuc,  running 
from  the  west. 

"  This  is  all  that  appears  on  record,  concerning  the  bay, 
in  any  English  authority,  earlier  than  1607 :  nor  is  any  in- 
dication of  its  existence  given,  in  any  map,  anterior  to  that 
date,  oxcept  in  that  of  the  New  World,  attached  to  the  sixth 
part  of  Debrv's  celebrated  collection,  (1596,)  containing 
Lane's  narrative,  on  which  a  bay  is  represented,  as  extend- 
ing to  some  distance  westward  from  the  Atlantic,  under  the 
thirty-seventh  degree  of  latitude,  with  a  river  called  Mora- 
tuc entering  its  upper  extremity.  The  accounts  of  Ra- 
leigh's colonies  had  been  carefully  studied  by  Gosnold, 
Smith  and  the  other  projectors  of  their  expedition ;  and  it 
is  therefore  possible,  that  they  may  have  intended  on  leav- 
ing England  to  make  the  bay  mentioned  by  Lane  their 
place  of  disembarkation.  Smith  calls  it  (page  42)  their 
'  desired  port ;'  yet  he  at  the  same  time  states,  that  they 
were  driven  into  it,  through  the  providence  of  God,  by  an 
'  extreme  storm,'  after  Ratcliffe,  one  of  their  captains,  had 
proposed  to  abandon  the  enterprise,  and  return  to  England, 
because  they  had  '  three  days  passed  their  reckoning,  and 
found  no  land :'  which  seems  rather  to  show,  that  they 
were  bound  for  Wocokon  inlet,  the  entrance  to  Roanoke 
island. 

"  Accordingly  in  all  our  histories,  the  discovery  of  the 
Chesapeake  is  attributed  to  the  English,  at  one  or  the  other 
of  the  periods  here  mentioned.  When  and  by  whom  that 
name  was  given  to  the  bay,  is  not  directly  stated.  Stith 
had  been  informed  (page  13  of  his  History  of  Virginia,) 
'  that  Chesapeake  signified  in  the  Indian  language,  the  mother 
of  loaters,  implying  that  it  was  the  parent  and  graj.d  reser- 
voir of  all  the  great  rivers  within  it.  But  this,'  he  properly 
observes  in  continuation,  '  was  a  dark  and  uncertain  guess ; 


CHAP.   »II.] 


OREBNHOW'S    COMBIUNICATION. 


480 


especially  considering  the  unstableness  and  vast  mutability 
of  the  Indian  tongues,  and  that  nobody  at  present  can  pre- 
tend to  understand  their  language  at  that  time.'  Barbarians 
in  fact,  very  seldom  have  fixed  specific  names  for  places, 
unless  they  are  marked  by  strong  peculiarities.  '  The  best 
authority,'  adds  Stith,  '  that  I  have  met  with  for  this  deri- 
vation, is  what  a  gentleman  of  credit  once  assured  me,  that 
in  a  very  old  Spanish  map  which  he  had  seen,  our  bay  was 
laid  down  under  the  name  of  Madre  des  acquas  [Madre 
de  agitas]  or  some  expression  to  the  like  purpose.'  More 
probably,  however,  the  Chesapeake  Indians,  inhabiting  the 
country  on  the  southernmost  side  of  the  bay,  between  Cape 
Henry  and  Hampton  Roads,  were  the  first  people  met  by 
the  English  in  1607 ;  and  their  name  may  have  been  trans- 
ferred to  the  bay,  as  those  of  Pamunkey,  Potomac  and  Sns- 
quehannock,  were  subsequently  assigned  to  the  rivers,  on 
which  the  nations  so  called,  respectively  dwelt. 

"  It  would,  however,  have  been  strange,  that  this  great 
basin  should  have  remained  thus  long  unknown  to  the 
Spaniards,  who  had,  as  early  as  1526,  not  only  explored 
the  whole  coast,  from  the  Mexican  gulf  northward,  to  and 
beyond  the  thirty-fifth  degree  of  latitude,  but  had  even  at- 
tempted to  form  a  settlement  about  that  parallel :  consi- 
dering, moreover,  that  their  vessels  on  the  way  from  Mex- 
ico, and  the  West  Indies  to  Europe,  sailed  in  the  vicinity 
of  the  main  land  nearly  as  far  as  Cape  Hatteras,  before 
striking  across  the  Atlantic,  and  must  have  been  often  dri- 
ven much  farther  in  the  same  direction.  But  without 
dwelling  on  these  probabilities,  there  is  evidence  apparently 
incontrovertible,  that  the  Chesapeake  was  known  to  the 
Spaniards,  and  that  an  expedition  had  been  made  by  them 
for  the  occupation  of  its  coasts,  at  least  twenty  years  before 
any  attempt  of  the  English  to  establish  themselves  in  any 
part  of  the  American  continent. 

"The  evidence  here  mentioned,  is  contained  in  the  Chro- 
nological History  or  Annals  of  Florida,  published  at  Madrid 


486 


OREENHOW's    COMMUNICATION. 


[book    II. 


y^, 


in  1723,  under  the  title  of  '  Ensayo  Chronologico  Para  la 
Histona  de  la  Florida.  Por  Don  Gabriel  de  Cardenas 
Z.  Cano.^  The  name  thus  given  on  the  title  page  of  the 
work,  is  fictitious,  being  an  anagram  of  that  of  its  real  au- 
thor, Don  Andres  Gonzales  Barcia,  who  did  such  good  ser- 
vice in  the  cause  of  American  history,  by  the  republication 
of  Herrera,  Torqnemada,  and  many  other  narratives  of  the 
early  discoveries  and  proceedings  of  his  countrymen  in  the 
New  World,  then  nearly  out  of  print.  The  work  now  in 
question,  was  composed  in  great  part  from  original  docu- 
ments in  the  archives  of  the  council  of  the  Indies,  and  of 
the  Franciscan  order  in  Spain,  to  which  he  had  access ; 
and  its  extreme  minuteness  on  all  points,  with  little  regard 
to  their  importance,  while  rendering  the  book  intolerable  to 
the  general  reader,  gives  it  at  the  same  time  the  highest  va- 
lue as  evidence,  where  accuracy  is  required.  On  the  point 
now  under  consideration,  he  says  indeed  but  little ;  so  lit- 
tle as  entirely  to  dispel  all  idea,  that  he  could  have  fabri- 
cated or  exaggerated  in  any  respect ;  yet  that  little  is  suffi- 
ciently clear  for  the  establishment  of  the  fact  asserted  in 
the  preceding  paragraph. 

"Every  one  is  acquainted  with  the  dreadful  circum- 
stances which  attended  the  foundation  of  St.  Augustine, 
the  oldest  settlement  of  Europeans  in  our  Republic,  which 
has  subsisted  to  the  present  day.  The  blood  of  the  six 
hundred  French  Protestants,  who  had  sought  an  asylum  in 
that  country  from  persecution  in  their  own  land,  has  sanc- 
tified the  ground  at  the  entrance  of  St.  John's  river,  and  of 
Matanzas  inlet,  where  they  were  coolly  murdered,  'not  as 
Frenchmen,  but  as  heretics,'  by  the  ruthless  Adelantado* 
of  Florida,  Pedro  Menendez,  in  1565.  But  Menendez  was 
no  common  man.  He  foresaw  the  absolute  necessity  of 
extending  the  dominion  of  Spain  over  the  adjoining  coasts, 


*  The  title  of  Adelantado  was  originally 
assigned  to  the  governors  of  frontier  pro- 
vinces in  Spain :  in  the  New  World  it  was 
held  by  those  who  received  commissioDs  to 


discover,  conquer  and  possess  unknown 
countries.  Menendez  was  the  last  who 
bore  it. 


CHAP.  XIII.] 


GREENUOW'S    COMMUNICATION. 


487 


X 

n 


vn 
bo 


in  order  to  prevent  them  from  being  occupied  by  he  rvals ; 
and  having  himself  explored  the  peninsula  of  Florida,  with 
that  object,  he  ordered  su  veys  to  be  made  of  the  countries 
farther  north,  which  wcd  for  some  years  prosecuted  by  sol- 
diers and  missionaries,  though  with  but  little  advantage. 
In  the  meantime,  however,  while  lying  with  his  squadron 
in  the  river  of  San  Matheo,  now  the  St.  John,  in  the  sum- 
mer of  1666,  'he  dispatched,  writes  Barcia,  (page  119,)  a 
captain  with  thirty  soldiers  and  two  monks  of  the  order  of 
St.  Dominick,  to  the  bay  of  Santa  Maria,  which  is  in  the 
latitude  of  thirty-seven  degrees,  together  with  the  Indian, 
brother  to  the  cacique  of  Axacan,  (who  had  been  brought 
by  the  Dominicans  from  that  province,  and  baptized  at 
Mexico,  by  the  name  of  the  Viceroy  Don  Luis  de  Velasco, ) 
to  settle  in  that  region,  and  to  endeavour  to  convert  its  in- 
habitants to  Christianity.' 

"  This  province  of  Axacan,  comprised  the  lower  part  of 
the  present  state  of  North  Carolina,  towards  which  the  Spa- 
niards were  endeavouring  to  extend  their  settlements,  from 
Santa  Helena,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Combohee  river, 
where  they  had  formed  a  large  establishment  in  the  pre- 
ceding year.  It  may  be  observed,  that  the  Spanish  sound 
of  this  name  is  scarcely  distinguishable  from  Wocokon,  the 
name  of  the  place  according  to  its  English  pronunciation, 
at  which  the  colonists  of  the  latter  nation  landed  in  1685. 
The  result  of  the  Spanish  expedition  is  thus  related  by 
Barcia  (page  123) : 

"  '  The  captain,  who  went  with  the  Indian  Luis  de  Ve- 
lasco, to  the  bay  of  Santa  Maria,  was  overcome  by  his 
crew,  acting  under  the  influence  of  the  two  monks,  who, 
accustomed  to  the  delights  of  Peru  and  Spain,  were  not  in- 
clined to  enter  upon  a  life  of  labour,  privation  and  dangers ; 
and  the  soldiers  needing  little  persuasion  to  induce  them  to 
turn  back,  made  false  depositions  to  the  effect,  that  they 
had  been  prevented  by  storms  from  reaching  the  bay  of 


488 


OBEENHOW'S    COMMnNICJATION. 


[lOOK  II. 


Z^- 


Santa  Maria.  So  they  sailed  with  a  fair  wind  for  Seville, 
abusing  the  King  and  the  Adelantado  for  attempting  to  set- 
tle in  that  country,  of  which  they  spread  the  worst  ac- 
counts, though  none  of  them  had  seen  it.' 

"  Thus  it  appears,  that  the  bay  of  Santa  Maria,  joining 
the  Atlantic  Ocean,  in  the  latitude  of  thirty-seven  degrees, 
in  which  the  entrance  of  the  Chesapeake  is  situated — the 
thirty-seventh  parallel  running  just  miaway  between  Cape 
Henry  and  Cape  Charles — was  so  well  known  to  the  Spa- 
niards in  1566,  that  an  expedition  was  made  for  the  pur- 
pose of  taking  possession  of  the  surrounding  country.  We 
do  not  learn  that  the  attempt  was  repeated.  It  appears, 
however,  from  Barcia,  (page  146,)  that 

"  '  In  1573,  Pedro  Menendez  Morquez,  governor  of  Flo- 
rida, for  his  uncle  the  Adelantado,  reduced  many  Indian 
nations  to  obedience,  and  took  possession  of  their  provin- 
ces, for  the  king,  in  presence  of  Rodrigo  de  Carnon,  the 
notary  of  the  government  of  Santa  Helena.  Being,  more- 
over, himself  a  good  seaman,  he  had  been  admiral  of  the 
fleet,  according  to  Francisco  Cano— he,  hy  order  of  the 
Adelantado,  examined  the  coasts  from  the  cape  of  Martyrs 
[Cape  Sable]  and  the  peninsula  of  Tequesta,  [the  southern- 
most portion  of  Florida,]  where  it  begins  to  run  north  and 
south,  at  the  outlet  of  the  Bahama  channel,  along  the  land, 
to  and  beyond  the  port  and  bay  of  Santa  Maria,  which  is 
three  leagues  wide,  and  is  entered  towards  the  northwest. 
In  this  bay  are  many  rivers  and  harbours,  on  both  sides,  in 
which  vessels  may  anchor.  Within  its  entrance,  on  the 
south,  the  depth  is  from  nine  to  thirteen  fathoms,*  and  on 
the  north  side,  from  five  to  seven :  at  two  leagues  from  it, 
in  the  sea,  the  depth  is  the  same,  on  the  north  and  the 
south,  but  there  is  more  sand,  within.  In  the  channel, 
there  are  from  nine  to  thirteen  fathoms ;  in  the  bay  fifteen, 


'"  The  Spaniah  braxa,  or  fathom,  contains  six  Spanish  feet,  equal  to  about  five  feet  nine 
inches  English. 


CHAP.    XXll.J 


GRCBNHOW'S    COMMUNICATION. 


489 


ten  and  six  fathoms,  and  in  some  places  the  bottom  cannot 
be  reached  with  the  lead.' 

"  Farthermore,  after  relating  the  particulars  of  the  go- 
vernor's voyage  from  the  cape  of  Martyrs  to  Santa  Helena, 
Barcia  proceeds  thus,  (page  148,)  with  regard  to  the  course 
from  the  latter  place  '  to  the  bay  of  Santa  Maria,  in  the 
latitude  of  thirty-seven  degrees  and  a  half  He  steered 
northeastward,  and  after  sailing  a  hundred  and  ten  leagues, 
in  water  of  from  sixteen  to  twenty  fathoms  deep,  he  passed 
over  the  edge  of  a  shoal  running  directly  northward,  the 
point  of  which  is  in  thirty-four  degrees  and  three  quarters, 
having  between  it  and  the  land,  a  passage  two  fathoms 
deep,  but  of  little  width.  Continuing  towards  the  east, 
one  quarter  northeast,  he  found  another  shoal,  with  a  good 
passage  on  the  land  side ;  it  is  in  thirty-five  degrees,  and 
runs  six  leagues  in  the  sea,  northwest  and  southeast,  to  the 
distance  of  thirty  leagues,  from  the  bay  of  Santa  Maria. 
The  coast  is  thereabouts  very  clear,  so  that  you  may  sail 
near  to  the  land,  and  anchor  at  some  distance  from  it. 
There  are  on  it  three  or  four  rivers,  one  of  them  very  good, 
and  three  sand  islets,  like  turtle  shells  or  shields,  about  six 
leagues  from  the  bay  of  Santa  Maria,  all  three  being  with- 
in the  space  of  a  league.  And  he  [the  governor]  thus 
went,  as  I  have  said,  beyond  the  port  and  bay  of  Santa 
Maria.' 

"  This  is  all  that  Barcia  says  of  the  bay  of  Santa  Maria  ; 
and  nothing  has  been  found  with  regard  to  it  elsewhere. 
Those  who  are  familiar  with  the  old  historians  of  America, 
will  admit,  that  the  descriptions  thus  given,  are  more  than 
usually  clear  and  definite,  and  correspond  in  a  remarkable 
degree,  with  the  true  state  of  the  places  to  which  they  refer. 
The  shoal  mentioned  in  the  last  quoted  paragraph,  in  lati- 
tude of  thirty-four  degrees  and  three  quarters,  is  evidently 
the  same  which  runs  out  from  Cape  Look  Out  in  North 
Carolina ;  and  the  other  shoal,  twenty-two  leagues  farther 
62 


490 


ORECNHOW'fl    COMMUNICATION. 


[aoos  II. 


northeast,  and  thirty  leagues  from  the  Bay  of  Santa  Maria, 
may  be  at  once  identified  with  that  which  renders  the  pas- 
sage around  Cape  Hatteras  so  much  dreaded  by  our  mari- 
ners. Cape  Hatteras  is  thirty-four  leagues  from  Cape  Hen- 
ry, the  southern  point  of  the  entrance  to  the  Chesapeake : 
that  entrance  is  four  leagues  in  width :  the  depth  of  its 
channel  varies  from  six  to  thirteen  fathoms  on  the  south 
side,  being  much  shallower  towards  the  northern  point, 
Cape  Charles :  and  as  the  thirty-seventh  parallel  runs 
through  the  middle  of  this  entrance,  it  appears  unnecessary 
to  adduce  any  farther  arguments  to  show  that  the  Bay  of 
Santa  Maria  could  have  been  none  other  than  the  Chesa- 
peake. 

"  Admitting  the  identity  of  the  two  bays,  the  question 
occurs,  as  to  the  first  discovery  of  the  Bay  of  Santa  Maria, 
which  was  known  to  the  Spaniards  in  1566.  On  this 
point,  nothing  has  been  learned.  Gomara,  in  the  twelfth 
chapter  of  his  General  History  of  the  Indias,  published  in 
1554,  in  which  he  describes  the  coasts  of  the  New  World, 
passes  over  the  whole  space  between  the  Cabo  de  Arenas, 
near  the  thirty-ninth  degree  of  latitude,  probably  Cape  May, 
and  a  river  situated  one  hundred  leagues  farther  south.  No 
allusion  to  such  a  bay  is  made  in  any  account  of  any  voy- 
age of  either  of  the  Cabots,  or  in  the  narrative  of  Yerraz- 
zano's  expedition,  though  he 'certainly  passed  in  the  vicinity 
of  the  entrance  of  the  Chesapeake,  and  landed  not  far  from 
it  on  the  south,  in  1624 ;  nor  is  it  mentioned  by  Herrera, 
whose  history  ends  with  the  year  1556,  nor  by  Torque- 
mada,  nor  by  any  other  Spanish  historian  except  Barcia,  as 
above  quoted. 

"  To  the  utilitarian  the  question  will  appear  of  no  impor- 
tance ;  nor  can  any  direct  advantage  be  derived  from  spe- 
culations as  to  the  change  which  might  have  been  made  in 
the  fate  of  the  countries  bordering  upon  Chesapeake  Bay, 
had  the  Spanish  expedition  for  their  occupation,  in  1566 


CHAP.    XXII.] 


(JREENiIOW'9    COMMUNICATION. 


491 


proved  successful.  The  wretched  colonies  of  that  nation, 
at  St.  Augustine  and  Santa  Helena,  long  prevented  the  es- 
tablishment of  any  other  people  in  their  vicinity,  by  main- 
taining n  semblance  of  possession  and  dominion  on  the  part 
of  Spaui,  which  her  rivals  did  not  consider  it  politic  to  dis- 
turb :  and  it  may  reasonably  be  assumed,  that  James  the 
Second  of  England,  would  not  have  readily  granted  a  com- 
mission to  his  subjects  to  encroach  upon  territories  held  un- 
der similar  circumstances,  by  a  power  which  he  was  always 
anxious  to  conciliate. 

ROBERT  GREENHOW. 
••Washington  City,  May  1848." 


Mfr  Greeniiow  is  understood  to  have  been  engaged 
lor  many  years,  laboriously,  on  a  history  of  Florida, 
Louisiana  and  Texas,  and  the  adjoining  countries, 
and  to  have  procured  for  it  a  large  amount  of  mute- 
rials  ;  some  of  them  manuscripts,  and  others,  though 
printed,  rare  and  little  known.  There  is  reason  to 
hope,  that  a  volume  of  his  history  will  shortly  be  made 
public.  Any  further  remarks  on  the  subject  of  his 
communication,  are  reserved  for  the  first  volume  of 
"  The  Annals  of  Virginia." 


